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 CHINESE INTELLECTUALS BETWEEN
STATE AND MARKET

China remains a Leninist Party-state whose intellectuals still cannot criticize the
political leadership or party with impunity, its economy has moved to the market
and its society is in contact with the international community. Whereas in the
Mao Zedong era intellectuals, with few exceptions, obediently carried out Mao’s
orders and expounded Maoist doctrine, in the post-Mao era intellectual life has
become pluralistic and complex.
This edited volume highlights how Chinese intellectual activity has become
more wide-ranging, more independent, more professionalized and more
commercially oriented than ever before. The future impact of this activity on
Chinese civil society is discussed, as is the continually changing relationship
between intellectuals and the Party-state.
With contributions from China scholars living both within and outside China,
this volume provides the first comprehensive description of China’s intellectuals
in the post-Mao era. It is a topic which will appeal to scholars of China as well
as to those whose research interests lie in Asian cultural studies and intellectual
history.

Edward Gu is Research Fellow at the East Asian Institute, National University

of Singapore.

Merle Goldman is Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University.

ROUTLEDGECURZON STUDIES ON CHINA
IN TRANSITION
Series Editor: David S.G. Goodman

THE DEMOCRATISATION OF CHINA

Baogang He

BEYOND BEIJING
Dali Yang

CHINA’S ENTERPRISE REFORM

Changing State/Society Relations After Mao
You Ji

INDUSTRIAL CHANGE IN CHINA

Economic Restructuring and Conflicting Interests
Kate Hannan

THE ENTREPRENEURIAL STATE IN CHINA

Real Estate and Commerce Departments in Reform Era Tianjin
Jane Duckett

TOURISM AND MODERNITY IN CHINA

Tim Oakes

CITIES IN POST MAO CHINA

Recipes for Economic Development in the Reform Era
Jae Ho Chung

CHINA’S SPATIAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Regional Transformation in the Lower Yangzi Delta
Andrew M. Marton

REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA

States, Globalization and Inequality
Yehua Dennis Wei
 GRASSROOTS CHARISMA
Four Local Leaders in China
Stephan Feuchtwang and Wang Mingming

THE CHINESE LEGAL SYSTEM

Globalization and Local Legal Culture
Pitman B. Potter

MARKETS AND CLIENTALISM

The Transformation of Property Rights in Rural China
Chi-Jou Jay Chen

NEGOTIATING ETHNICITY IN CHINA

Citizenship as a Response to the State
Chih-yu Shih

MANAGER EMPOWERMENT IN CHINA

Political Implications of Rural Industrialisation in the Reform Era
Ray Yep

CULTURAL NATIONALISM IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA

The Search for National Identity Under Reform
Yingjie Guo

ELITE DUALISM AND LEADERSHIP SELECTION IN CHINA

Xiaowei Zang

CHINESE INTELLECTUALS BETWEEN STATE AND MARKET

Edward Gu and Merle Goldman

CHINA, SEX AND PROSTITUTION

Elaine Jeffreys

THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA’S STOCKMARKET, 1984–2002

Equity Politics and Market Institutions
Stephen Green

CHINA’S RATIONAL ENTREPRENEURS

The Development of the New Private Business Sector
Barbara Krug
 CHINESE
INTELLECTUALS
B ETWE E N STATE
AND MARKET

Edited by
Edward Gu and Merle Goldman
 First published 2004
by RoutledgeCurzon
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by RoutledgeCurzon
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.
“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”
© 2004 Edward Gu and Merle Goldman editorial and selection matter;
individual chapters the contributors
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this title has been requested
ISBN 0-203-42211-2 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-41543-4 (Adobe eReader Format)

ISBN 0–415–32597–8 (Print Edition)
 CONTENTS

List of illustrations ix
Notes on contributors x
Acknowledgements xiii

Introduction: The transformation of the relationship between

Chinese intellectuals and the state 1
E D WA R D G U A N D M E R L E G O L D M A N

PART I
The transformation of the intellectual public sphere 19

1 Social capital, institutional change and the development

of non-governmental intellectual organizations in China 21
E D WA R D G U

2 Underdogs, lapdogs and watchdogs: journalists and

the public sphere problematic in China 43
Y U E Z H I Z H AO

3 Have we been noticed yet? Intellectual contestation

and the Chinese web 75
G E R E M I E R . B A R M É A N D G L O R I A DAV I E S

PART II
The changing relationship between intellectuals
and the Party-state 109
 CONTENTS

4 From patronage to profits: the changing relationship

of Chinese intellectuals with the Party-state 111
SUZANNE OGDEN

5 China’s technical community: market reforms

and the changing policy cultures of science 138
R I C H A R D P. S U T T M E I E R A N D C O N G C A O

6 Intellectuals and the politics of protest:

the case of the China Democracy Party 158
TERESA WRIGHT

PART III
Ideological alternatives in the intellectual public sphere 181

7 The fate of an enlightenment: twenty years in the

Chinese intellectual sphere (1978–98) 183
X U J I L I N ( T R A N S L AT E D B Y G E R E M I E R . B A R M É
A N D G L O R I A DAV I E S )

8 Historians as public intellectuals in contemporary China 204

TIMOTHY CHEEK

9 The Party-state, liberalism and social democracy:

the debate on China’s future 223
FENG CHONGYI

PART IV
New era, new roles 261

10 Chinese intellectuals facing the challenges

of the new century 263
BAO G A N G H E

Index 280

viii
 ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure
1.1 Variations of the development of social autonomy
in different realms 34

Tables
1.1 Number of social organizations, social organizations disbanded,
applications for registration, and applications refused 28
1.2 Social organizations in Xiaoshan city, Zhejiang province, in 1990 32
1.3 Types of social organizations founded during different periods in
Xiaoshan city, Zhejiang province 33
5.1 Percentage of R&D expenditures by performing sector
in selected countries 142
5.2 Ratios of candidates and elected CAS members 147
6.1 Prior protest experience of prominent mainland CDP members 172
6.2 Age of prominent mainland CDP members in 1998 173
6.3 Education levels of prominent mainland CDP members 174
6.4 Occupational status of prominent mainland CDP members 174

ix
 CONTRIBUTORS

Geremie R. Barmé is a professor in the Division of Pacific and Asian History,

Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, the Australian National
University, and editor of East Asian History. His recent books include An Artistic
Exile: A Life of Feng Zikai (1898–1975) (University of California Press, 2002)
and In the Red: On Contemporary Chinese Culture (Columbia University Press,
1999). He has also published an essay entitled “Time’s Arrows: Imaginative
Pasts and Nostalgic Futures” in Voicing Concerns: Contemporary Chinese Critical
Inquiry (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), edited by Gloria Davies.
Cong Cao is with the East Asian Institute of the National University of
Singapore. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from Columbia University for
his work on members (yuanshi) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, China’s
highest honour in science and technology. He has been working with
Professor Richard P. Suttmeier on the Chinese scientific community at the
turn of the century, supported by the U.S. National Science Foundation. His
work has appeared in The China Quarterly, Asian Survey, Isis and Minerva.
Timothy Cheek is Professor and Louis Cha Chair in Chinese Research at the
University of British Columbia. His research focuses on the role of Chinese
intellectuals in China and the PRC in the twentieth century, as well as the
political and cultural history of that period. He has also worked on a study of
the CCP and reform (in comparison with the case of Mexico). Published
works include China’s Establishment Intellectuals (1986, co-edited with Carol Lee
Hamrin), The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao (1989, translations and analysis
co-edited with Roderick MacFarquhar and Eugene Wu), Propaganda and Culture
in Mao’s China (1997), and New Perspectives on State Socialism in China (1997, co-
edited with Tony Saich). His classroom reader, Mao Zedong and China’s
Revolutions: A Brief History with Documents, was published by Bedford Books in
2002. His current research includes a project on the role of historians and
historiography in China today, and work with Stuart Schram on translations
for Volume 8 of Mao’s Road to Power which covers the period 1942–45.
Feng Chongyi is Senior Lecturer in China Studies at the Institute for
International Studies, University of Technology, Sydney, and adjunct Professor

x
 C O N T R I BU TO R S

of History, Nankai University, Tianjin. He is the author of Peasant Consciousness

and China (Chung Hwa Book Company, 1989), Bertrand Russell and China (Sanlian
Shudian, 1994, reprinted 1995, 1998; also Daw-Shiang Publishing Co., 1996),
Chinese Culture in the Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan (Guangxi Normal
University Press, 1995), China’s Hainan Province: Economic Development and Investment
Environment (University of Western Australia Press, 1995, with David S.G.
Goodman), and Breaking out of the Cycle: Peasant Consciousness and China This Century
(Jilin Wenshi Chubanshe, 1997). He is also a co-editor of The Political Economy of
China’s Provinces (Routledge, 1999) and North China at War (Rowman & Littlefield,
2000). His current research focuses on intellectual trends in contemporary
China and the political economy of south China.
Gloria Davies is based at the School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics at
Monash University in Victoria, Australia, where she teaches Chinese Studies
and Cultural Studies. Her recent work includes the edited book Voicing
Concerns: Contemporary Chinese Critical Inquiry (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
Merle Goldman, Professor Emerita of Chinese History at Boston University
and Research Associate of the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research at
Harvard, is the author of three of books on modern Chinese history. She is
also the co-author with John K. Fairbank of China: A New History published in
1998. She has edited seven books ranging from a discussion of Chinese
culture in the early decades of the twentieth century to her latest co-edited
books, An Intellectual History of Modern China and Changing Meanings of Citizenship
in Modern China. She is currently completing a book, From Comrade to Citizen:
The Struggle for Political Rights in China.
Edward Gu is Research Fellow at the East Asian Institute, National University
of Singapore. He was An Wang Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Fairbank Center
for East Asian Research, Harvard University, and Post-Doctoral Fellow at the
Center for Chinese Studies, the University of California at Berkeley. His publi-
cations have appeared in Economy and Society, Development and Change, The China
Quarterly, The Journal of Asian Studies, Communist and Post-communist Studies, The
China Journal, The Journal of Contemporary China, Democratization and elsewhere.
Baogang He is Associate Professor at the School of Government, the
University of Tasmania, and Senior Research Fellow at the East Asian
Institute, National University of Singapore. Dr He is the author of The
Democratization of China (Routledge, 1996), The Democratic Implication of Civil
Society in China (Macmillan, 1997), and Nationalism, National Identity and
Democratization in China (Ashgate, 2000, co-authored with Yingjie Guo). He has
also published dozens of articles in international journals including The
Journal of Communist Studies, Opposition and Government, Democratization, Australian
Journal of Political Science, Japanese Journal of Political Science, Modern China, China
Perspectives, Journal of Contemporary China, Asian Studies Review, Social Philosophy
and Policies.

xi
 C O N T R I BU TO R S

Xu Jilin is Zhijiang Chair Professor of History, East China Normal University

(Shanghai). Professor Xu has published widely on the intellectual history of
modern China, and the cultural studies of contemporary China. The English
translations of his articles have appeared in Chinese Law and Government and
East Asian History.
Suzanne Ogden is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at
Northeastern University in Boston, Massachusetts, and a Research Associate at
the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University. She works
primarily on issues of democratization, with a focus on the interrelationship
between culture, development and political development. Professor Ogden is
also the author of Inklings of Democracy in China (Harvard University’s Asia Center,
2002), China’s Unresolved Issues: Politics, Development and Culture (Prentice Hall, 1995),
as well as Global Studies: China (McGraw–Hill, 2001), now in its tenth edition.
Richard P. Suttmeier is Professor of Political Science at the University of Oregon,
and has written widely on China’s scientific and technological development. He
received his B.A. from Dartmouth College and his Ph.D. from Indiana University,
and has served as a Senior Analyst at the Congressional Office of Technology
Assessment, as a consultant to the World Bank and the UNDP, and as the Director
of the Beijing Office of the Committee for Scholarly Communication with China.
During 1995 and 1996 he was a member of an international team, organized by
Canada’s International Development Research Center, which conducted a review
of China’s science and technology reforms for the State Science and Technology
Commission, and has worked for China’s Ministry of Science and Technology on
a review of its policies for international scientific cooperation. Suttmeier’s current
research includes a study of China’s scientific community (with Cao Cong), studies
on China’s research and innovation strategies, and a longer-term project on
Chinese approaches to the management of technological and environmental risks.
Teresa Wright is an Associate Professor of Political Science at California State
University, Long Beach. Her research interests focus on comparative social
movements and democratization in East Asia. Along with articles in China
Quarterly and Asian Survey, Dr Wright has published a book entitled The Perils of
Protest: State Repression and Student Activism in China and Taiwan (University of
Hawaii Press, 2001).
Yuezhi Zhao taught at the University of California, San Diego, from 1997 to
2000, and is an Assistant Professor in the School of Communication at Simon
Fraser University. She has published more than a dozen articles on media and
democracy in both Chinese and North American contexts, and is author of
Media, Market, and Democracy in China: Between the Party Line and the Bottom Line
(University of Illinois Press, 1998) and co-author of Sustaining Democracy?
Journalism and the Politics of Objectivity (Garamond Press, 1998). She is currently
working on a book about the dynamics of Chinese communications in the
context of China’s accelerated globalization through its WTO membership.

xii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Most of the chapters in this volume were presented at a workshop on Chinese

intellectuals held at the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard
University, on 26–27 June 2001. The workshop and the preparation of this book
were supported by the Fairbank Center and the An Wang Post-Doctoral
Fellowships programme.
We would especially like to thank Professor Elizabeth J. Perry for her encour-
agement and support for the workshop. She delivered a thoughtful welcoming
speech, and made useful comments on several of the papers presented. The
editors are also grateful to Professor Joseph Fewsmith, who attended the work-
shop and chaired one of the panels. We also want to thank Stefanie Van Pelt and
Kate Ousley, who made the arrangements and helped organize the workshop.
Finally, the editors thank Professor David S.G. Goodman, whose support was
indispensable in the publication of this book.

Edward Gu and Merle Goldman

xiii
 INTRODUCTION
The transformation of the relationship between
Chinese intellectuals and the state

Edward Gu and Merle Goldman

China’s economic reforms from a planned to a market economy, after a short

interruption in the aftermath of the bloody crackdown of the Tiananmen
protest movement on 4 June 1989, have accelerated since 1992. The market
transition evoked far-reaching changes in many aspects of China’s
state–society relations in the 1990s. One of the most profound changes was
the transformation of the relationship between intellectuals and the Party-
state. For the first time, Chinese intellectuals appeared to be shaking off the
model of both traditional literati and modern establishment intellectuals. As
marketization proceeded, Chinese intellectuals opened up more space for
their personal choices and career development than ever before, and gained
more financial and intellectual autonomy from the Party-state. Globalization,
facilitated by technological advances in communication across national
boundaries, especially through the internet, further enlarged the Chinese
intellectuals’ public space. Despite these changes, however, the freedoms of
speech and association that most Chinese intellectuals desired and that
China’s Constitutions have promised were yet to be institutionalized due to
the authoritarian nature of China’s political system. Although the intellectuals
gained a degree of financial and intellectual autonomy, the role of critical
intellectuals was eroded by growing market forces and commercialization.
Moreover, as also occurred in post-industrial societies in the West and post-
communist societies in Eastern Europe and Russia, China is entering an age
of experts in which the relative importance of critical intellectuals to the
public is declining while knowledge-based and profit-oriented professionals
are becoming increasingly important.
The development of the Chinese intellectual public space is the focus of the
essays in this book. They examine the complex, multifaceted aspects of this
development from the interdisciplinary perspectives of political science, history
and sociology. Examining the relationship between China’s intellectuals and the
Party-state also reveals broader changes underway in China’s state, society and
state–society relations.

1
 E D WA R D G U A N D M E R L E G O L D M A N

What is an intellectual? And what is a Chinese

intellectual?
Although several chapters in this volume clarify their definitions of intellectuals,
a brief summary is still needed. In China, the word ‘intellectual’ is used in both
official documents and everyday language to refer to anyone who has received a
certain degree of education. In social science writings, however, the trend is to
distinguish intellectuals from officials, civil servants, enterprise managers and
professionals. Only those engaged in certain ‘intellectual/cultural enterprises’
are called ‘intellectuals.’ A number of Western social scientists also define intel-
lectuals in terms of their occupations. Drawing on epistemic grounding, Edward
Shils (1972: 3) defines intellectuals as ‘a minority of persons who, more than the
ordinary run of their fellow-men, are enquiring, and desirous of being in
frequent communication with symbols which are more general than the imme-
diate concrete situations of every life, and remote in their reference in both time
and space.’ Pierre Bourdieu sometimes calls intellectuals simply ‘symbolic
producers’ (see Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992: 192).
Within this context, three different kinds of intellectual can be discerned:
those who are concerned with fundamental cultural values and create knowledge
in different intellectual realms, such as scholars, writers, artists, and in some cases
journalists; those who distribute or transmit knowledge (among members of this
segment would be most journalists, teachers and clerics); and those who apply
knowledge as part of their job – most engineers, physicians and lawyers. This
conceptual framework, as Jerome Karabel (1996: 208) suggests, perceives intel-
lectuals schematically as a social group with a core and a periphery; those
grouped into the first category may be considered as the core and those who are
in the last category may be at the periphery. Such an approach to defining intel-
lectuals might be appropriately called the ‘realist-structuralist approach.’1
Yet a number of writers concerned with the definition of ‘an intellectual’
focus on the public role or political responsibility of the intellectual. They
dissent from the analytically neutral definition of ‘intellectuals’ as shown above.
As one of them (Leonard 1996: 12) has pointed out, this approach reveals ‘the
difficulty of carving out a definition of intellectuals that makes no reference to
the moral purposes and epistemic contents of the life of the mind … thus
avoiding engagement in a debate over the political responsibility of the intellec-
tual.’ They are inclined to adopt what Ron Eyerman (1994) calls the
‘phenomenological approach’,2 attributing further moral, epistemic, psycholog-
ical, behavioural and/or sociological characteristics to the definition of
intellectuals so as to shed light on the essential characteristics of this minority of
educated people.
Basically, there are three sub-variants of the phenomenological definition of
intellectuals. The first sub-variant, which can be called the ‘intellectualist tradi-
tion’, is an image of disinterested intellectuals derived from Max Weber’s essay,
‘Science as a Vocation’, which understands intellectuals as ‘politically interested,

2
 I N T RO D U C T I O N

socially unattached individuals who, in their subjective intentions, pursue knowl-

edge for its own sake’ (Weber 1991: 129–56). Later, as a collective consciousness
among French ‘intellectuals’ emerged after the Dreyfus Affair, Julien Benda
raised the issue of the ‘true’ nature of the intellectual again. He condemned
what he called the ‘treason of the clerks’, namely the abandoning of the intellec-
tual insularity of day-to-day concerns and the involvement in political life. Just as
Max Weber had advised German intellectuals to remain above the politics of
their day, Benda argued for a new professional ideal for intellectuals as well as a
new moral call for their ‘responsibility’ to serve disinterested, universal values
rather than other, more immediate, masters (see Eyerman 1994: 84–6). Karl
Mannheim further developed this tradition in his Ideology and Utopia by appealing
to the notion of a ‘free-floating intelligentsia’ – a social stratum relatively free of
economic class interests, capable of acting as a creative, independent political
force in modern society. The new intelligentsia, according to Mannheim, is
distanced, but not alienated, from the warring social classes, in particular the
great classes of capital and labour (for a detailed account of Karl Mannheim’s
ideas on the role of intellectuals, see Loader 1985: 84–92).
A contrasting sub-variant attributes the essential characteristic of intellectuals
to active involvement in public life. ‘An intellectual’, according to Morris
Dickstein (1992: 92), ‘is someone concerned with general principles, devoted to
thinking things through, moving beyond the confines of any single field.’
Therefore an intellectual in this definition is concerned with and actively
engaged in public life through their intellectual, cultural or symbolic products.
By this definition, most academics, professionals, writers and artists, Dickstein
argues, ‘do not qualify to be intellectuals, unless they begin to reflect upon the
first principles of what they’re doing and on its implications for society at large.’
This definition of intellectuals can be called the ‘publicist tradition.’
A third sub-variant identifies intellectuals as antagonistic to the establishment,
whether it be political, economic, social, or even intellectual. For J.P. Nettl (1969:
59), ‘the actual definition of an intellectual must accordingly include not only a
certain type of thinking, but also a relationship to socio-structural dissent, at least
potentially.’ This approach is deeply rooted in a long-standing tradition of
discourse on intellectuals, that Jerome Karabel (1996: 205–6) calls the ‘moralist
tradition.’ The origin of this tradition can be traced to the notion of the intelli-
gentsia (see Eyerman 1994: 21–3), which refers to a small group within the tiny
Polish and Russian bourgeoisie that assumed the collective mission of bringing
enlightenment from European (presumably French) culture to their countries
and challenging their established traditions.3 Although at certain historical
moments the Russian intelligentsia was backed by the reformist power elite, as
exemplified by Peter the Great, the notion of the ‘intelligentsia’ conveys the idea
that the intellectual should be in perpetual dissent (see Eyerman 1994: 23).
It is worth noting that several works on intellectuals do not explicitly make the
distinction between the latter two sub-variants – the moralist and publicist tradi-
tions (see, among others, Dickstein 1992). They define intellectuals as public

3
 E D WA R D G U A N D M E R L E G O L D M A N

intellectuals who are social critics, whether dissident, radical or at least liberal.
Conservative critics and establishment intellectuals are often excluded from the
scope of their inquiry, even though in any country conservatives and people
working in the establishment play an important role in public life.
The realist-structuralist and the phenomenological approaches embody two
competing definitions of intellectuals: experts versus critics. The apparent oppo-
sition between the ideals of the intellectual as an expert and the intellectual as a
socio-political critic has been articulated in intellectual and political/ideological
discourses since the Enlightenment, though the original Enlightenment concep-
tion of philosophes was broad enough to encompass both sides of the critic/expert
dichotomy (see Kramer 1996).
The realist-structuralist and the phenomenological approaches have strengths
and weaknesses, and each approach is contextually dependent. The strength of
the phenomenological approach, particularly its moralist sub-variant, is that it
focuses on a very small number of so-called ‘genuine’ intellectuals, who express a
powerful critical spirit. Yet this tradition narrows the scope of intellectual inquiry
into intellectual–state relations by only emphasizing the confrontational pattern
of this relationship (see Karabel 1996: 205–7; Eyerman 1994: 2–3). But, as
Edward Shils argues,

… it would give a false idea of intellectuals to begin by contending that

it is an essential characteristic of intellectuals to be alienated from, or
hostile to, or critical of, their societies. The view, sometimes asserted
and more often implied, that the very nature of the activity of an intel-
lectual inherently requires undifferentiated and undiscriminating
alienation from traditions, authorities and institutions, contains a small
amount of truth. Taken as it is stated, however, it is false and obstructs
our understanding of the nature of intellectual activity and of the rela-
tions between intellectuals, their culture and the society in which they
live.
(Shils 1990: 257)

The strength of the realist-structuralist approach lies in its encompassing

nature. It explores different kinds of intellectuals regardless of their political
orientations, and incorporates different patterns of the relationship of intellec-
tuals to politics into an analytical framework. Yet this approach also has serious
limitations because it virtually equates intellectuals with professionals. The term
‘professionals’ is often used to refer to people who earn income from the dissemi-
nation and application of a relatively complex body of knowledge, talents and
skills (see Brint 1994). Therefore, the vast majority of those falling into the three
categories of intellectuals given above are professionals, and even some of the
people who mainly engage in the creation of knowledge and other cultural prod-
ucts, whom Jerome Karabel defines as the core of intellectuals, can also be called
professionals. Those specializing in the fields of natural sciences, social sciences

4
 I N T RO D U C T I O N

and humanities, are seen as professionals. In addition, in advanced post-industrial

societies in the West, the term intellectual in its broadest sense along with the
realist-structuralist approach has little substantive meaning because of the expan-
sion and diffusion of education or because of the ‘degradation’ of the
intellectual/cultural enterprise (see Eyerman, Svensson and Soderqvist 1987: 2).
Similarly, the contributors to this volume adopt a variety of definitions for intel-
lectuals. Some adopt the realist-structuralist definition and sometimes use a
relatively analytically neutral sub-variant of the phenomenological definition of
intellectuals, namely the publicist tradition. The adoption of the realist-structuralist
approach, however, does not necessarily mean that the contributors are not
concerned with certain sorts of intellectuals, particularly those intellectuals in a
phenomenological sense. They affix different adjectives, such as ‘public’, ‘critical’,
‘academic’ or ‘establishment’, to different groups of intellectuals. The chapter
written by Geremie R. Barmé and Gloria Davies in the first part, those written by
Xu Jilin, Timothy Cheek and Chongyi Feng in the third part, and the chapter
written by Baogang He in the last part, are mainly concerned with public intellec-
tuals. They examine those intellectuals defined in the moralist tradition because
they address certain issues related to the public role of intellectuals. When they
discuss the negative impact of marketization upon intellectuals and journalists,
Baogang He and Yuezhi Zhao, for example, envisage intellectuals as socio-political
critics. Other chapters are concerned with academic intellectuals, especially those
who work in the fields of social science and the humanities.4

The patterns of intellectual–state relations under state

socialism: a brief theoretical note
There are two dominant formulations of the position of intellectuals in the social
structure. One is the New Class theory, which asserts that by virtue of their
monopoly of knowledge intellectuals have become a new dominant class in post-
industrial Western countries as well as in post-Stalinist communist countries (see
Gouldner 1979; Bell 1976; Konrad and Szelenyi 1979).5 The other describes
intellectuals, as defined by Bourdieu (1990: 145), as ‘a dominated fraction of the
dominant class.’ The structural ambiguity of their position in the field of power
leads intellectuals to maintain an ambivalent relationship with the dominant
class within the field of power, the power elite, as well as with the dominated
class, the ‘people’ (Bourdieu 1993: 164–5).
While it is still debatable if the ‘New Class’ theory might be relevant to the
Eastern European case (for more details about this controversy see Kempny 1999:
151–65; Bozoki 1996: 88–120), it is less applicable to post-Mao China. Since
Confucian times, Chinese intellectuals never dreamt of being a separate ruling
class even in theory, still less in reality. Consequently, Bourdieu’s approach may be
more relevant to the study of Chinese intellectuals. As Benjamin Schwartz (1960:
611) has said of China, ‘the twentieth-century intelligentsia is to a considerable
extent [the] spiritual as well as [the] biological heir of the scholar-official class’ in

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