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Page i

The Evolution of Intelligence

Page ii

This page intentionally left blank

Page iii

The Evolution of Intelligence

Edited by
Robert J. Sternberg
Yale University

James C. Kaufman
Center for New Constructs
at Educational Testing Service
Page iv

Copyright © 2002 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form,
by photostat, microfilm, retrieval system, or any other means, without
prior written permission of the publisher.

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

10 Industrial Avenue
Mahwah, NJ 07430

Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey

Library of Congress Cataloging­in­Publication Data

The evolution of intelligence / Robert J. Sternberg and

James C. Kaufman, editors.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0­8058­3267­X (alk. paper)
1. Intellect. 2. Genetic psychology. 3. Psychology, Comparative.
I. Sternberg, Robert J. II. Kaufman, James C.

BF431.E89 2001
155.7—dc21 00­061737
CIP

Books published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates are printed on acid­free

paper, and their bindings are chosen for strength and durability.

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Page v

For my children, Seth and Sara.

—RJS

For my grandparents,
Hannah and Seymour Bengels,
and (the late) Blanche and Max Kaufman with love.

—JCK.
Page vi

This page intentionally left blank

Page vii

Contents
Preface ix

1 The Search for Criteria: Why Study the Evolution of Intelligence? 1

Robert J. Sternberg
2 Evolutionary Psychology: Promise and Perils 9
James B. Grossman and James C. Kaufman
3 Social Cognition, Inhibition, and Theory of Mind: The Evolution of Human Intelligence 27
David F. Bjorklund and Katherine Kipp
4 The Evolution of Intellect: Cognitive, Neurological, and Primatological Aspects and Hominid Culture 55
John L. Bradshaw
5 The Primate Origins of Human Intelligence 79
Richard W. Byrne
6 Pumping Up Intelligence: Abrupt Climate Jumps and the Evolution of Higher Intellectual Functions During the Ice Ages 97
William H. Calvin
Page viii

7 Evolution of the Generative Mind 117

Michael C. Corballis
8 Unraveling the Enigma of Human Intelligence: Evolutionary Psychology and the Multimodular Mind 145
Leda Cosmides and John Tooby
9 Is Human Intelligence an Adaptation? Cautionary Observations From the Philosophy of Biology 199
Owen Flanagan, Valerie Gray Hardcastle, and Eddy Nahmias
10 Environmental Complexity and the Evolution of Cognition 223
Peter Godfrey­Smith
11 On Theory in Comparative Psychology 251
Harry J. Jerison
12 Evolutionary Contagion in Mental Software 289
Aaron Lynch
13 Evolution of Avian Intelligence, With an Emphasis on Grey Parrots (Psittacus erithacus) 315
Irene M. Pepperberg
14 Intelligence as Predisposed Skeptical Induction Engines 339
Henry Plotkin
15 Get Smart 359
Paul Bloom
Author Index 369

Subject Index 383

Page ix

Preface
We know that intelligence is important in our everyday lives, but we do not know very well what it is, as shown by the fact that hot debate rages in the field of
intelligence—today as at the turn of the last century—regarding the nature of intelligence. Although psychologists of diverse backgrounds have tried to answer the
question of what intelligence is, too often they have fallen back on conventional psychometric intelligence tests that, for the most part, were constructed in the absence
of an empirically demonstrated theory of intelligence—as the criterion against which to assess their theories.

Some psychologists have sought approaches other than intelligence testing to understand the nature of intelligence. For example, some psychologists have studied
response times, error rates, or biological correlates derived from performance on cognitive tasks as bases for understanding the nature of human intelligence. But they
have then turned around and validated their measures by correlating estimated parameters with conventional psychometric measures of intelligence. The result is that,
even with some of these new approaches, the psychometric tests still rule as the ultimate arbiters of what is intelligence and what is not.

An alternative approach is to seek criteria other than psychometric­test performance as the standard for deciding what intelligence is. One such criterion is a distinct
evolutionary history. This criterion has been suggested by a number of individuals over the past, from Charles Darwin in the more distant past to Howard Gardner,
Stephen Gould, Steven Pinker, Carl Sagan, David Stenhouse, and many others in the more recent past. Perhaps we can understand what intelligence is by elucidating
how and why it has evolved. Or perhaps not: The coformulator of the theory of evolution, Alfred Russell Wallace, believed that evolution could account only for life­
sustaining traits, not for higher order skills that went beyond such traits. So we find ourselves with three major questions in this book:
Page x

1. Does evolutionary theory help us understand the nature of human intelligence?

2. If so, what does it tell us about the nature of human intelligence?
3. And if so, how has intelligence evolved?

These three questions are addressed in many of the chapters in the book, and form the basis for the final integrative chapter.

The goal of this book is to present diverse points of view on the evolution of intelligence as offered by leading experts in the field. In particular, it may be possible better
to understand the nature and societal implications of intelligence by understanding how and why it has evolved as it has. This book is unique, to our knowledge, in its
offering of a diversity of points of view on the topic of the evolution of human intelligence.

The book perhaps can be brought into the current surge of interest in evolutionary psychology, a field that has been pioneered by David Buss, Richard Byrne, Leda
Cosmides, Gerd Gigerenzer, John Tooby, and more recently, by Steven Pinker, among others. Evolutionary models are now being used widely, to account for
phenomena as diverse as morality and ethical behavior, interpersonal attraction, creativity, reasoning, perception, and intelligence. The focus of the current book is
exclusively on human intelligence and its evolution.

A book such as this one does not develop in isolation. We are grateful to the U.S. Office of Educational Research and Improvement (Grant R206R000001), which has
supported some of our research in the area of intelligence. Of course, the findings and opinions expressed in the book do not reflect the positions or policies of this
agency. We also are grateful to Sai Durvasula for help in preparing the manuscript and to Judi Amsel for contracting the book. Finally, we thank the authors who have
contributed to the book for their help in putting together what we hope will be an influential collection of viewpoints regarding the interface between evolution and
human intelligence.
Page 1

The Search for Criteria:

Why Study the Evolution
of Intelligence?
Robert J. Sternberg
Yale University

Perhaps the most difficult challenge in the study of intelligence is figuring out the criteria for labeling a thought process or a behavior ‘‘intelligent.” How does one decide?

A number of different approaches have been tried to figure out what criteria one can use to decide what constitutes “intelligence.” The thesis of this chapter is that
evolutionary arguments constitute one of three such criteria that can be readily incorporated, given a conventional definition of intelligence in terms of adaptation to the
environment.

DEFINITIONS OF INTELLIGENCE

Conceptual Definitions

Conceptual definitions are opinions of experts or laypersons about what constitutes intelligence, or intelligent thought and behavior. Two major symposia have directly
addressed this issue.

One symposium (“Intelligence and its Measurement,” 1921) involved 14 experts giving their views on the nature of intelligence. This symposium produced
Page 2

definitions such as “having learned or ability to learn to adjust oneself to the environment” (Colvin, 1921), “ability to adapt oneself adequately to relatively new situations
in life” (Pintner, 1921), and “the capacity to inhibit an instinctive adjustment” (Thurstone, 1921). Note that a major theme in these definitions was the role of adaptation
to the environment.

The second symposium (Sternberg & Detterman, 1986) involved opinions of 24 experts in the field of intelligence and produced answers that overlapped with those in
the earlier symposium. There was perhaps greater emphasis in these later definitions on metacognition. But the main theme once again was adaptation to the
environment.

Definitions also may be extracted from experts or from laypersons by studying these individuals’ implicit theories of intelligence. This route was followed in two separate
investigations (Sternberg, 1985; Sternberg, Conway, Ketron, & Bernstein, 1981) and produced a variety of responses, depending in part on whether the individuals
were professionals or laypersons, and, if professionals, on their field of study. For example, laypersons suggested practical problem­solving ability, verbal ability, and
social­competence abilities, whereas experts placed more emphasis on academic skills. However, the skills they emphasized depended on the skills they needed to
succeed in their own fields. Implicit­theory studies also have been done cross­culturally, with extremely diverse results (see review in Sternberg & Kaufman, 1998).

Operational Definition

Definitions can also be sought that skirt the issue altogether. For example, Boring (1923) achieved what little fame he has in the field of intelligence for his famous
remark that intelligence can and should be defined operationally as that which the intelligence tests test. The circularity of this definition—the tests are designed to
measure intelligence, which then is defined in terms of whatever they measure—has made the definition unappealing to many theorists in the field.

THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE

A second approach is to propose a theory of intelligence, from which some kind of definition is supposed to follow somehow. These theories can be classified in a
number of different ways. One scheme is in terms of the metaphor of mind they presuppose. These metaphors characterize the grounds through which intelligence needs
to be understood.

Sternberg (1990) suggested that many theories can be viewed as falling under one of seven metaphors. What are these seven metaphors?
Page 3

First, the geographic metaphor is based on the notion that a theory of intelligence should provide a map of the mind (see Brody, 2000; Carroll, 1993; Horn, 1994;
Spearman, 1927; Thurstone, 1938;). Intelligence then comes to be defined in terms of underlying factors of the mind, which Vernon (1971) likened to lines of longitude
and latitude for understanding how the mind works.

Second, the computational metaphor envisions the mind as a computing device and analogizes the processes of the mind to the operations (software) of a computer
(see Deary, 2000; Hunt, 1980; Lohman, 2000; Sternberg, 1983). The operations of the mind are then characterized in terms of processes, strategies, and mental
representations used in processing information.

Third, the biological metaphor (which includes evolutionary notions) seeks to understand intelligence in terms of the workings of the brain (Ertl & Schafer, 1969; Haier
et al., 1988; Haier, Siegel, Tang, Abel, & Buchsbaum, 1992; see Jerison, 2000; Vernon, Wickett, Bazana, & Stelmack, 2000). Biological theorists often attempt to
map cognitive activity onto various portions of the brain, or to show that certain kinds of responses emitted by the brain (e.g., evoked potentials) relate to
psychometrically measured intellectual performance. Or they may try to understand the evolutionary origins of intelligence.

Fourth, the epistemological metaphor, due primarily to Jean Piaget (e.g., Piaget, 1972), seeks to understand intelligence as an equilibration between assimilation and
accommodation. Individuals assimilate new objects into existing mental schemas, or change existing schemas to accommodate objects that do not well fit into old
schemas.

Fifth, the anthropological metaphor views intelligence as a cultural invention (e.g., Berry, 1974; Greenfield, 1997). On this view, the mental processes underlying
intelligence may or may not change as a function of culture, but the behaviors considered to be intelligent certainly do. What is considered intelligent behavior in one
culture may be considered to be unintelligent in another (Serpell, 2000).

Sixth, the sociological metaphor considers how socialization affects intellectual development (e.g., Feuerstein, 1980; Vygotsky, 1978). One might examine, for
example, how children internalize experiences they first encounter in an interpersonal context (see Chen & Siegler, 2000).

Seventh, the systems metaphor tries to understand the various aspects of intelligence and how they work together as a system (e.g., Gardner, 1983, 1999; Sternberg,
1985, 1997, 1999). According to this metaphor, the various approaches to intelligence need to be systemically integrated.

The different metaphors vary in a tremendous number of respects. But interestingly, they have one thing in common with the diverse definitions. It typically is assumed
that the core concept underlying intelligence is adaptation to the environment, broadly conceived.
Page 4

THREE ADAPTATIONIST CRITERIA

If intelligence is to be understood as adapation to the environment, broadly conceived, then how might we go about discovering the mental processes and behaviors
that can be labeled as intelligent? Three criteria suggest themselves. These criteria differ from largely arbitrary listings of criteria (e.g., Gardner, 1983) in that they all
derive from the virtually universally accepted notion of intelligence as adaptation to the environment.

Criterion 1: Correlations with Success

Success is often defined in terms of cultural adaptation. When it is so defined, it makes sense to correlate performance on measures of intelligence with multiple
measures of success; however, they may be culturally defined. These measures will differ from one culture to another. But the variation in what constitutes success is not
limited to cultural adaptation. Adaptive success also varies with biological niche. Success for a bird is certainly different from success for a human. And even humans
need different skills to succeed in different environments, such as in cold mountainous regions versus hot tropical rain forests.

Criterion 2: Mental Skill Development

All organisms are designed to become increasingly independent and better able to adapt to the environment with increasing age, up to a certain point. Then, in the later
portion of their lives, their adaptive skills may decrease with age. Binet and Simon (1905/1916) were among the first to recognize that a scale for measuring intelligence
could be constructed on the basis of items on which performance differed as a function of age. The whole notion of mental age, although no longer in general use,
derived from the view that mental growth during childhood was such as to render an individual more adaptive to the environment. Increases in age can result in
increases both in cultural adaptation, considered in the first criterion, and biological adaptation, considered in the third criterion.

Criterion 3: Evolutionary Origins and Development

If we start with biological adaptation as the core of intelligence, then a primary means for understanding what intelligence is would have to be in terms of the
evolutionary antecedents of thought and behavior. This approach has not been widely used, although its origins are not particularly recent (Darwin, 1859, 1872/1965;
see also Stenhouse, 1973).

This volume is an attempt to remedy the relative dearth of literature on the evolution of intelligence in comparison with, for example, the psychometric
Page 5

correlates of intelligence or the development of intelligence. From an adaptationist standpoint, evolutionary considerations probably deserve special status in
understanding intelligence. Yet theorists of intelligence probably have devoted the least attention to them.

CONCLUSION

In sum, the proposal here is that three criteria for understanding the nature of intelligence are nonarbitrary, given a definition of intelligence as broad adaptation to the
environment. The first is correlation of a target thought or behavior with cultural success (cultural adaptation). The second is mental skills development (cultural and
biological adaptation). The third is evolutionary origins and development (biological adaptation). This book examines the third and, arguably, most important of these
three criteria, the evolutionary one.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Preparation of this chapter was supported by Grant REC­9979843 from the National Science Foundation and by a grant under the Javits Act Program (Grant No.
R206R000001) as administered by the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education. Grantees undertaking such projects are
encouraged to express freely their professional judgment. This chapter, therefore, does not necessarily represent the position or policies of the National Science
Foundation, Office of Educational Research and Improvement or the U.S. Department of Education, and no official endorsement should be inferred.

REFERENCES

Berry, J. W. (1974). Radical cultural relativism and the concept of intelligence. In J. W. Berry & P. R. Dasen (Eds.), Culture and cognition: Readings in cross­cultural
psychology (pp. 225–229). London: Methuen.

Binet, A., & Simon, T. (1916). The development of intelligence in children. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. (Original work published 1905)

Boring, E. G. (1923, June 6). Intelligence as the tests test it. New Republic, 35–37.

Brody, N. (2000). History of theories and measurements of intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp.16–33). New York: Cambridge
University Press.

Carroll, J. B. (1993). Human cognitive abilities: A survey of factor­analytic studies. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Chen, Z., & Siegler, R. S. (2000). Intellectual development in childhood. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp. 92–116). New York: Cambridge
University Press.

Colvin, S. (1921). What I conceive intelligence to be. Journal of Educational Psychology, 12, 136–139.

Darwin, C. (1859). The origin of species. London: Murray.

Darwin, C. (1965). The expression of the emotions in man and animals. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Original work published 1872)
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Deary, I. J. (2000). Simple information processing. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp. 267–284). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Ertl, J., & Schafer, E. (1969). Brain response correlates of psychometric intelligence. Nature, 233, 421–422.

Feuerstein, R. (1980). Instrumental enrichment: An intervention program for cognitive modifiability. Baltimore, MD: University Park Press

Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York: Basic.

Gardner, H. (1999). Are there additional intelligences? The case for naturalist, spiritual, and existential intelligences. In J. Kane (Ed.), Education, information, and
transformation (pp. 111–131). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice­Hall.

Greenfield, P. M. (1997). You can’t take it with you: Why abilities assessments don’t cross cultures. American Psychologist, 52(10), 1115–1124.

Haier, R. J., Nuechterlein, K. H., Hazlett, E., Wu, J. C., Pack, J., Browning, H. L., & Buchsbaum, M. S. (1988). Cortical glucose metabolic rate correlates of
abstract reasoning and attention studied with positron emission tomography. Intelligence, 12, 199–217.

Haier, R. J., Siegel, B., Tang, C., Abel, L., & Buchsbaum, M. S. (1992). Intelligence and changes in regional cerebral glucose metabolic rate following learning.
Intelligence, 16, 415–426.

Horn, J. L. (1994). Theory of fluid and crystallized intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), The encyclopedia of human intelligence (Vol. 1, pp. 443–451). New York:
Macmillan.

Hunt, E. B. (1980). Intelligence as an information­processing concept. British Journal of Psychology, 71, 449–474.

Intelligence and its measurement: A symposium. (1921). Journal of Educational Psychology, 12, 123–147, 195–216, 271–275.

Jerison, H. J. (2000). The evolution of intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp. 216–244). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Lohman, D. F. (2000). Complex information processing and intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp. 285–340). New York: Cambridge
University Press.

Piaget, J. (1972). The psychology of intelligence. Totowa, NJ: Littlefield Adams.

Pintner, R. (1921). What I conceive intelligence to be. Journal of Educational Psychology, 12, 139–143.

Serpell, R. (2000). Intelligence and culture. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Handbook of intelligence (pp. 549–580). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Spearman, C. (1927). The abilities of man. London: Macmillan.

Stenhouse, D. (1973). The evolution of intelligence: A general theory and some of its implications. New York: Harper & Row.

Sternberg, R. J. (1983). Components of human intelligence. Cognition, 15, 148.

Sternberg, R. J. (1985). Beyond IQ: A triarchic theory of human intelligence. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Sternberg, R. J. (1990). Metaphors of mind: Conceptions of the nature of intelligence. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Sternberg, R. J. (1997). Successful intelligence. New York: Plume.

Sternberg, R. J. (1999). The theory of successful intelligence. Review of General Psychology, 3, 292–316.

Sternberg, R. J., Conway, B. E., Ketron, J. L., & Bernstein, M. (1981). People’s conceptions of intelligence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41, 37–
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Sternberg, R. J., & Detterman, D. K. (1986). What is intelligence? Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Sternberg, R. J., & Kaufman J. C. (1998). Human abilities. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, 479–502.

Thurstone, L. L. (1921). What I conceive intelligence to be. Journal of Educational Psychology, 12, 201–207.
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Thurstone, L. L. (1938). Primary mental abilities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Vernon, P. A., Wickett, J. C., Bazana, P.G., & Stelmack, R. M. (2000). The neuropsychology and psychophysiology of human intelligence. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.),
Handbook of intelligence (pp. 245–264). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Vernon, P. E. (1971). The structure of human abilities. London: Methuen.

Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Page 8

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Page 9

Evolutionary Psychology:
Promise and Perils
James B. Grossman
Yale University

James C. Kaufman
Center for New Constructs
at Educational Testing Service

Over the past few years, a discipline known as evolutionary psychology (EP) has become increasingly prominent in the public imagination. Promoted by such popular
and semipopular texts as Steven Pinker’s How the Mind Works (1997), Daniel Dennett’s Darwin’s Dangerous Idea (1995), Robert Wright’s The Moral Animal
(1994), and David Buss’ The Evolution of Desire (1994), EP is the latest model in a venerable tradition of attempts to explain human behavior and cognition as
mechanisms shaped by the forces of natural selection. According to EP, our evolutionary heritage is apparent in modern humans through the organ of our “adapted
mind’’ (in the phrase of Barkow, Cosmides, & Tooby, 1992); that is, our inherited mental architecture evolved to solve particular adaptive problems of survival and
reproduction faced by our ancestors. We utilize these same mental adaptations or modules in our modern existence, although while often navigating a very different
physical and cultural landscape. Thus, cognition and intelligence have a history; to fully understand them, we must look back to the evolutionary past that formed them.
But before we can truly examine the evolution of intelligence, we need to examine the evolutionary framework itself.

The vocabulary and ideas of EP have infiltrated the different branches of psychology to varying degrees. A significant evolutionary component has been present within
developmental psychology for some time, ever since Bowlby (1969)
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