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Reds, Whites, and Blues
pr i nce to n s t ud i e s i n c u lt u r a l s o c i o l o g y

Paul J. DiMaggio, Michèle Lamont, Robert J. Wuthnow, Viviana A. Zelizer, series editors

A list of titles in this series appears at the back of the book.

Reds, Whites, and Blues
Social Movements, Folk Music,
and Race in the United States

William G. Roy

P r i n c e t o n U n i v e rs i t y P r e s s
Princeton and Oxford
Copyright © 2010 by Princeton University Press

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,

Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street,
Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW

All Rights Reserved

Grateful acknowledgment for permission to use lines from “The Anti-Slavery Harp” is
made to Uncle Tom’s Cabin and Culture: A Multi-Media Archive (utc.oath.virginia.edu)

Grateful acknowledgement for permission to use lines from “Your Dog Loves My Dog,”
(lyrics by James Bevel and Bernard Lafayette) is made to Stormking Music, Inc.

Roy, William G., 1946–

Reds, whites, and blues : social movements, folk music, and race in the United States /
William G. Roy.
   p. cm. — (Princeton studies in cultural sociology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-691-14363-7 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Folk music—Political aspects—
United States—History—20th century. 2. Social movements—United States—History—
20th century. 3. Music and race—United States—History—20th century. I. Title.
ML3918.F65R69 2010
306.4'84240973—dc22
2009049319

British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available

This book has been composed in Sabon

Printed on acid-free paper. ∞

press.princeton.edu

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For Chuck Tilly
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

Preface ix

Chapter One
Social Movements, Music, and Race 1
Chapter Two
Music and Boundaries: Race and Folk 28
Chapter Three
The Original Folk Project 49
Chapter Four
White and Black Reds: Building an Infrastructure 79
Chapter Five
Movement Entrepreneurs and Activists 100
Chapter Six
Organizing Music: The Fruits of Entrepreneurship 126
Chapter Seven
The Highlander School 155
Chapter Eight
Music at the Heart of the Quintessential Social Movement 181
Chapter Nine
A Movement Splintered 213
Chapter Ten
How Social Movements Do Culture 234
appendix
Coding of Songbooks and Song Anthologies 251

Notes 253
References 263
Index 277
This page intentionally left blank
Preface

For any readers who know my earlier work on large-scale American in-
dustrial corporations, the transition to the study of American folk music,
social movements, and race may be curious. Indeed it is curious to me.
The common thread in all my work is how social patterns and relations
come to be historically. The original question that animated my choice of
sociology as a career was how the American power structure described by
C. Wright Mills and G. William Domhoff came into being. After deciding
that the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was the critical turn-
ing point, I did a dissertation under the late Charles Tilly on the role of
business in American foreign policy. That project revealed the critical role
of corporations in particular and the surprising (to a young graduate
student) discovery that large industrial corporations were quite rare until
that period, when they suddenly blossomed to reign over the economy.
Writing Socializing Capital: The Rise of the Large Industrial Corporation
in America (1997, Princeton University Press) nurtured my interest in the
broad question of how things that we now take for granted came to be. I
began to tackle that general question in teaching undergraduate honors
courses at UCLA, leading to Making Societies: How Our World Came to
Be (2001, Pine Forge Press). Written for an undergraduate audience, it
reflected on how several aspects of our taken-for-granted world in Western
societies differ from other societies and how the Western understandings
and practices came to be. Western societies have particular understand-
ings of and practices embodying time, space, race, gender, class, and their
intersections, which can be explained historically at particular times and
places by the actions of specific actors. Through this project, my thinking
was influenced by the cultural turn in sociology, especially the renewed
interest in the arts, including music. Music has filled my life since child-
hood, but never in sociological terms. I participated in social movements
in college and developed an unfulfilled scholarly commitment in graduate
school. And my teaching helped focus an interest in the study of race.
This project originally posed the question of how social movements
helped shape the racial identity of American folk music, which began as
explicitly and assertively white, and broadened to include all vernacular
music by all Americans. But the 1960s commercial folk revival was, with
few notable exceptions, distinctly white, though less by intention than
default. As I investigated the role that social movements played in the
development of folk music, I began to make note of the radically different
social forms taken by different generations of movements in their musical
x • Preface

activities. Sensitized by greater attention to social relations by musicolo-

gists such as Edward Small and music sociologists such as Tia DeNora,
I became fascinated by the contrast between the Old Left, communist-
inspired movement of the 1930s and 1940s and the civil rights move-
ment of the 1960s. The Old Left’s instrumental adoption of music
as a weapon of propaganda was embedded in the familiar composer/
performer/audience set of relations, even though musical leaders such as
Pete Seeger aspired to build a singing movement. The civil rights move-
ment, building on the repertoire and musical vision of the Old Left, used
music as part of the collective action itself, singing on the picket line, free-
dom rides, even jail time. The line between composer, performer, and audi-
ence was blurred. Since both movements adopted folk music in part to
reach across racial boundaries, I was especially interested in how the dif-
ferent social forms of music affected their relative success. That issue thus
forms the agenda of this book.
Music and social movements have been widely celebrated as two cata-
lysts that can elevate the human condition by lifting spirits and under-
mining subordination. Race has been one of the most pervasive forms of
domination in the modern world, especially in America. While there is no
pretense that music alone can fortify social movements to effectively con-
front the formidable structures and commitments that drive the engines
of racial domination, examining the intersection of music, social move-
ments, and race can hopefully deepen our understanding and apprecia-
tion for an important piece of the intricate and perplexing processes that
improve the society we live in.
Most authors are acutely aware of what their books owe to others. A
sociologist who studies how things come to be should be especially con-
scious. On a broad scale, this book is part of a stream of scholarship that
intersects the study of social movements, cultural sociology, especially
music sociology, and the study of race. Hopefully it will help each stream
along. The study of social movements has increasingly included the role
of culture and the arts. Not only do social movements have culture in the
anthropological sense of shared understandings, they also do creative ac-
tivity with music, art, drama, literature, and poetry. It is hoped that this
book will contribute to that literature by exploring how the effects of the
arts are as much a matter of the social relations within which they are
embedded as their content. While social context is consequential for all
the arts, the scholarship on music has more fully addressed issues of ex-
actly how social relations of culture matter. Thus the book concludes
with a discussion of how social movements do culture. The social dynam-
ics of race have been central to American scholarship on social move-
ments and the sociology of culture. Not only is race such a pervasive,
puzzling, and profound dilemma for our society, the blossoming of social
 Preface • xi

movement research in the last half century was sparked by a movement

about race—the civil rights movement. This book has relatively little
original to contribute to the sociology of race. Its contribution would be
intended to reinforce that strand of scholarship that emphasizes the his-
torically specific meaning and structures of race. As a historically con-
structed set of relationships, race is manifested in a particular bundle of
rights, responsibilities, powers, and privileges that are encapsulated in the
complex dynamics built on racially defined categorical difference. This
bundle of rights, responsibilities, powers, and privileges—and thus race
itself—changes as a result of particular actions by particular actors. So-
cial movements have been important actors in the reshaping of race over
the last two centuries, from the abolitionists forward. And the arts have
been important in reinforcing racial boundaries or building bridges across
them. This book builds on a growing literature revealing that process.
More immediately, particular individuals have inspired, informed, and
improved this work. Most fundamentally, my graduate school advisor,
Chuck Tilly, did all, though this particular project was far from what I
could have imagined in that dim past. But as the project unfolded in my
imagination, numerous conversations with him, along with a few drafts
of early chapters (characteristically returned to me with terrific sugges-
tions within days), helped me focus and think about it in new ways. Part
of my motivation for this study was a desire, since I was a graduate stu-
dent, to study social movements, a field that Tilly, as much as anyone, has
shaped. Anyone who knew Chuck will know why a former student, even
one thirty years from graduate school, would dedicate a book to him.
I began this project a novice in the sociology of music. A number of its
leaders have taught me by example and in conversation. Tia DeNora has
been a particular inspiration, in her brilliant scholarship, her stimulating
conversation, and her generous reading of several chapters. Musicolo-
gists and ethnomusicologists at UCLA have graciously tutored me along,
especially Lester Feder, Susan McClary, Tim Rice, Rob Waltzer, and Chris-
topher Waterman. Other sociologists who have constructively commented
on parts of the manuscript include Ron Aminzade, Howard Becker, Rog-
ers Brubaker, Mary Ann Clawson, William Danaher, Timothy Dowd,
Dick Flacks, David Grazian, David Halle, Nancy Hanrahan, Jennifer
Lena, David McFarland, Richard (Pete) Peterson, Damon Philips, Vin-
cent Roscigno, Rob Rosenthal, Gabriel Rossman, Violaine Roussell,
Darby Southgate, and Peter Stamatov. Audiences at Emory University,
UC Berkeley, and UCLA have made helpful suggestions. Folklorist Ron-
ald Cohen has generously advised, encouraged, and helped me think
through issues related to American folk music. I’ve been blessed with a
series of talented, dedicated, and resourceful research assistants. On her
way to a PhD in musicology, Barbara Moroncini began while an under-
xii • Preface

graduate and taught me expansively about music while helping lay the
groundwork for the historical background. Jessica Read helped arrange
interviews and dig through numerous archives. Gabrielle Raley helped
elaborate historical issues and make the text more readable. Molly Jacobs
shepherded the production process, especially the detail-work of securing
permissions. The staff at the American Folklife Center of the Library of
Congress, the Labadie Collection of American Radicalism at the Univer-
sity of Michigan, the Walter Reuther Library at Wayne State University,
the Southern Folklife Collection at the University of North Carolina, and
the Music Library at UCLA have all been exceptionally helpful. The re-
search has been supported by grants from the Academic Senate of UCLA
and the LeRoy Neiman Center for the Study of American Society and
Culture at UCLA. Historical insight and details unavailable elsewhere
were plentiful in interviews by the author with Guy and Candie Cara-
wan, Barbara Dane, Archie Green, Bess Lomax Hawes, Joe Hickerson,
Mike Seeger, Pete Seeger, and Irwin Silber. The editorial team at Princeton
University Press has shepherded the production process expertly and con-
genially. The original editor on this project, Timothy Sullivan, helped
shape the basic contours and provided encouragement at just the right
time. His successor, Eric Schwartz, picked it up without a hitch and has
had just the right mix of professionalism and support. Eric’s assistant,
Janie Chan, has helped with numerous details that authors try to avoid.
Ellen Foos, the senior production editor, has executed the high produc-
tion values for which Princeton is well known. Jennifer Backer has res-
cued the manuscript from many of the infelicities that I penned. Natalie
Baan provided exacting and expert proofreading of the final page proofs
and Rocio Rosales compiled the index with great care. My wife Alice has
supported the project in every way imaginable—emotionally, intellectu-
ally, and editorially. It is a much better book for her contribution and I
am a more balanced person. Remaining errors are, of course, my own.
Reds, Whites, and Blues
This page intentionally left blank
C hapter one

Social Movements, Music, and Race

On December 23, 1938, the left-wing magazine New Masses sponsored a

concert in New York’s Carnegie Hall titled “From Spirituals to Swing,”
featuring some of America’s now-legendary African American perform-
ers, including Count Basie, Sister Rosetta Tharp, Sonny Terry, and the
Golden Gate Quartet. The program notes put the music in social context:
“It expresses America so clearly that its readiest recognition here has
come from the masses, particularly youth. While the intelligentsia has
been busy trying to water our scrawny cultural tree with European art
and literary movements, this thing has come to maturity unnoticed”
(“From Spirituals to Swing” program). One of the songs, “I’m on My
Way,” could be heard a quarter century later in freedom rallies in places
like Albany, Georgia. Commentators again embraced the sounds of
African American culture as the music of America. Other parallels are
found. The 1938 concert and 1961 Albany musicking each occurred dur-
ing a peak of social movement activity, the communist-led Old Left that
resulted in the unionization of America’s core industrial sector, and the
civil rights movement that crippled the insidious system of legalized ra-
cial segregation. In both, African Americans and whites joined to make
music, challenging the dominant racial order that infected all aspects of
social life. The aspirations of both movements to bridge racial boundaries
with music were explicit—wedding black music (spirituals) and black-
inspired white music (swing) in one event and invoking a universal prin-
ciple (freedom) in the other. And both were but one moment of many in
larger cultural projects that have used music in pursuit of social change.
But the contrasts were equally important. Most important, “From Spir-
ituals to Swing” was a performance. One group of people sang and played
for another, who participated as an audience. As such it succeeded, par-
laying the popularity of such stars as Benny Goodman to launch per-
formers like the Golden Gate Quartet and inject popular music with Af-
rican American sensibilities. Still, the larger leftist movement was not able
to change the musical tastes of their core target constituency, the Ameri-
can working class. Freedom songs, on the other hand, though made fa-
miliar by media coverage of the movement, had relatively little commer-
cial impact. They did, however, have a huge impact on the movement,
affording racially diverse activists the opportunity to join together in a
2 • Chapter One

somatic experience of unity. This distinction is the theme of this book: the
social form of music—specifically the relationship between those who
sing and those who listen—reflects and shapes the social relationship be-
tween social movement leaders and participants, conditioning the effect
that music can have on movement outcomes.

The Problem

I demonstrate the effects of the social relationships within music on the

social effects of music with a comparison of the Old Left/communist-led
movement of the 1930s and 1940s with the civil rights movement of the
1950s and 1960s. Both movements self-consciously adopted folk music
as a cultural project, both motivated by the potential of folk music to
bridge racial boundaries, but with very different effects. The Old Left
succeeded in boosting folk music from an esoteric genre meaningful to
academics and antiquarians into a genre of popular music familiar to
ordinary Americans. But it was never embraced by their rank-and-file
constituents, especially the African Americans they aspired to mobilize.
The civil rights movement, in contrast, had little interest in putting free-
dom songs on the charts. Even those that eventually became universally
known, such as “We Shall Overcome,” were never commercial hits. But
participating in the movement meant doing music. The impact of “We
Shall Overcome” and other freedom songs was less important for their
mass appeal than in the activity of blacks and whites joining arms and
singing together. Thus the thesis of the book is that the effect of music on
social movement activities and outcomes depends less on the meaning of
the lyrics or the sonic qualities of the performance than on the social re-
lationships within which it is embedded. This implies that music is funda-
mentally social. Accounts and perspectives that focus solely on textual
meaning or sonic qualities disregard a profound sociological dimension
of how music operates in social interaction. Music is a social relationship,
and glossing over the interaction of people around music clouds over the
explanatory power that sociological analysis can bring.

Folk Music in American Culture

Folk music has played a special role in twentieth-century politics and

culture. In contrast to Europe, where folk music is characteristically as-
sociated with nationalist sentiment, American folk music carries a dis-
tinctively leftist tinge. If any American style is associated with the left as
a genre, not just songs with radical lyrics, it is folk music. Alan Lomax,
 Social Movements, Music, and Race • 3

perhaps the most influential definer of what American folk music is, ex-
plained folk music’s appeal: “first, in our longing for artistic forms that
reflect our democratic and equalitarian political beliefs; and second, in
our hankering after art that mirrors the unique life of this western conti-
nent—the life of the frontier, the great West, the big city. We are looking
for a people’s culture, a culture of the common man” (2003a: 86). These
themes—the political, the nostalgic, and the populist—have been inter-
twined, weaving a consistent symbolic thread through the music’s history.
The combination is powerful. Many Old Leftists remember Woody Guth-
rie and Paul Robeson more vividly and fondly than any Communist Party
official. Ask any graying veteran of the civil rights movement to recall the
era and it is often the recollection of “We Shall Overcome” that makes
him or her choke up.
The political meaning of folk music is based on its “ownership” by the
left. The Old Left activists in the 1930s and 1940s and the civil rights
activists of the 1960s claimed folk music as their own. As we shall see,
American folk music had originally more of a nationalist, even racial con-
notation. The nostalgic meanings of folk music initially had more affinity
with a conservative critique of modernism, affirming simple, rural life in
the face of industrialization and urbanization. But the Old Left redefined
the genre, tapping its populist overtones as “the people’s music” on behalf
of radicalism. This was music (supposedly) unspoiled by phonographs or
radios, music from people who made a living by honest toil, who retained
the pioneer spirit that made America great. It was music based not on the
banalities of “June, croon, and spoon” but the rugged experiences of log-
ging, sailing, children dying, and outlaws. And it was music that came
from the heart and spoke to the heart. Rather than a song written to sell
records, folk music was seen as music that reflected the real-life experi-
ences of real people, singing about things that mattered. Ballads told sto-
ries of people’s lives, work songs set the rhythm of toil, spirituals voiced
sorrow and hope, and reels offered a respite from the toil.1
The meaning of folk music, its appeal, and the social relationships it
reinforces or erodes are not inherent features of the genre. The concept of
folk music is socially constructed, in the sense that its origins must be
explained historically. It is the result of specific cultural projects—coordi-
nated, self-conscious attempts by specific actors to create or reshape a
genre. As elaborated below, the projects that shaped American folk music
endowed it with a political message, appealed to a specific constituency,
and set it within particular social relationships. Among the most con-
tested issues was the definition of who constituted “the folk” of folk
music. In the American context that means that race hovered over these
projects, as activists struggled to include or exclude racial minorities, es-
pecially African Americans.
4 • Chapter One

But before we get to the story, we need to clarify the issues at stake. The
thesis that the Old Left was less successful than the civil rights movement
at using folk music to bridge racial boundaries but more successful in
making it a permanent part of American popular music intersects three
areas of sociology: social movements, the sociology of music, and the
sociology of race.

Social Movements

A social movement can be defined as a form of contentious politics with

three elements: (1) there are campaigns of collective claims against tar-
gets, usually powerful organizations like governments or corporations;
(2) these campaigns draw on a widely shared repertoire of organizational
forms, public meetings and demonstrations, marches, and so forth; and
(3) the campaigns make public representations of their worthiness, unity,
numbers, and commitment. Social movements are contentious insofar as
they make claims, which if realized would adversely affect the interests of
some other group (Tilly 2004b).
Sociologists began to pay serious attention to social movements after
they, like just about everyone else, failed to anticipate the proliferation of
social movements in the 1960s. The issue garnering the largest share of
attention has been why social movements arise when and where they do
and why people join them. In response to scholars who explained social
movements as non-rational responses to social strain, most sociologists in
the 1960s and 1970s emphasized organizational processes, the mobiliza-
tion of resources, and the opportunities afforded by the political context.
In the 1980s and 1990s scholars broadened the agenda to examine cul-
tural factors (Alexander 1996; Eyerman and Jamison 1991; Jasper 1997;
Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Kane 1997; Snow et al. 1986). But the
agenda remained focused on why social movements arise and why people
join them.
Less common until recently has been work on what social movements
actually do, especially with culture, and what consequences have ensued.
What social movements actually do comprises not just the activities such
as demonstrations, marches, sit-ins, and strikes that presumably achieve
goals but also the mundane activities of meeting, chatting, debating, and
deliberating. Most of the literature on what social movements do assumes
that activities are designed either to achieve the official goals of the move-
ment, “social change” of some sort, or to recruit and retain members.2
Scholars have long examined how internal relations affect the achieve-
ment of goals.3
 Social Movements, Music, and Race • 5

While social movements do mobilize organizations to recruit members

and carry out collective actions, much of the time is spent hanging out
and meeting. As the title of Polletta’s book on participatory democracy
succinctly puts it, “freedom is an endless meeting.” Polletta shows that
social movements construct their internal social relationships on implicit
or analogical templates of other social relationships. American move-
ments that intentionally organized themselves around participatory de-
mocracy evoked familiar analogies to guide their practices. For some, a
social movement was like a religious fellowship in which those with con-
science were invited to deliberate until a consensus was achieved. Pacifist
movements often followed this mode. Other movements followed a model
of tutelage or tutorial, in which leaders or organizers elicited the concerns
and aspirations of political novices to empower grassroots upheaval. Fi-
nally, many movements operated as groups of friends in which trust and
personal commitment solidified the arduous work of setting goals and
making decisions.
People who create social movements shape the social relations within
them—both with constituents and with targets—on the basis of taken-
for-granted templates from their experience tempered by the kinds of
goals they are pursuing. Social movements are constructed not only in the
image of other social movements but in the image of other institutions.
Social movements can be modeled on quasi-political parties, churches,
families, schools, clubs, armies, and even firms. These templates influence
the kind of leadership, hierarchy, and authority, whether the movement
organization has membership, and, if so, the openness of membership
and obligations of membership.
These relationships within an organization are one of the main deter-
minants of what social movements do with culture. A movement pat-
terned after a political party is more likely to use culture to recruit and
educate a targeted constituency than one patterned after a church, in
which culture plays more of an expressive function reinforcing solidarity
and commitment. When culture is used for recruitment and education,
the emphasis is more on the political content than the form. In contrast,
a movement using culture to fortify solidarity is more likely to attend to
the social relations within the cultural practices. This is the pattern found
in the use of music by the Old Left in the 1930s and 1940s and the civil
rights movement in the 1960s. The former used music, as they used the-
ater, dance, poetry, fiction, and art, as a weapon of propaganda, a vehicle
to carry an ideological message. Even though the people who promoted
music in that musical project hoped that members and constituents would
fully participate in music and developed a new form of participatory
music, the hootenanny, the social relations inside the movement did not
6 • Chapter One

foster broad cultural participation.4 The fundamental relationship of cul-

ture remained performers and audiences. The musical activities of the
Old Left were inspirational and supplied many of the songs for the civil
rights movement, but they were refracted through a different set of social
relations. The civil rights movement was rooted in a social institution
used to doing music collectively, the church. The meetings where new
members were recruited, where decisions were made, and where collec-
tive action was planned evoked religious services in both form and func-
tion. Most of the people were used to singing together when they gath-
ered in groups. The social relationships were more like congregational
singing than performers and audiences. Dr. Martin Luther King explicitly
made the analogy between the movement and the church: “The invita-
tional periods at the mass meetings, when we asked for volunteers, were
much like those invitational periods that occur every Sunday morning in
Negro churches, when the pastor projects the call to those present to join
the church. By twenties and thirties and forties, people came forward to
join our army” (1963: 59).
What does this tell us about social movements and music? First, it tells
us that social movements mobilize around culture. Culture is not just
something that movements have; it is something they do. What move-
ments do with culture is just as important as the culture they have. Most
of the literature on culture and social movements treats culture as a men-
tal characteristic of the participants, asking either how the mental modes
by which participants handle symbols affect their propensity to act or
what meanings actions have for participants (Eyerman and Jamison
1991; Jasper 1997; Johnston and Klandermans 1995; Kane 1991; Stein-
berg 1999). Social movements develop identifiable organizations that
bring people together, employ resources, and seek goals. Without organi-
zations that have erected apparatuses and mobilized resources, social
movements will either fail to develop culture or lose control of the cul-
ture, as happened with the New Left of the 1960s.
My concept of culture differs somewhat from the best-known book on
the topic, Eyerman and Jamison’s excellent Music and Social Movements
(1998). They frame their analysis around the concept of “cognitive
praxis,” which they define as knowledge-producing activities that are car-
ried out within social movements (1998: 7). This is consistent with their
view that social movements are basically knowledge-bearing entities and
that their main consequence is cultural change. Culture is treated as a
symbolic and discursive realm existing at the social level but operation-
ally found in individual expression. That is, culture is treated as some-
thing “out there” in the society but internalized in individuals, who pro-
vide a window on society. Insofar as culture is a system, it is a system of
symbols and meanings. Analysis thus focuses on the content of that sys-
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