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Illiberal Practices
 Illiberal Practices
Territorial Variance within Large Federal Democracies

Edited by
JACQUELINE BEHREND
and
LAURENCE WHITEHEAD

Johns Hopkins University Press

Baltimore
 © 2016 Johns Hopkins University Press
All rights reserved. Published 2016
Printed in the United States of Amer­i­ca on acid-­free paper
2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1

Johns Hopkins University Press

2715 North Charles Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363
www​.­press​.­jhu​.­edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data

Illiberal practices : territorial variance within large federal democracies /

Jacqueline Behrend and Laurence Whitehead, editors.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4214-1958-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 1-4214-1958-0 (pbk. : alk.
paper) — ISBN 978-1-4214-1959-6 (electronic) — ISBN 1-4214-1959-9 (electronic)
1. Federal government—­Case studies. 2. Subnational governments—­Case studies.
3. Representative government and representation—­Case studies. 4. Central-­local
government relations—­Case studies. 5. Democracy—­Case studies. I. Behrend,
Jacqueline, 1975–­, editor of compilation. II. Whitehead, Laurence,
editor of compilation.
JC355.I45 2016
320.4'049—­ dc23  2015028200

A cata­log rec­ord for this book is available from the British Library.

Special discounts are available for bulk purchases of this book. For more information,
please contact Special Sales at 410-­516-­6936 or specialsales@press​.­jhu​.­edu​.­

Johns Hopkins University Press uses environmentally friendly book materials,

including recycled text paper that is composed of at least 30 p
­ ercent postconsumer
waste, whenever pos­si­ble.
To Pablo, Ciro, and Emilio
To Linette
 contents

Acknowl­
edgments  ix

1 ​Setting the Comparative Agenda: Territorially Uneven Democ­ratization

Pro­cesses in Large Federations  1
jacqueline behrend and laurence whitehead

part i The United States and India

in Historical Perspective

2 ​Federalism and Subnational Democ­ratization in the United States:

The South in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries  23
edward l. gibson and desmond king

3 ​Subnational Democ­ratization in India: The Role of Colonial Competition

and Central Intervention  49
maya tudor and adam ziegfeld

part ii The Diverse Origins of Illiberal Structures and

Practices in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico

4 ​Federal Intervention and Subnational Democ­ratization in Argentina:

A Comparative Perspective  89
jacqueline behrend

5 ​The Dimensions of Demo­cratic and Hybrid Subnational Regimes:

Evidence from an Expert Survey in Argentina  120
carlos gervasoni

6 ​Subnational Hybrid Regimes and Democ­ratization in Brazil:

Why Party Nationalization Matters  162
andré borges
 viii  Contents

7 ​The Rise and Fall of Illiberal Politics in the Brazilian

State of Bahia   197
celina souza

8 ​Social Heterogeneity, Po­liti­cal Mediation, and Subnational Illiberalism:

Oaxaca and Puebla, Mexico  230
julián durazo herrmann

part iii Rus­s ia and the Bound­a ries of Democracy

9 ​Subnational Democ­ratization and Electoral Authoritarianism in Rus­sia:

From Subnational Regime Diversity to Unitary Authoritarianism  265
inga a.-­l . saikkonen

part iv Mapping the Cases

10 ​Uneven Pro­cesses and Multiple Pathways   291

laurence whitehead and jacqueline behrend

Contributors  315
Index  319
 a c­k n o w ­l e d g­m e n t s

The editors thank the Latin American Studies Association for the generous
financial support provided by a Mellon–­Latin American Studies Association
(LASA) Grant, which enabled us to launch the proj­ect. We are also grateful
for the orga­nizational support of Universidad Torcuato Di Tella and the
Escuela de Política y Gobierno at Universidad Nacional de San Martín;
Nuffield College, Oxford; Sciences Po–­Poitiers; and LUISS (Libera Università
Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli), Rome.
The proj­ect unfolded in stages. It started with an exploratory workshop
hosted by IPSA Research Committee on Comparative Democ­ratization at
Sciences Po–­Poitiers in December 2007. In April 2010 we or­ga­nized a con-
ference at Universidad Torcuato Di Tella in Buenos Aires with the idea of
producing this volume. The chapters included h ­ ere ­were first presented
­there and then at a workshop at Nuffield College, Oxford, in January 2011.
We also benefited from successive panels at two LASA congresses in Toronto
and Chicago and from two IPSA congresses in Santiago and Madrid.
During the course of the proj­ect, all the contributors and, in par­tic­u­lar,
the editors have benefited from critical feedback. At the Buenos Aires confer-
ence, Guillermo O’Donnell played an impor­tant role, providing guidance
and encouragement. His engagement and comments on the theoretical and
conceptual issues that w ­ ere raised proved to be of im­mense value for the
preparation of this volume. Among t­ hose who generously contributed their
comments and expertise on dif­fer­ent occasions are Allyson Benton, Nancy
Bermeo, Marcelo Cavarozzi, Olivier Dabène, Torcuato Di Tella, Marcelo Es-
colar, Agustina Giraudy, Jill Hedges, Tomila Lankina, Germán Lodola, Alfred
Montero, Leonardo Morlino, Eduardo Posada Carbó, Timothy J. Power,
Adam Przeworski, Philippe Schmitter, Catalina Smulovitz, Richard Snyder,
and David Washbrook.
 x   Ac­know­ledg­ments

Alexandra Barahona de Brito gave us expert editorial advice. We also

extend our thanks to editors Catherine Goldstead and Kelley Squazzo at Johns
Hopkins University Press for their support and editorial guidance and to
our highly professional copy editor, Marilyn Martin. We also thank the
manuscript’s anonymous reviewer for helpful advice.
Jacqui is enormously grateful to Pablo Katchadjian for his loving support
in this and all endeavors, and for being such a ­g reat companion in life’s
unexpected turns. And to Ciro and Emilio, who travelled across the world
with their m
­ other to attend conferences and panels, and patiently endured
discussions about subnational demo­cratization. They ­were also part of this.
Hopefully, one day, they w­ ill understand what it was all about!
Laurence is equally grateful to Linette, whose unfailing love and support
has allowed him to combine a strong ­family life with all the distractions and
interruptions inherent in this—­and his vari­ous other—­complex international
projects.
Illiberal Practices
 chapter 1

Setting the Comparative Agenda

Territorially Uneven Democ­ratization Pro­cesses
in Large Federations

Jac que li ne B eh rend and L au re n c e W hite he a d

This volume offers a comparative historical analy­sis of the nature and scope
of variations in po­liti­cal rights at the subnational level in the world’s six
largest federal democracies—­Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and the United States
in the Americas, as well as India and Russia—­thus covering federations that
underwent demo­cratic transitions in the first, second, and third waves of
demo­cratization. The aim is to demonstrate and explain the marked diver-
gences in the extent and quality of po­liti­cal rights held by citizens in dif­fer­ent
subunits of ­these democracies.
­There is a growing lit­er­a­ture on the per­sis­tence ­after the transition to
democracy of illiberal or authoritarian politics at the subnational level that
has emphasized the uneven spread of demo­cratic practices in dif­fer­ent federal
states. It shows that the existence of “brown areas” (O’Donnell 1993), “authori-
tarian enclaves” (Gibson 2012; Mickey 2015), “hybrid regimes” (McMann
2006) or “closed games” (Behrend 2011) lead to the partial or incomplete ap-
plication of demo­cratic norms that are supposed to prevail nationally. This
subject has received increased scholarly attention ­under the rubric of “sub-
national authoritarianism,” and building on that, we extend our coverage to
a wider range of analogous cases ­under the rubric of subnational “illiberal
structures and practices.”
Democ­ratization is not a smooth or linear pro­cess, and it is even less so
in federal or multilevel countries, where t­here are dif­fer­ent regional juris-
dictions with varying degrees of autonomy. This volume provides detailed
case studies that show the per­sis­tence of a diverse range of illiberal—or less
than democratic—­practices that may add up to authoritarian structures
in some subnational units. The studies also illuminate vari­ous strategies
of “boundary control” (Gibson 2012) and of po­liti­cal alliances between the
 2   Jacqueline Behrend and Laurence Whitehead

subnational and federal levels of government that allow this situation to

persist. The volume further contains large-­n comparisons that pinpoint how
and where the dif­fer­ent subnational po­liti­cal systems vary within a single
country.
Subnational illiberal structures and practices in federally demo­cratic
countries are not comparable to the authoritarian national regimes that
ruled some of t­hose countries in the past. T ­ hese illiberal structures and
practices occur within the framework of a federally demo­cratic po­liti­cal re-
gime that, while flawed, nonetheless guarantees a series of rights and insti-
tutions that can potentially be activated to ensure minimum standards of
democracy. In this view, subnational demo­cratization in nationally demo­
cratic countries is more fruitfully understood as part of the research agenda
on demo­cratic deepening (Morlino 2012) and challenges to democracy, not
as a pro­cess of regime change or transition to democracy.
Although this volume considers only 6 countries (of the 117 that Freedom
House classified as “electoral democracies” in 2012 and from which Rus­sia is
excluded), the selected cases are far more impor­tant for t­ hose interested
in “bottom-up” perspectives on demo­cratization (Morlino 2012) than that
proportion suggests. From the perspective ­adopted in this volume, ­these six
cases are not just a handful of “reporting units” in a universe of demo­cratic
nation-­states. Among them they contain about half the voters in all the
electoral democracies in the world (and this without including voters in an-
other score of large federations, including Australia, Canada, Nigeria, and
South Africa). Most ­people living u ­ nder demo­cratic forms of rule in the
contemporary world can be found in large federal states, not in the compact
unitary systems that are implicitly taken as the norm in most large-­n
­comparative studies of demo­cratization. For most demo­cratic citizens in
the contemporary world, national po­liti­cal representatives are remote, and
access to them is filtered through a divided form of sovereignty. This is the
context for the exploration presented in this volume of the illiberal struc-
tures and practices that can arise at the subnational level in many large
demo­cratic federations—­notably in the six compared in this volume.
In addition to accounting for half of the voters in electoral democracies
worldwide, ­these six countries cover over a quarter of the world’s total land
surface, contain 30 ­percent of its population, and produce one-­third of global
output. Each country contributes to ­these proportions in dif­fer­ent ways. Rus­sia
has the most territory, India the greatest number of ­people, and the United
States the highest per capita income. All six feature among the world’s top
 Setting the Comparative Agenda   3

nations in terms of size, and they all display the crucial feature at the core of
the analy­sis: their national leadership is quite remote from much of the citi-
zenry, and an intervening level of subnational semi­sovereign authority stands
between voters and national-­level rulers.
The inclusion of the United States and the Rus­sian Federation within the
set of federal regimes displaying marked subnational divergences in access
to po­liti­cal rights extends the range of the comparative work presented. The
volume does not consider a number of other federal democracies in which
the formal po­liti­cal system is particularly robust and internal variations in
responsiveness are correspondingly low (Australia, Canada, and Germany),
and it also does not include unitary countries, although recent research on
countries such as Colombia and the Philippines suggests that demo­cratic
variance at the subnational level may be just as relevant in highly decentral-
ized unitary countries as it is in federal countries.1 The analytical framework
we develop may therefore be extended in ­future research to decentralized
unitary countries. The Rus­sian Federation is included as a revealing limit
case, in part ­because of useful comparative work on its striking subnational
variations and in part b ­ ecause it is an impor­tant latecomer that could eventu-
ally gain demo­cratic momentum.

The Analytical Framework

Not all existing federations are large, and not all large federations are demo­
cratic.2 But ­there is a degree of elective affinity between federal institutions
and key features of liberal demo­cratic governance b ­ ecause for a federation
to operate effectively ­there has to be a separation of powers and areas of rule
neutrality and po­liti­cal leaders have to rule through some system of repre­
sen­ta­tion and external accountability (at the very least between federal and
subnational levels of authority).

A Bottom-­Up Perspective
From the “bottom-up” standpoint of citizenship voice and repre­sen­ta­tion,
large federal systems raise additional problems beyond ­those present in any
large modern demo­cratic polity: not only does a larger population weaken
the voice of the individual citizen but also the geo­graph­i­cal dispersion of
powers involves addressing more than one level of repre­sen­ta­t ion. More
fundamentally, if the demos is understood as a collective sovereign body, in
federal systems or multilevel polities ­there is more than one demos. The
central or federal level of government may, in princi­ple, be answerable to the
 4   Jacqueline Behrend and Laurence Whitehead

entirety of the national electorate, but it is also accountable to a collective of

subnational units (provinces or states with their own autonomy and “rights”),
and each of t­ hese, in turn, is answerable to its own regional fraction of the
citizenry, constituted as another level of the sovereign demos.
The fundamental difference between unitary and federal democracies
arises from this multilevel split. “One citizen, one vote” is the clear demo­
cratic princi­ple when sovereignty and the demos are unitary. But demo­cratic
federalism requires that to be balanced against a rival decision rule: one
province, one vote. The same balance is necessary for amendments to a
demo­cratic federal constitution, for a federal intervention to suspend sover-
eignty in a subnational unit, or (where this is allowed at all) for the creation
of new units within the federation. In addition, ­these normative l­egal and
institutional complexities apply only to the formal level of governance in large
federal democracies.
Beyond that, at the informal (social) level, as our case studies show, ­there
are almost invariably power­ful extrainstitutional dynamics at work that com-
plicate the pro­cesses of participation and repre­sen­ta­tion at the subnational
level. Historical legacies, elite families, societal cleavages (see Amoretti and
Bermeo 2004), uneven enforcement procedures, and uneven state capacities
all add further layers of interference between the expression of citizen pref-
erences for public policies and the decisions actually enacted. Levitsky and
Murillo (2013, 97) argue that institutions and formal rules in Latin Amer­i­ca
often fail to take root ­because ­there is a “disjuncture between rule writers
and informal power holders.” Formal institutions therefore become vulner-
able to displacement or what they term “serial replacement.” At the informal
level, power­ful actors who w ­ ere not included in the rule-­making pro­cess
often seek to undermine and prevent the enforcement of ­these rules. This
could explain why, despite federal intervention and reform of institutions,
subnational illiberal structures and practices can prove deeply embedded.
We also draw on Migdal (2001), whose approach is similar, although he
believes that informal practices are deeply rooted in society and reflect chronic
contestation over competing sets of rules.3 ­These two contributions direct
attention to how informal practices shape and modify po­liti­cal institutions
(this is the bottom-up approach) and not simply how formal institutions
shape po­liti­cal behavior.
 Setting the Comparative Agenda   5

Subnational Authoritarianism and Illiberal Structures and Practices

Much of the existing lit­er­a­ture on what has become known as “subnational
authoritarianism” and on variations in subnational democracy concentrates
on the formal aspects involved—­notably, the institutional, electoral, bud­
getary, fiscal, and rule-­of-­law dimensions. ­These issues are impor­tant in our
cases, but our comparative analy­sis draws attention to the informal counter­
parts that reinforce—or in some cases overwhelm—­the narrower proce-
dural issues. We build on Gibson’s work on subnational authoritarianism
and expand it to include cases that fall short of institutionalized subnational
authoritarian regimes but nonetheless constitute an impor­tant challenge to
democracy. The concept of “illiberal structures and practices” provides a
more inclusive rubric for t­ hese cases and allows us to accommodate the
wider array of local factors that generate variations between subnational
outcomes within a given federal demo­cratic framework.
Our concern is with lasting po­liti­cal structures and practices that can
reproduce themselves over time, as in the case of discriminatory local justice
systems or captured provincial media. From a “bottom-up” perspective, such
subnational po­liti­cal features can restrict choice, limit debate, and exclude
or distort demo­cratic participation to such an extent that they negate the
principles of federal democracy proclaimed at the national level; they can
severely qualify the demo­cratic status of a par­tic­u­lar province or subnational
jurisdiction without openly manifesting the full panoply of authoritarian
regime characteristics.
­There is some parallel ­here with the vari­ous intermediate—­neither fully
demo­cratic nor outright authoritarian—­regime categories that have been
developed in recent comparative politics scholarship (hybrid, electoral
authoritarian, and competitive authoritarian are cases in point).4 But most
of t­ hese illiberal structures and practices neither are unambiguously author-
itarian nor amount to fully fledged regimes. This is ­because they have to
operate within the constraints of an overarching demo­cratic federal structure
and must coexist with other more genuinely open provincial competitors.
Our concern is with po­liti­cal illiberalism, ­because comparativists should be
aware that not all forms of illiberalism are necessarily incompatible with
po­l iti­cal democracy (although the dividing line may be contested). Some
locally rooted illiberal structures (such as ­those based on religious affilia-
tion or ethnic identity) have been known to coexist with a level institutional
playing field, citizen inclusion, and the ­free exercise of po­liti­cal choice even
 6   Jacqueline Behrend and Laurence Whitehead

by minorities. Similarly, comparativists should also allow for conceptions of

democracy that are republican (participatory) as well as individual rights–­
based. The po­liti­cal illiberalism that concerns us h ­ ere involves actively
discriminatory features of subnational politics that severely limit or render
in­effec­t ive formal citizenship claims. This involves not just the absence
of demo­cratic guarantees but also, more impor­tant, the active presence of
structures and practices that serve to obstruct the emergence of challengers
and of contestations.
This substitution is particularly warranted for ­those cases in which poor
demo­cratic per­for­mance is mostly explained not by the concentration of
power in the hands of state governors as a result of formal rules but by that
which derives from informal po­liti­cal practices or by the weakness of legally
designated authorities in comparison to informal power holders, be they
traditional rulers, faction leaders, business elites or, indeed, criminal bands.
Multiple examples of such weakness (and, in some cases, even local “state
failure”) can be extracted from our case studies, notably t­ hose set in Chech-
nya in the Rus­sian Federation, Kashmir in India, Oaxaca in Mexico, and
Santiago del Estero in Argentina. The latter are extreme cases, but they evince
in exaggerated form impor­tant tendencies with a broader relevance. Our
claim is that ­these illiberal structures and practices merit as much attention
as more explic­itly authoritarian institutional features when accounting for the
variability of demo­cratic per­for­mance within large federal democracies. A
“bottom-up” or citizen-­focused conception of demo­cratization helps to un-
cover how ­these variations are experienced by each local demos and what
effects they have on the overall federal level of demo­cratic per­for­mance.

Brown Areas and Boundary Control

Guillermo O’Donnell (1993) paved the way for this research by invoking the
image of “brown areas”: local jurisdictions within demo­cratic regimes that
are not fully controlled by the po­liti­cal and institutional forces that secured
the rules of the game nationally. His core insight was that, within a given
demo­cratic system, just as within an ecological setting, the essential flow of
inputs needed for demo­cratic flourishing may well be unevenly distributed.
Even if all parts of a society are subject to the same set of regulatory princi-
ples, it does not follow that ­those principles are uniformly effective. Of
course O’Donnell’s analy­sis was not limited to the subset of democracies
considered h ­ ere, and ­there are also many examples of what he called “brown
areas” within unitary demo­cratic regimes. However, the more restricted and
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