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 RULING RUSSIA
POLITICS A N D A D M I N I S T R A T I O N

IN THE AGE OF ABSOLUTISM

1762-1796
 STUDIES OF
THE HARRIMAN INSTITUTE

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

The W. Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced

Study of the Soviet Union, Columbia University,
sponsors the Studies of the Harriman Institute in
the belief that their publication contributes to
scholarly research and public understanding. In
this way the Institute, while not necessarily en-
dorsing their conclusions, is pleased to make avail-
able the results of some of the research conducted
under its auspices. A list of the Studies appears at
the back of this book.
 JOHN P. L E D O N N E

RULING RUSSIA
Politics and Administration

in the Age of Absolutism

1762-1796

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

P R I N C E T O N , NEW JERSEY
 Copyright © 1984 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,
Princeton, New Jersey 08540
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press,
Guildford, Surrey

All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be

found on the last printed page of this book

ISBN 0-691-05425-8
Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from
the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation

This book has been composed in Linotron Sabon

Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books

are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are
chosen for strength and durability.
Printed in the United States of America
by Princeton University Press
Princeton, New Jersey
 TO SON1A
HAPPY C H I L D O F R U S S I A , G E O R G I A ,
AND THE WESTERN B O R D E R L A N D S ,
W H O MADE T H I S BOOK
POSSIBLE
 PREFACE

This book follows the publication of Isabel de Madariaga's magisterial

study of the reign of Catherine the Great, but focuses on the internal
administration of the Empire. No comprehensive study of the great
reforms of 1775-1785 has yet been written, although they are as
important as those of the 1860s. Some very valuable work has been
done on the bureaucracy and the nobility, but Russian law and pro-
cedure as well as finance have been almost completely ignored; and
no systematic survey of Great Russia's relations with its borderlands
is yet available. Scholars seeking to take up the challenge face a choice:
they may treat any of these subjects in some detail, or attempt in a
general work to present a global view of Russian internal administra-
tion at one of the most interesting periods of its history. Without the
benefit of preliminary monographs and fully conscious of the many
pitfalls attending such an enterprise, I have chosen the second course
in the belief that a general work describing institutions and procedures
will give scholars interested in more specific aspects of domestic admin-
istration a framework and a background lacking until now.
Archival materials have been used to supplement basic references
to the Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire; they have been most
useful for a study of military-budget procedures, a subject on which
virtually nothing has been written. In order to help students of insti-
tutions I have tried to identify as many officials as possible within the
scope of a general work, a difficult task without access to the rare
Calendars of administrative personnel published from 1765 on. For
background material on the Legislative Commission, the Organic Law,
and the Charters of 1785 the reader is referred to Professor de Ma-
dariaga's work.
This book attempts to meet the need for the facts of Russian admin-
istration; it is also an investigation of the social foundations of political
power. Certain fundamental questions must be asked in Russian his-
toriography if we are to proceed beyond the sterile assumption that
the Russian political order was ruled by an "autocrat" commanding
mindless "bureaucratic servitors," scattered among a passive nation.
Did a Russian state really exist in the eighteenth century? Was a
bureaucracy subservient to the ruler the center of gravity of the political
order? And, if it was not, what was the ruling class of the Empire?
Who sustained the legitimacy of both the ruler and the ruling class,
and what forces fashioned a consensus without which there could be
V 111 PREFACE

no effective government? There are no simple answers to these fun-

damental questions, but this book will suggest approaches for solving
them.
Why the reign of Catherine? It is customary to see the accession of
Alexander I in March 1801 as marking the beginning of the third and
last period of the Romanov dynasty, while the middle period is made
to begin with the reforms of Peter the Great and end with the chaos
seemingly created by Paul. Any periodization serves a purpose in our
search for order, but it also obscures the fundamental continuity of
the historical process which creates, affirms, and submerges intricate
patterns of ever-changing relationships and carries along great men
and women toward the fulfilment of their destiny. Catherine's reign
marked both an end and a beginning, and the great reforms of 1775-
1785 which filled its middle years marked the turning point. In the
1770s the uneasy combination of Petrine and Muscovite institutions
was laid to rest, the central government was radically transformed,
and a comprehensive reorganization of local administration was com-
pleted. The centralist reaction, which began under Paul and reached
its zenith under Nicholas I, cannot be understood without an appre-
ciation of the import of Catherine's great reforms and of their moti-
vation. Here these reforms are seen as the response to a vast social
movement engulfing not only central Russia but the borderlands as
well, and compelling a redistribution of authority between the political
leadership and the rank-and-file nobility, a movement of such scope
that the central government was no longer viable in 1796 and required
drastic overhaul. It has often been claimed that Catherine's reign was
the golden age of the Russian nobility; it remains to be shown why
such a claim could be made.
I wish to thank Professor Marc Raeff for his persistent encourage-
ment over many years and for the patience with which he listened to
various theories suggested by a scholar in search of a unifying theme
in a very difficult work; Professors John Keep and Richard Wortman
for their interest and constructive criticism; Professor Charles Lelong
for teaching me to appreciate the geographical context of historical
developments; Ruth Mathewson for her invaluable editorial assist-
ance; and Nina Lencek for good cheer in moments of discouragement.
This work would not have been completed without the financial as-
sistance of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Russian
Institute of Columbia University and a travel grant from the Inter-
national Research and Exchange Board; their help is gratefully ac-
knowledged. Thanks are due to Professor Mikhail Timofeevich Be-
lavskii, my adviser at Moscow University; Svetlana Romanovna Dolgova
at TsGADA, and Elena Nikolaevna Dmitrochenkova at TsGVIA, who
PREFACE ιχ

gave me valuable material on military finance. And those who have

worked at TsGADA in recent years remember the gracious hospitality
of Zoia Sergeevna Murasheva which contributed to making work in
the archives such a pleasant experience.
The portraits are from the Slavonic Division, The New York Public
Library, Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE Vll
ABBREVIATIONS XV

PART I. THE SETTING

I T H E ISSUES 3
II T H E IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT, 1762-1774 25
THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 25
SENATE A N D COLLEGES 30
GOVERNORS AND VOEVODAS 39
LOCAL G O V E R N M E N T 49
III T H E IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT, 1774-1796 57
THE N E W POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 57
G O V E R N O R GENERAL A N D G O V E R N O R 67
THE PROCURACY 75
LOCAL SOCIETY A N D T H E R E F O R M 79

PART II. THE POLICE

I POLICE ORGANIZATION 85
CENTRAL AGENCIES 85
LOCAL AGENCIES 91
POLICE FORCES 98
II T H E J U R I S D I C T I O N O F THE POLICE 102
THE POLITICAL POLICE IO5
GENERAL A D M I N I S T R A T I O N 115
III T H E POWERS O F THE POLICE 123
D E N U N C I A T I O N S A N D PASSPORTS 123
P O W E R S O F EXECUTIVE P O L I C E 128
SUMMARY P O W E R S 132
REMEDIES 137

PART III. THE JUDICIARY

I JUDICIAL ORGANIZATION 145
CENTRAL AGENCIES 145
LOCAL AGENCIES AND T H E R E F O R M 152
THE NEW GUBERNIA J U D I C I A R Y 157
xii CONTENTS

II JUDICIAL PROCEDURE 166

IN T H E LOWER C O U R T S L66
APPELLATE PROCEDURE 171
T H E A P P E L L A T E J U R I S D I C T I O N O F T H E SENATE 175

III PUNISHMENTS 184

THE DEATH PENALTY I 86
CORPORAL PUNISHMENT 189
BANISHMENT 192
OTHER PENALTIES 196

PART IV. F I N A N C I A L A D M I N I S T R A T I O N

I FINANCIAL AGENCIES 203

CENTRAL AGENCIES 203
LOCAL AGENCIES 209
THE R E F O R M 21 5
II T H E EXPENDITURE BUDGET 224
THE THREE BUDGETS 224
BUDGETARY PROCEDURE: THE CIVILIAN BUDGET 232
THE MILITARY BUDGET 237
III T H E REVENUE BUDGET 243
PREPARATION 243
MAJOR SOURCES OF REVENUE 249
FINANCING THE DEFICIT 257

PART V. T H E A D M I N I S T R A T I O N OF

T H E BORDERLANDS

I INTRODUCTION 265

II T H E EASTERN B O R D E R L A N D S 275
SIBERIA 275
THE ORENBURG TERRITORY 28 I
III T H E SOUTHERN BORDERLANDS 289
THE SOUTHEAST 289
NEW RUSSIA AND THE CRIMEA 297
LITTLE RUSSIA 304
IV T H E WESTERN BORDERLANDS 314
BIELORUSSIA 314
THE BALTIC PROVINCES 323
THE ANNEXATIONS OF I 7 9 3 - I 7 9 5 332
CONTENTS Xlll

CONCLUSION 341
APPENDICES 3 53
GLOSSARY 367
BIBLIOGRAPHY 369
INDEX 403
 ABBREVIATIONS

AE Arkheograficheskii Ezhegodnik
AHR American Historical Review
C-ASS Canadian-American Slavic Studies
CSS Canadian Slavic Studies
Chteniia Chteniia ν Imperatorskom Obshchestve istorii i drev-
nostei Rossiiskikh pri Moskovskom Universitete
CMRS Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique
DNR Drevniaia i Novaia Rossiia
ES Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' (Brokaus i Efron)
FOG Forschungen zur Osteuropaischen Geschichte
IuV Iuridicheskii Vestnik
IESS International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences, 1968
IV Istoricheskii Vestnik
IZ Istoricheskie Zapiski
JGO Jahrbiicher fur Geschichte Osteuropas
LN Literaturnoe nasledstvo
OV Osmnadtsatyi vek
PSZ Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov
RA Russkii Arkhiv
RBa Russkaia Beseda
RB Russkoe Bogatstvo
RBS Russkii Biograficheskii Slovar'
RH Russian History
RHMC Revue d'Histoire moderne et contemporaine
RlZh Russkii Istoricheskii Zhurnal
RS Russkaia Starina
RV Russkii Vestnik
SA Sovetskie Arkhivy
SEER Slavonic and East European Review
xvi ABBREVIATIONS

SIRIO Sbornik Imperatorskago Russkago Istoricheskago Ob-

shchestva
SR Slavic Review
UZGU Uchenye Zapiski Gor'kovskogo gosudarstvennogo uni-
versiteta
UZIMU Uchenye Zapiski Imperatorskago Moskovskago Uni-
versiteta
VE Vestnik Evropy
VI Voprosy Istorii
VIMO Vremennik Imperatorskago Moskovskago Obshchestva
istorii i drevnostei Rossiiskikh
VIRGO Vestnik Imperatorskago russkago geograficheskago ob-
shchestva
VLU Vestnik Leningradskogo universiteta (N.8: Istoriia, ia-
zyk, literatura)
VMU Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta (N. IX, istoriia)
VP Vestnik Prava
VS Voennyi Sbornik
ZhMIu Zhurnal Ministerstva Iustitsii
ZhMNP Zhurnal Ministerstva Narodnago Prosveshcheniia
ZhGUP Zhurnal Grazhdanskago i Ugolovnago Prava
 PART I

THE SETTING
It is not as easy as you think . . . [to see your will fulfilled]. In
the first place, my orders would not be carried out unless they
were the kind of orders which could be carried out; you know
with what prudence and circumspection I act in the promul-
gation of my laws. I examine the circumstances, I take advice,
I consult the enlightened part of the people, and in this way I
find out what sort of effect my laws will have. And when I am
already convinced, in advance, of general approval, I issue my
orders, and have the pleasure of observing what you call blind
obedience. And that is the foundation of unlimited power. But
believe me, they would not obey blindly were orders not adopted
to customs, to the opinion of the people, and were I to follow
only my own wishes, without thinking of the consequences.
In the second place, you delude yourself if you think that
everything is done only to gratify me. On the contrary, it is I
who must seek to oblige everyone, according to his deserts,
merits, tastes, and habits; . . . it is much easier to please every-
one than to get everyone to please you.

CATHERINE'S REMARKS
TO HER SECRETARY, V. P O P O V .
Quoted in N. Shil'der,
Imperator Aleksandr I,
vol. I, 279-280.
 CHAPTER I

THE ISSUES

Our understanding of a given historical situation is often clouded by

the indiscriminate use of the troublesome concepts of class, ruling
class, state, and bureaucracy. On the one hand, the social sciences
need definitions expressing the inner simplicity of a complex aggregate
of phenomena; on the other, the flow of history keeps creating original
combinations that escape deciphering. The result is that definitions
often become rigid constructs unable to encompass the wealth and
variety of social relationships;1 and the attempt to adapt them to
changing conditions threatens to destroy their consistency and to ren-
der them unrecognizable. Therefore, the meaning of terms to be used
in this study of a historical period must be clearly stated at the outset.
In a preindustrial society such as Russia, a social class was a distinct
group occupying a definite position in the social hierarchy, with a
specific function to fulfill, and with a consciousness of its peculiar
status. Function, consciousness, and status were thus fundamental
criteria. Social and economic functions still served a narrow spectrum
of stable needs and conferred a status rigidly defined in accordance
with the system of values characteristic of that society. But the highest—
because the most responsible and the most comprehensive—function
was the political, by which is meant setting the goals which a human
collectivity pursued at a given time; working out programs of action
to reach them (in which fiscal considerations are of the utmost im-
portance); settling disputes in ways acceptable to maintain the social
compact; and protecting the peace against attacks on the core of the
ideological consensus and the security of individuals.
If every social function important enough to attract a substantial
group capable of developing a consciousness of its separateness and
insistent upon the creation of privileges to define and protect it gen-
erated a social class, it follows that the exercise of political respon-
sibilities had to be vested in a political class. What distinguished a
preindustrial society was the monopoly of the political function by
the ruling class, and the sharper division separating the constituent
classes of that society, imbedded in a vertical structure governed by
the principle of strict social hierarchy. The ruling class, then, embodied
in its totality the moral unity of a definite human collectivity; it har-
1
A. Gouldner, "On Weber's Analysis of Bureaucratic Rules," in Merton, 48.
4 THE SETTING

monized diversified interests and resolved group conflicts. And the

ultimate justification of its existence was protection of the collectivity
against external danger/
The ruling class was not a caste founded upon the principle of
religious or racial exclusiveness, nor an army of occupation, alien to
the society in which it operated. It possessed a social constitution by
which it formulated the social relationships between its constituent
elements and coopted new members; it worked out a political con-
stitution by which it apportioned political responsibilities at various
levels; and it sought ways to define the character of its symbiosis with
the rest of society.
If, as Raymond Aron suggests,3 the term "ruling class" is not suitable
to describe the political class of a modern society, where a small group
of elites share the political function, it is eminently relevant to the
analysis of a preindustrial society. It does not follow that in such a
society the ruling class was so homogeneous that its constituent parts
could not be distinguished. The process of modernization, by diver-
sifying socio-economic functions, dislocates the traditional hierarchy,
creates free-floating status groups with a claim to a share in the political
function and enough power to enforce their claims, and ultimately
produces a ruling class in which the autonomy of each constituent
group becomes so strong as to end the pretense of homogeneity. At
an earlier time, however, the small size of the ruling class in relation
to the rest of society, coupled with its monopoly of the political func-
tion and the consciousness of its exclusive privileges, still imposed a
unity overriding every tendency to internal differentiation.
The Russian ruling class, which reached maturity in the reign of
Catherine, had its origin in the massive social revolution engineered
by the policies of Ivan the Terrible in the sixteenth century. A new
class of "servitors," supporters of an assertive ruling house against
the political claims of certain well-established aristocratic families, was
consolidated by the political disintegration of the Times of Troubles
and the initial weakness of the new Romanov dynasty. With the pas-
sage of time the structure of this new ruling class came to resemble a
cone. At the top stood the Romanov house, itself the product of that
same social revolution which engendered the ruling class. Tsars con-
tinued until the eighteenth century to marry native members of that
class, a practice which the keeping of a favorite by the eighteenth-
century empresses resembled in a slightly different form. By the 1750s
1
S. Keller, "Elites," in IESS, V, 27. I have benefited greatly from von Stein, Social
Movement, Sjoberg, Preindustrial City, Eisenstein, Political Systems, and Mosca, Ruling
Class.
' Aron, 1, 9-10.
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