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East Meets West in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times

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Fundamentals of Medieval
and Early Modern Culture

Edited by
Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge

14

De Gruyter

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East Meets West in the Middle Ages
and Early Modern Times

Transcultural Experiences in the Premodern World

Edited by
Albrecht Classen

De Gruyter

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 ISBN 978-3-11-032878-3
e-ISBN 978-3-11-032151-7
ISSN 1864-3396

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 Table of Contents

Introduction
Albrecht Classen
Encounters Between East and West in the
Middle Ages and Early Modern Age:
Many Untold Stories About Connections
and Contacts, Understanding and Misunderstanding.
Also an Introduction
1. New Voices Reflecting Contacts Between Latin‐Europa
and the Muslim World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2. Xenology and Intercultural Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
3. Orientalism, Postcolonial Studies, and the Premodern World . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
4. Economic, Political, and Cultural Connections:
Ignored but Significant Features Under the Radar Screen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
5. Literary Reflections on the Foreign in Medieval Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
6. Arab Writers, Geographers, and Travelers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
7. St. Francis of Assisi’s Attempt to Reach Out to
the Saracens: The First Peaceful Missionizing
in the Thirteenth Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
8. The Christian Perspective: Pilgrimage to the Holy Land
A First Step Into a Vast Field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
9. The Diplomat Pilgrim Bertrandon de la Broquière . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
10. The Helpful Saracen in Margery Kempe’s Book:
A Mystical Woman’s Perception of the Foreign World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
11. Locations of Contacts Between East and West . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
12. Travel as a Medium of Cultural Contacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
13. Curiosity Among Muslim Travelers? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
14. Jewish Travelers in the Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
15. A Parallel Christian Travel Account and
Literary Narrative: Fortunatus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
16. Jewish Communities in the Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
17. Historical Contacts Between East and West . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
18. Rabbi Petachia of Ratisbona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
19. Additional Jewish Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

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vi Table of Contents

20. Christian Pilgrim Narratives in the Late Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

21. The Most Astute Observer and Reporter: Felix Fabri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
22. A Brief Comparison with Giovanni Boccaccio: Decameron . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
23. Trouble and Conflicts: Christian Pilgrims and
Muslim Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
24. Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
25. Other Contacts and Contact Zones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
26. Europeans and the Ottoman World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
27. Anton von Pforr’s German Adaptation
of Indian Literature: Cross‐Cultural Experiences
in the Late Middle Ages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
28. Origin and Framework of this Volume . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
29. Summaries of the Contributions and Critical Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
30. Conclusion and Outlook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

Chapter 1
Linda T. Darling
Mirrors for Princes in Europe and the Middle East:
A Case of Historiographical Incommensurability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223

Chapter 2
Courtney Catherine Barajas
Reframing the Monstrous: Visions of Desire and a
Unified Christendom in the Anglo‐Saxon Wonders of the East . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

Chapter 3
Glen M. Cooper
Byzantium between East and West:
Competing Hellenisms in the Alexiad
of Anna Komnene and her Contemporaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

Chapter 4
Alan V. Murray
Franks and Indigenous Communities in Palestine
and Syria (1099–1187): A Hierarchical Model
of Social Interaction in the Principalities of Outremer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291

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 Table of Contents vii

Chapter 5
K. A. Tuley
A Century of Communication and Acclimatization:
Interpreters and Intermediaries in
the Kingdom of Jerusalem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311

Chapter 6
Jens T. Wollesen
East Meets West and the Problem with Those Pictures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

Chapter 7
Christopher R. Clason
Walther von der Vogelweide and the Middle East:
“Holy Land” and the Heathen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389

Chapter 8
Heiko Hartmann
Wolfram’s Islam: The Beliefs of the Muslim Pagans
in Parzival and Willehalm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

Chapter 9
Andrew Holt
Crusading against Barbarians: Muslims as
Barbarians in Crusades Era Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443

Chapter 10
Albrecht Classen
The Encounter with the Foreign in Medieval and Early
Modern German Literature: Fictionality as a
Springboard for Non‐Xenophobic Approaches
in the Middle Ages. Herzog Ernst, Wolfram von Eschenbach,
Konrad von Würzburg, Die Heidin, and Fortunatus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 457

Chapter 11
Patricia E. Black
Rumi’s Mathnawi and the Roman de la Rose:
The Space of Narrative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489

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viii Table of Contents

Chapter 12
Connie L. Scarborough
The Moors in Thirteenth‐Century Spain: “They are Us!” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505

Chapter 13
Mark T. Abate
The Reorientation of Roger Bacon:
Muslims, Mongols, and the Man Who Knew Everything . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523

Chapter 14
Jean E. Jost
The Exotic and Fabulous East in The Travels
of Sir John Mandeville: Understated Authenticity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 575

Chapter 15
Scott L. Taylor
Merveilles du Monde: Marco Millioni, Mirabilia,
and the Medieval Imagination, or the
Impact of Genre on European Curiositas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 595

Chapter 16
Romedio Schmitz‐Esser
Embalming and Dissecting the Corpse between
East and West: From Ar‐Razi to Henry de Mondeville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 611

Chapter 17
Stefanie Helmschrott
West‐östliche Dialoge in der Mörin
Hermanns von Sachsenheim (1453) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 625

Chapter 18
Denis Bjaï
La représentation de l’Orient dans
les Essais de Montaigne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 649

Chapter 19
Thomas Willard
The Strange Journey of Christian Rosencreutz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 667

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 Table of Contents ix

Chapter 20
Ramón E. Duarte
Producing Yeni Dünya for an Ottoman Readership:
The Travels of Ilyas bin Hanna al‐Mawsuli in
Colonial Latin America, 1675–1683 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 699

Chapter 21
Allison P. Coudert
Orientalism in Early Modern Europe? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 715

Chapter 22
Pascale Barthe
A Seventeenth‐Century French Merchant in the Orient:
The Portrait of Jean‐Baptiste Tavernier in Les six voyages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 757

List of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 781

Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 787

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 797

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 Encounters Between East and West in the Middle Ages
and Early Modern Age

Many Untold Stories About Connections and Contacts,

Understanding and Misunderstanding

Also an Introduction

Albrecht Classen

1. New Voices Reflecting Contacts Between Latin‐Europa

and the Muslim World

The tenth‐century Hispano‐Arabic traveler, diplomat, perhaps spy, and certainly

most open‐minded and curious author, Abraham ben Jacob, better known under
his Arabic name of Ibrāhīm ibn Ya`qūb al‐Isrā’īlī al‐Turt. ūshī, can be identified as
one of the earliest reporters about Eastern, Slavic, but also northern Europe,
including Germany.1 He originated from Moorish‐ruled Turt. ūšah, or Tortosa, close
to the estuary of the Ebro in northeastern Spain; he himself may also have lived in
Córdoba, considering his political function at the court there. In 961–962 he
traveled throughout Western and Central Europe and in Italy.2 Since he was

1
Abdurrahmane al‐Hajji, Andalusian Diplomatic Relations with Western Europe During the Umayyad
Period (A.H. 138–366/A.D. 755–976): An Historical Survey (Beirut: Dar al‐Irshad, 1970), 245; Ahmad
Nazmi, Commercial Relations Between Arabs and Slavs (9th–11th Centuries). Dzieje orientu (Warsaw:
Akademickie DIALOG, 1998), 40; Semen Rapoport, “On the Early Slavs, The Narrative of Ibrahim
ibn Yakub,” The Slavonic and East European Review 8 (1929): 331–41; here 333. See also the
contributions to Ibrahim ibn Ya’qub at‐Turtushi: Christianity, Islam and Judaism Meet in East‐Central
Europe, c.800–1300 A.D.: Proceedings of the International Colloquy 25–29 April 1994, ed. Petr Charvát
and Jiří Prosecký (Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 1996).
2
Lutz Richter‐Bernburg, “Ibrāhīm ibn Yāqūb al‐Isrā’’īlī al‐Tūrt. ūshī,” The Oxford Companion to World
Exploration, ed. David Buisseret. 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), I: 402b–403b.
Many times I will refer to Arabic names and terms in the following pages. I have tried my best to
render them in the proper fashion, with all the necessary macrons and other specific Arabic letters,

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2 Albrecht Classen

officially received in audience by the Holy Roman Emperor Otto I during the first
week of February of 962, perhaps in Magdeburg (today northeastern Germany),
he might have been in the service of the Umayyad Caliph of Córdoba, al‐Hakam
II (ca. 961–973).
His work is widely known as the first reliable description of the Polish state
under Mieszko I, the first historical ruler of Poland.3 He is also noted for his
description of the Vikings living in Hedeby, the Nakonid fortification at “Dorf
Mecklenburg” and of what was, in all likelihood, the nucleus of the later ducal
castle and palace at Schwerin. His descriptions of the Slavic world in Poland and
then in Bohemia would not be so exciting for us today if they did not originate
from a Hispano‐Arabic writer at such an early age, which signals clearly how little
our modern concepts of the divide between East and West in the Middle Ages and
the early modern ages, specifically in cultural‐historical terms, correspond with the
actual reality at that time. If northeastern Poland was well within the reach of a
Muslim traveler from al‐Andalus, many other visits and contacts can well be
imagined.
In his account, Abraham discusses, among other aspects, also the cities of Prague
and Magdeburg, the territory of Prussia, the kingdom of Bulgaria, always with a
focus on commercial activities, and then turns his attention to the climatic
conditions, the cultural idiosyncracies, building styles, and the sexual mores of
unmarried and married people.4 It would be a fruitful effort to compare his
account with that provided by the Venetian traveler Marco Polo from the end of
the thirteenth century because we would probably recognize a surprising number
of parallels in interests, topics, and attitudes toward the foreign world. From there
we should move into the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when the number of
global travelers increased dramatically, while the basic patterns of intercultural
contacts and awareness of otherness and linguistic challenges, for instance, did not
change fundamentally, as we will see below.

but being not an Arabist, I cannot fully vouch for the complete correctness of the transcriptions.
In the sources we also observe a considerable degree of variances in that regard, especially
because many scholars simply ignore those diacritial marks. I have also worked closely with the
various contributors to secure the highest possible accuracy in that regard, but I must beg the
reader for some indulgence if we have not met all expectations.
3
W. Sarnecki and D. Nicolle, Medieval Polish Armies 966–1500. Men‐at‐Arms Series, 445 (Oxford and
New York: Osprey Publishing, 2008); Gerard Labuda, Mieszko I (Wrocław: Zakłd Narodowy im.
Ossolin’skich Wydawn, 2009).
4
Relatio Ibrāhim Ibn Ja’kūb de itinere slavico, quae traditur apud Al‐Bekrī, ed. Thaddaeus Kowalski.
Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova Series, I (Cracow: Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci, 1946),
138–51. In Arabic, the work is entitled as K«tab al‐mamālik wal‐masālik. Alauddin Samarrai,
“Ibrāhīm Ibn Ya’qūb al‐Isrā’īlī (fl. 960s),” Trade, Travel, and Exploration in the Middle Ages: An
Encyclopedia, ed. John Block Friedmann and Kristen Mossler Figg (New York and London:
Garland, 2000), 271.

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 Encounters Between East and West 3

Abraham’s visit to northern Germany to the court of Emperor Otto I had a

surprising consequence for the world of religious literature. The Canoness
Hrotsvita of Gandersheim (end of the tenth century), who was related to the
emperor and seems to have had fairly close contacts with the imperial court,
became familiar with the account of the martyr Pelagius who had suffered his
death as a martyr in Córdoba for his courage to uphold his Christian faith at the
Muslim court. Hrotsvita had most likely heard about him through reports
provided by the Muslim travel group and their companions (perhaps one of their
translators might have been a Christian). Subsequently Hrotsvita composed her
own version, a legendary tale in which she portrays the Sultan in Córdoba as a
homosexual—a common stereotype of Muslims constantly perpetuated by
European Christian writers—who tried to seduce the young, beautiful, but
virtuous man. But Pelagius harshly rejected him, hitting the Sultan even in his face
when the latter requested a kiss from him, which naturally prompted the incensed
ruler to have Pelagius executed. Hrotsvita’s verse narrative can be identified as the
first and only literary reflection in northern Germany from the early Middle Ages
about the truly distant Iberian Peninsula.5
The historical facts, though often mixed in with legendary tales, as far as we can
reconstruct them, are as follows: After the Arabs’ victory over the Christian forces
in Galicia against King Ordoño II of León in 921, Pelagius had been sent to
Córdoba as a hostage for his defeated father. After three years in the dungeon, his
beauty attracted the court’s attention, so they brought him to the Caliph
Abdurrahmane Al‐Haji III (born 889/891; ruled 912–961), also known as Abd
al‐Rahmān ibn Muhammad ibn Abd Allāh).6 He was said to entertain two harems

5
Hrotsvit, Opera omnia, ed. Walter Berschin. bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
Teubneriana (Munich: Saur, 2001); for an English translation, see Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, A
Florilegium of Her Works, trans. with intro., interpretive essay and notes by Katharina M. Wilson.
Library of Medieval Women (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1998), 29–40; see also the contributions to
Hrotsvit of Gandersheim: Rara Avis in Saxonia?, ed. Katharina M. Wilson. Medieval and Renaissance
Monograph Series, VII (Ann Arbor, MI: Marc Publishing, 1987); and to Hrotsvit of Gandersheim:
Contexts, Identities, Affinities, and Performances, ed. Phyllis R. Brown, Linda A. McMillin, and
Katharina M. Wilson (Toronto and London: University of Toronto Press, 2004); Stephen L. Wailes,
Beyond Virginity: Flesh and Spirit in the Plays of Hrotsvit of Gandersheim (Selinsgrove: Susquehanna
University Press; Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 2006). I have researched the
relationship between medieval Spain and medieval Germany in “Spain and Germany in the
Middle Ages: An Unexplored Literary‐Historical Area of Exchange, Reception, and Exploration,”
The Lion and the Eagle. Interdisciplinary Essays on German‐Spanish Relations over the Centuries, ed.
Conrad Kent, Thomas K. Wolber, and Cameron M. K. Hewitt (New York and Oxford: Berghahn
Books, 2000), 47–76; and: “Espanya, València i Oswald von Wolkenstein: Geografia de la Baixa
Edat Mitjana i història de la mentalitat geogràfica” (trans. Ferran Robles i Sabater), Paisajes
Espirituales. El Diálogo cultural entre Alemania y Valencia, ed. Berta Raposo y José A. Calañas
(Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 2003), 13–37.
6
E. Lévi‐Provençal, “‘Abd al‐Rah. mān,” Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition, ed. H. A.R. Gibb, J. H.

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4 Albrecht Classen

for himself, one with women, the other with men; hence the charge of
homosexuality against him. However, the young man, who soon gained the status
of a martyr, steadfastly refused to convert to Islam, so he was condemned to death
in 925.7 In 967 Pelagius’s relics were transferred to León, in 985 to Oviedo.
While the first written account of his martyrdom by the Spanish cleric Raguel
dates from ca. 960, oral reports must have been well known even among the
Arabic diplomats, led by the Mozarabic Bishop Recemundus of Elvira, at the court
of Otto I, who must have been competent enough in Latin to communicate with
the German courtiers and intellectuals or had Christians in their company, who
could help them linguistically.8 Although Recemundus never mentions Pelagius
in his own writings, he included the saint’s feast in his calendarium in 961. We can
easily imagine that he included a reference to the young martyr in his discussions
with the representatives of the Ottonian court to ingratiate himself there as a
witness of the suffering of a major Christian martyr in Córdoba.9
Altogether, this rather obscure example, when carefully examined, sheds
enormously illuminating light on the actual intercultural conditions even within
early‐medieval Europe across deep cultural, religious, and linguistic divides,
where obviously some diplomatic relationships existed between al‐Andalus on the
southern Iberian Peninsula and the Holy Roman Empire under Otto I in northern
Germany.10 As much as we tend to regard the premodern world as rather limited
or uninterested in foreign cultures, religions, and countries, here I will provide a
vast sweep of how much travel was possible and eagerly pursued by Jewish,
Christian, and Muslim intellects, scholars, artists, and politicians, who thus built
a wide range of intercultural bridges.11 If political exchanges between a major
Muslim ruler in al‐Andalus and the German emperor were in fact possible and

Kramers, E. Lévi‐Provençal, and J. Schacht. Vol. 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill; London: Luzac & Co., 1960),
81–84, esp. 83–84. According to the information provided there, ‘Abd al‐Rah. mān did not really
fight in Galicia, but in Asturio‐León, especially conquering and sacking Pamplona in 920. The best
and most updated study on these historical events seems to be the article in Wikipedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abd‐ar‐Rahman_III (last accessed on Aug. 11, 2012). I will refer back
to him below in the context of Jewish travelers in the Middle Ages.
7
Butler’s Lives of the Saints. New full ed.: August, rev. by John Cumming (Collegeville, MN: The
Liturgical Press, 1998), 288–89.
8
Hrotsvithae Opera, mit Einleitung und Kommentar von H. Homeyer (Munich, Paderborn, and
Vienna: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1970), 123–29.
9
Linda A. McMillin, “‘Weighed down with a thousand evils’: Images of Muslims in Hrotsvit’s
Pelagius,” Hrotsvit of Gandersheim: Contexts, Identities (see note 5), 40–55; here 41–42.
10
See also the contributions to Al‐Andalus und Europa: zwischen Orient und Okzident, ed. Martina
Müller‐Wiener (Petersberg: M. Imhof, 2004).
11
Cf. also the excellent introduction by Juan Martos and Rosario Moreno Soldevila in Rosvita de
Gandersheim, Obras completas. intro., trans., and notes [in Spanish]. Arias Montano, 78 (Huelva:
Universidad de Huelva, 2005), xxi–‐xxiv; see also M. C. Díaz y Díaz, “La pasión de S. Pelayo y su
difusión,” Anuario de Estudios Medievales 6 (1969): 97–116.

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 Encounters Between East and West 5

actively pursued already in the tenth century, we ourselves might have to question
whether political, economic, and artistic interests throughout the following
centuries might not have continued as well, despite the Crusades.12
Linguistic aspects also have to be considered since cultural and political
exchanges are only possible if the parties involved are familiar enough with the
language/s spoken by the other side. Diplomats such as Ibrāhīm ibn Ya`qūb al‐
Isrā’īlī al‐Turt. ūshī (see above) could only accomplish their tasks of reaching out
to political leaders in the target countries if they were linguistically competent
enough to communicate across the various language divides. Both today and in
the past, the problem in this regard gains in weight if Arabs and Latin‐Europeans
try to speak to each other, while those representing the various Indo‐European
languages enjoy many commonly shared linguistic elements.13 We will encounter
numerous examples below where European Christian pilgrims had to struggle
very hard to cope linguistically in the Holy Land and beyond.

2. Xenology and Intercultural Research

Research in xenology (the study of the foreign or the encounter with the
foreign/er) has progressed considerably in the last few years, with scholars
examining both the philosophical underpinnings of the encounter between self
and other and concrete documents reflecting those experiences in specific terms.14

12
Mahmoud Makki, “The Political History of Al‐Andalus,” The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. Salma
Khadra Jayyusi (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 3–60; Enrico Cerulli, “Le calife ‘Abd ar‐Rah. mān III de
Cordoue et le martyr Pélage dans un poème de Hrotsvitha,” Studia Islamica 32 (1970): 69–76.
13
Reinhard Schneider, Vom Dolmetschen im Mittelalter: Sprachliche Vermittlung in weltlichen und
kirchlichen Zusammenhängen. Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 72 (Vienna: Böhlau, 2012),
offers a fairly global survey without going into specific details or analyzing his sources.
14
In political terms, of course, throughout history the various countries/kingdoms have regularly
tried to establish contacts with their neighbors or more distant lands if there were specific
economic, political, or military interests; see, for instance, T. H. Lloyd, Alien Merchants in England
in the High Middle Ages (Brighton: Harvester, 1982); Pierre Chaplais, English Diplomatic Practice in
the Middle Ages (London: Hambledon and London, 2003); for a more specific angle, see the
contributions to Peace Treaties and International Law in European History: From the Late Middle Ages
to World War One, ed. Randall Lesaffer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); cf. also
Torstein Jørgensen and Gastone Saletnich, Letters to the Pope: Norwegian Relations to the Holy See in
the Late Middle Ages (Stavanger: Misjonshøgskolens, 1999). Still of relevance is C. F. Beckingham,
Between Islam and Christendom: Travellers, Facts and Legends in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance
(London: Variorum Reprints, 1983); A Inglaterra e a Península Ibérica na Idade Média: séculos XII–XV:
intercâmbios cultrais, literários e políticos, ed. María Bullón‐Fernández. Forum da história, 46 (Mem
Martins: Publicaçöes Europa‐Ameérica, 2008); Western Europe, Eastern Europe and World
Development, 13th–18th Centuries, ed. Jean Batou and Hnryk Szlajfer. Studies in Critical Social
Sciences, 16 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010). We should also not forget the Eastern perspective,
considering, for instance, the Byzantine Empire and its neighbors; see Die Awaren am Rand der

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6 Albrecht Classen

We probably would not overextend our critical reach if we argue that all cultural
development has been predicated on the separation of self and other, of
establishing borders and frontiers and, most importantly, of transgressing them
again.15
As all historians can confirm, which unfortunately might be misconstrued as a
political statement today, all borders throughout times and in all systems have
lasted only temporarily and were eventually permeated so much that they became
meaningless, such as the Chinese wall or the Roman limes, not to mention the
border between East and West Germany from 1961 to 1989. As much as individual
cultures might have tried to stay in splendid isolation (USA, China, Japan, North
Korea), ultimately the outside/rs entered the interior space, exerted influence, and
made the borders meaningless. This understanding is of fundamental relevance
for all cultural history, both in past, and present, and also future.
Culture forms both internally and through an exchange with the exterior. While
this might be more difficult to determine on the European continent, especially
north of the Alps, the situation in the Mediterranean during the entire Middle
Ages provides excellent insight into the exchanges among the various peoples,
languages, religions, and economic and political entities. The Crusades and the
subsequent wars between the Christians and the Arabic Muslims (later especially
the Turks) represented just one dimension, but below the military surface we can
always and rather easily recognize countless cultural, linguistic, mercantile, and
perhaps even literary and artistic contacts of great profit for both sides. After all,

byzantinischen Welt: Studien zu Diplomatie, Handel und Technologietransfer im Frühmittelalter, ed.

Falko Daim, Júlia Andrási, and István Bóna. Monographien zur Frühgeschichte und
Mittelalterarchäologie, 7 (Innsbruck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 2000); see also the contributions
to Multicultural Europe and Cultural Exchange in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. James P.
Helfers. Arizona Studies in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, 12 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005).
For the study of xenology in related fields, see Munasu Duala‐M’bedy, Xenologie: die Wissenschaft
vom Fremden und die Verdrängung der Humanität in der Anthropologie. Fermenta philosophica
(Freiburg i. Br.: K. Alber, 1977); see also the contributions to L’Europe des religions: eléments
d’analyse des champs religieux européens, ed. Richard Friedli and Mallory Schneuwly Purdie. Studia
Religiosa Helvetica, 8/9 (Bern: Peter Lang, 2004).
15
Undoubtedly, the examination of how people in the past engaged with others, if not ‘the Other,’
in practical and epistemological terms, represents a hugely productive hermeneutic enterprise,
as a whole league of scholarship has already demonstrated. See, for instance, Götz Pochat, Das
Fremde im Mittelalter: Darstellung in Kunst und Literatur (Würzburg: Echter, 1997); see also the
contributions to Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages, ed. Albrecht Classen (New York and
London: Routledge, 2002); and for theoretical reflections, see my introduction. See now also Frank
Meier, Gefürchtet und bestaunt: vom Umgang mit dem Fremden im Mittelalter (Ostfildern: Thorbecke,
2007); Den Fremden gibt es nicht: Xenologie und Erkenntnis, ed Christian Bremshey.
Kulturwissenschaft, 2 (Münster: Lit‐Verlag, 2004). See also the contributions to Fremdes
wahrnehmen – fremdes Wahrnehmen: Studien zur Geschichte der Wahrnehmung und zur Begegnung von
Kulturen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Wolfgang Harms and C. Stephen Jaeger, together
with Alexandra Stein (Stuttgart and Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1997).

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 Encounters Between East and West 7

the Crusades were brilliantly engineered by the various popes and represented a
masterpiece of global politics by the Holy See throughout the centuries, but this
did not mean that the official propaganda fully represented the broader mentality,
or that all people in Christian Europe fully embraced the image of the Muslims as
their arch‐enemies.16
Yaacov Lev recently offered a detailed study of the Fāt. imid dynasty and its
attitude toward medieval (Christian) Europe. They ruled a huge empire that
extended from northern Africa well into Egypt, then Palestine, and into the Middle
East during the time from ca. 909 to ca. 1171. Although they commonly pursued
military strategies against their neighbors, especially the Byzantines, they
primarily worked hard to protect their own interests in Sicily and Syria. In Lev’s
words:
The Fatimid raids on Italy were of peripheral significance, being an outcome of internal
considerations to maintain their image as warriors of the holy war. They were not a
reflection of bigotry toward the Christian world [, they were] rather marked by
misunderstanding as exemplified by the Fatimid policy toward the First Crusade and
their attempts to co‐operate with the Franks against the Seljuks. This misguided policy
reflects the basic inward Islamic orientation of the Fatimid state. The first priority of
the political vision of the Fatimids was their desire to rule the Muslim world and their

16
Aziz Suryal Atiyah, Crusades, Commerce and Culture (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,
and London: Oxford University Press, 1962); see the contributions to Relations Between East and
West in the Middle Ages, ed. Derek Baker (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1973); Claude
Cahen, Orient et Occident au temps des Croisades. Collection historique (Paris: Aubier Montaigne,
1983); Robert Lopez, “The Trade of Medieval Europe: the South,” Cambridge Economic History of
Europe, rev. ed., vol. 2: Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages, ed. M. M. Postan and Edward Miller
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 306–401; Philip. D. Curtin, Cross‐Cultural Trade
in World History. Studies in Comparative World History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1984); Benjamin. Z. Kedar, Crusade and Mission: European Approaches Toward the Muslims
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984); David Abulafia, “The Role of Trade in Muslim‐
Christian Contact During the Middle Ages,” id., Mediterranean Encounters, Economic, Religious,
Political, 1100–1550. Variorum Collected Studies Series (Aldershot, Burlington, VT, et al.: Ashgate
Variorum, 2000, orig. 1994), 1–24; Stephen O’Shea, Sea of Faith: Islam and Christianity in the Medieval
Mediterranean World (Vancouver, BC: Douglas & McIntyre, 2006), focuses on the battles between
Muslim and Christian forces from 636 (Yarmouk) to 1565 (Malta). See also Amin Maalouf, Les
Croisades vues par les Arabes (Paris: Lattès, 1983); trans. by Jon Rothschild as The Crusades Through
Arabic Eyes (London: Al‐Saqi Books, 1984). For the role of the papacy in the Crusade history, and
this on a European level, see the contributions to La Papauté et les croisades The Papacy and the
Crusades: Actes du VII Congres de la Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East/ Proceedings
of the VIIth Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, ed. Michel Balard.
Crusades. Subsidia, 3 (Farnham, Surrey, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011). See also the
contributions to Travellers, Intellectuals, and the World Beyond Medieval Europe, ed. James Muldoon.
The Expansion of Latin Europe, 1000–1500, 10 (Farmham, Surrey, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate,
2010).

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8 Albrecht Classen

struggle against Shi’i and Sunni internal foes. Any notion of world rule and the
fighting of external enemies came second.17

The exploration of foreign cultures, peoples, religions, and countries is only

possible if the traveler has some, if not good, command of the foreign languages,
and also has some awareness of his own place in cultural space. While Mikhail
Bakhtin still believed that this skill was characteristic of the Renaissance (Rabelais)
only, we can now point to many previous and also much later examples. However,
irrespective of this effort to specify a cultural period in which such a phenomenon
emerged, individual Westerners tried throughout time, at least since the late
Middle Ages, to gain an understanding of the East and to learn the necessary
languages.18
The opposite might not quite have been the same case, but we can be certain,
following Charles Taylor’s significant reflections on this phenomenon, travel,
hence, dialogue, constitutes one of the essential functions in the formation of the
self everywhere: “Thus discovering my own identity doesn’t mean that I work it
out in isolation, but that I negotiate it through dialogue, partly overt, partly
internal, with others . . . . My own identity crucially depends on my dialogical
relations with others.”19
Globally speaking, this claim might go too far, especially if we consider the basic
immobility of the masses of people living in the countryside both in the past and
the present, but deserves us to bear it in mind for our subsequent discussions of
contacts between Europeans and Muslims/Arabs (but then also Jews and other
people) during the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Age, often highly
problematic, but yet not impossible, and sometimes even regarded with great
curiosity and interest.20 Already by the tenth century an intense translation

17
Yaacov Lev, “A Mediterranean Encounter: The Fatimids and Europe, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries,”
Shipping, Trade and Crusade in the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of John Pryor, ed. Ruthy
Gertwagen and Elizabeth Jeffreys (Farnham, Surrey, and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012), 131–56;
here 150–51.
18
Mikhail Bakhtin, “From the Prehistory of Novelistic Discourse,” id., The Dialogic Imagination
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 41–83; see now Peter Burke, “The Renaissance Translator
as Go‐Between,” Renaissance Go‐Betweens: Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, ed. Andreas
Höfele and Werner von Koppenfels. Spectrum Literaturwissenschaft, 2 (Berlin and New York:
Walter de Gruyter, 2005), 17–31; id., “Translation into Latin in Early Modern Europe,” The Cultural
History of Translation in Early Modern Europe, ed. id. and R. Po‐Chia Hsia (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007), 65–80. Now see also Reinhard Schneider, Vom Dolmetschen im Mittelalter
(see note 13).
19
Charles Taylor, Philosophical Arguments (Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press,
1995), 231. For a practical case, see An Early Modern Dialogue with Islam: Antonio de Sosa’s
Topography of algiers (1612), ed. with an intro. by María Antonia Garcés, trans. by Diana de Armas
Wilson (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011).
20
For further theoretical reflections on this topic, see also Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel
Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), who identifies transculturation as “a

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 Encounters Between East and West 9

process, rendering Arabic texts into Latin, had started at the monastery of Santa
María at Ripoll in the Spanish Marches, a monumental new process which
initiated the subsequent and long‐term cultural‐intellectual exchanges between the
European and the Arab world throughout the Middle Ages and the early modern
age.21
This had certainly nothing to do with tolerance or an open‐minded interest in
the other culture; on the contrary, Christians tried to learn Arabic so they could
missionize among Muslims, if not colonize them, as we would say today.
Nevertheless, the acquisition of a foreign language has always represented the first
step in learning about a foreign culture, regardless of how hostile both sides might
be toward each other. In the twelfth century, Robert of Ketton (or of Chester) (ca.
1110–ca. 1160) created, upon the encouragement of Peter the Venerable, together
with Herman of Carinthia (ca. 1100–ca. 1160), Peter of Poitiers (ca. 1130–ca. 1215),
and a man only identified as Mohammed, the first translation of the Qur’an into
Latin (Lex Mahumet pseudoprophete, 1143), but then it took more than three hundred
years for the first vernacular translation, the one written by Juan de Segovia, who
produced a Spanish translation in 1456.
Intriguingly, Juan deeply distrusted Robert’s previous work and made a very
serious attempt to achieve the highest possible philological accuracy in his task,
for which purpose he invited the spiritual leader of Segovia’s Mudejar community,
<Isā ibn Jābir, to his residence in Savoy, who worked with him for four months
until that project was completed. Subsequently Juan translated the Spanish text
also into Latin. In the following centuries, at least until the early seventeenth
century when the Mudejars, or Moriscos, were finally all expelled from Spain
between 1609 and 1614, at least ca. twenty‐six other Spanish translations of the
Qur’an came into existence. In other words, Islamic culture continued to exist in
Spain for a very long time after 1492, and survived, even if with many difficulties,

phenomenon of the contact zone” (6); this is now also examined, though for the early modern age,
by Simone Testa, “Travellers’ Accounts, Historians and Ambassadors in the Sixteenth
Century,”Cross‐Cultural Travel: Papers from the Royal Irish Academy Symposium on Literature and
Travel. National University of Ireland, Galway, November 2002, ed. Jane Conroy. Travel Writing
Across the Disciplines, 7 (New York, Washington, DC, et al.: Peter Lang, 2003); Daniel Carey,
“Travel, Identity, and Cultural Difference, 1580–1700,” ibid., 39–47. See now also Joan‐Pau Rubiés,
“Late Medieval Ambassadors and the Practice of Cross‐Cultural Encounters 1250–1450,” The
‘Book’ of Travels: Genre, Ethnology, and Pilgrimage, 1250–1700, ed. Palmira Brummett. Studies in
Medieval and Reformation Traditions, 140 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009), 37–112.
21
Gabriele Crespi, The Arabs in Europe. Intro. by Francesco Gabrieli (1979; New York: Rizzoli
International Publications, 1986), 305–12. See also the contributions to Intercultural Contacts in the
Medieval Mediterranean, ed. Benjamin Arbel. Mediterranean Historical Review. Special issue
(London: Frank Cass, 1996).

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10 Albrecht Classen

until 1609, when the final, though probably not complete ethnic cleansing took
place.22
We could even extend our perspective further geographically and include the
study of contacts between medieval Europe and the Asian world, as best
represented by Marco Polo, though we then would open another vast window of
research, which would go beyond the limit of this study.23 Still, let us keep in mind
that Polo was a most intrepid traveler, reaching the Far East, spending close to two
decades there, enjoying a high reputation and serving in a number of political
functions at the Mongol court. Moreover, Franciscan missionaries such as William
of Rubruck (ca. 1215–1270), John de Plano Carpini (1245–1247), Odoric of
Pordenone (ca. 1286–1331), or John of Montecorvino (1247–1328) had also made
their way to the Far East,24 although it remains difficult for us to understand how

22
For a recent study on Robert of Ketton and his predecessor Mark of Toledo (also: Marcos de
Toledo), see Ulisse Cecini excellent comparative study with its in‐depth textual analysis, Alcoranus
latinus: eine sprachliche und kulturwissenschaftliche Analyse der Koranübersetzungen von Robert von
Ketton und Marcus von Toledo. Geschichte und Kultur der Iberischen Welt, 10 (Berlin and Münster:
Lit, 2012); for the later history of translations, see Consuelo López‐Morillas, “Secret Muslims,
Hidden Manuscripts: Spanish Translations of the Qur’ān from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth
Centuries,” Frühe Koranübersetzungen: Europäische und außereuropäische Fallstudien, ed. Reinhold
F. Glei. Bochumer Altertumswissenschaftliches Colloquium, 88 (Trier: WVT, Wissenschaftlicher
Verlag Trier, 2012), 99–116. See also id., “Lost and Found? Yça of Segovia and the Qu’rān Among
the Mudejars and Moriscos,” Journal of Islamic Studies 103 (1999): 277–92. I will engage with Juan
de Segovia and then also with Nicholas of Cusa further below.
23
See the contributions to Crossings: Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, ed. Federico De Romanis
and André Tchernia (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997).
24
For a good selection of primary texts concerning those Franciscan missions to the Mongolian
court, see The Mongol Mission: Narratives and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and
China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, trans. by a nun of Stanbrook Abbey, ed. and with
an intro. by Christopher Dawson. The Makers of Christendom (New York: Sheed and Ward,
1955); cf. Michèle Guéret‐Laferté, Sur les routes de l’empire mongol: Ordre et rhétorique des relations
de voyage aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Nouvelle Bibliothèque du Moyen Âge (Paris: Honoré Champion
Éditeur, 1994); Marina Münkler, Erfahrung des Fremden: Die Beschreibung Ostasiens in den
Augenzeugenberichten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000), 30–40. She also
refers to the Dominican André de Longjumeau (also known as Andrew of Longjumeau in
English), who traveled to the Tartars in 1248 on behalf of King Louis IX of France and returned
in 1251 (40–42), and to the Franciscan William of Rubruck, who went to the Mongols from 1253
to 1255 (43–49).Cf. Albrecht Classen, “Indien: Imagination und Erfahrungswelt in Antike und
Mittelalter,” Mittelalter‐Mythen, V. Ed. Ulrich Müller and Werner Wunderlich (St. Gall: UVK,
2008), 359–72. See also Antti Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols in the Middle of the Thirteenth Century:
Encountering the Other. Suomalaisen Tiedeakatemian Toimituksia. Sarja‐ser. Humaniora nide‐tom,
314 (Helsinki: The Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, 2001). See now also the contributions
to Historicizing the “Beyond”: The Mongolian Invasion as a New Dimension of Violence?, ed. Frank
Krämer, Katharina Schmidt, and Julika Singer (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2011). See
also Peter Jackson, “Medieval Christendom’s Encounter with the Alien,” Travellers, Intellectuals,
and the World Beyond Medieval Europe (see note 16; orig. 2001), 31–53; O. R. Dathorne, Asian Voyages:
Two Thousand Years of Constructing the Other (Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1996). Cf. also the

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