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 -sTUDIES IN-
(MPERIALISM
general editor John M. MacKenzie

Established in the belief that imperialism as a

cultural phenomenon had as significant an effect
on the dominant as on the subordinate societies,
Studies in Imperialism seeks to develop the new
sociocultural approach which has emerged
through cross-disciplinary work on popular
culture, media studies, art history, the study of
education and religion, sports history and
children's literature. The cultural emphasis
embraces studies of migration and race, while
the older political and constitutional, economic
and military concerns are never far away. It
incorporates comparative work on European and
American empire-building, with the
chronological focus primarily, though not
exclusively, on the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, when these cultural exchanges were
most powerfully at work.

Science and society in

southern Africa
Science and society
in southern Africa
edited by Saul Dubow

MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS

Manchester and New York
Copyright © Manchester University Press 2000
While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester
University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their
respective authors, and no chapter may be reproduced in whole or in part
without the express permission in writing of both author and publisher.
Published by Manchester University Press
Oxford Road, Manchester Ml3 9NR, UK
and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA
www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk
Distributed exclusively in the USA by
Palgrave, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010, USA
Distributed exclusively in Canada by
UBC Press, University ofBritish Columbia, 2029 West Mall,
Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2
British library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

ISBN 13: 978 0 7190 8048 7

First published in hardback 2000 by Manchester University Press

This paperback edition first published 2009

Printed by Lightning Source

 CONTENTS

General editor's introduction - page vi

Acknowledgements - viii
Notes on contributors - ix

Introduction Saul Dubow page 1

1 Field sciences in scientific fields: entomology, botany

and the early ethnographic monograph in the work of
H.-A. Junod Patrick Harries 11

2 Making canes credible in colonial Mauritius

William K. Storey 42

3 A commonwealth of science: the British Association

in South Africa, 1905 and 1929 Saul Dubow 66

4 'For the public benefit': livestock statistics and expertise

in the late nineteenth-century Cape Colony, 1850-1900
Dawn Nell 100

5 A mania for measurement: statistics and statecraft in the

transition to apartheid Deborah Posel 116

6 Police dogs and state rationality in early twentieth-

century South Africa Keith Shear 143

7 The Race Welfare Society: eugenics and birth control in

Johannesburg, 1930-40 Susanne Klausen 164

8 Doctors and the state: George Gale and South Africa's

experiment in social medicine Shula Marks 188

9 Technical development and the human factor: sciences

of development in Rhodesia's Native Affairs Department
Jocelyn Alexander 212

Index- 238

[v l
 GENERAL EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

The History of Science has long since emerged from its formerly esoteric
status, of interest only to a restricted group of scholars. Three developments
have been signifi~ant in thus bringing scientific history into the mainstream.
The most important has been the realisation that science is as much socially
and culturally constructed, and hence politically implicated, as other areas
of scholarship. The second has involved definitions. of what constitutes
science, particularly in its western guise. A supposedly clear distinction
between the pure and the applied sciences has become more fuzzy, while areas
of endeavour which earlier historians of science might not have recognised
as coming within their remit have had to be included, if only because they
were regarded as 'scientific' by past generations. The third has involved new
relativities. In a post-colonial age, western science can no longer be seen as an
all-conquering set of truths, a definer of 'advanced' against more 'primitive'
civilisations. While western science is privileged in many ways, through
the sheer time, money and effort devoted to it, through its laboratory, experi-
mental and numerical techniques, and through its rapidly developing instru-
mental technologies, still it is increasingly recognised that it constitutes only
one set of ways of looking at natural phenomena. Eurocentric approaches have
long since been banished by a recognition of the sophistication of Chinese
and other sciences. Yet other modes of scientific understanding, often defined
as 'indigenous knowledge', have often humbled the over-confident activities
of western imperial science.
The Cape has been a principal point of entry for western science to the
African continent from at least the eighteenth century. Astronomy, together
with several of the natural and earth sciences, had already been firmly estab-
lished by the time that Dutch rule gave way to British power. Such activities
were carried into the interior by travellers and missionaries intent upon adding
to the taxonomic accumulation promoted by western scientific institutions.
By the later nineteenth century, such projects had been thoroughly profes-
sionalised and the southern African territories constituted an important
setting for the operation of various western sciences. After the Boer War,
science was seen as one of several regenerating forces for the creation of a
newly integrated South Africa under white rule. By this time, museums, sci-
entific societies, educational and learned institutions were well developed to
such an extent that the British Association, one form of a 'moving scientific
metropolis', found it appropriate to hold its 1905 meetings in the Southern
African subcontinent.
But science and medicine were to pursue a surprisingly ambivalent
approach to the politics and race relations of the region. There are any number
of examples of the sciences being bent to concepts of race hierarchy and ma-
nipulated for the maintenance of white political dominance. Yet indigenous

[vi I
 GENERAL EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

knowledge could also be respected as well as derided. And experiments in

social medicine could be world leaders in their field. Such ambiguities are
well represented in the essays in this book. Moreover, it is refreshing that
this collection is free of the accusations of historiographical isolation which
have sometimes been levelled at South African historians. The research
represented here not only embraces Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and
Mauritius, but also draws upon parallels elsewhere in the imperial record.
The scientific history of the British and other European empires is rapidly
growing in sophistication. This book makes a notable contribution to these
developments.

John M. MacKenzie

[vii]
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This volume grew directly out of a conference hosted by the Centre of

Southern African Studies, Sussex University, in September 1998. Generous
financial assistance from the Centre, as well as from the Journal of Southern
African Studies, made it possible to bring together experts from three con-
tinents for two days of intensive discussion. Rosa Weeks' administrative
flair helped to make the event pleasurable and relaxed. Our anonymous exter-
nal reader made several incisive suggestions for improving the text. Monica
Kendall's care and professionalism as copy-editor have been invaluable. I am
especially grateful to John MacKenzie for his enthusiastic support, advice and
subtle guidance.

Saul Dubow

[viii]
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Jocelyn Alexander is lecturer in the department of Historical Studies, Bristol

University and a co-author, with JoAnn McGregor and Terence Ranger, of Vio-
lence and Memory: One hundred years in the 'dark forests' of Matabeleland
(2000). She is currently editor of the fournal of Southern African Studies and
is working on a history of the Zambezi hinterland.
Saul Dubow is reader in history at the School of African and Asian Studies,
University of Sussex. In addition to a number of edited volumes, he is author
of Racial Segregation and the Origins of Apartheid in South Africa, 1919-36
(1989) and Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa (1995).
Patrick Harries is associate professor of history at the University of Cape
Town. Author of Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant labourers in Mozam-
bique and South Africa, c.1860-1910 (1994), he has written extensively about
the politics of identity and ethnicity in this region, as well as on the work of
the missionary anthropologist H. A. Junod.
Susanne Klausen's 1999 doctoral disfertation from Queen's University,
Kingston, is about the formation of a national birth-control movement and
the establishment of contraceptive clinics in South Africa during the 1930s.
She is interested in reproductive politics, past and present, both in southern
Africa and in Canada, and has published in the fournal of Southern African
Studies.
Shula Marks is professor in the history of southern Africa at the School of
Oriental and African Studies, London University. She has written about many
aspects of South Africa, including health and nursing. Amongst her publica-
tions in this field are Divided Sisterhood: Class race and gender in the South
African nursing profession (1994).
Dawn Nell completed her history honours and masters degrees at the Uni-
versity of Cape Town in 1997-98. She is now a doctoral student at St Antony's
College, University of Oxford, working on the history of game farming in
South Africa.
Deborah Posel is Director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research
at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. She has published
widely on the nature of the apartheid state and is the author of The Making
of Apartheid 1948-1961 (1991).
Keith Shear is lecturer in African Politics at the Centre of West African
Studies, University of Birmingham. His contribution in this volume draws
on a recently completed history doctorate from Northwestern University,

[ix]
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Chicago, on policing and state formation in early twentieth-century South

Africa. He has published in Gender and History.
William Kelleher Storey received his doctorate in history from Johns Hopkins
University in 1993. Author of Science and Power in Colonial Mauritius (1997)
and Writing History: A guide for students (1999), he is currently a visiting
assistant professor of history at Millsaps College, Jackson, Mississippi.

[x]
 lntroduction 1

Saul Dubow

This volume began with a conference on the topic of Science and

Society convened at Sussex University in September 1998. Calls for
papers were broadcast on the Internet and in journals in the hope of
drawing together scholarly work on a theme of growing general inter-
est. Science was broadly interpreted to include disciplines and fields
with claims to scientific method. Although a thorough-going account
would have to do so, we did not attempt to define the meaning or
boundaries of science or to make categorical distinctions between the
'harder' theoretical and natural sciences and the 'softer' social and
applied sciences. 2 In keeping with participants' interests in the social
and political context in which science operates, ideological claims
made for and on behalf of science were of as much concern as con-
sideration of its actual workings.
So far the history and sociology of science has not been well devel-
oped in southern Africa, certainly by comparison with the level of
work achieved in India, Australia or Latin America.3 Most research on
the history of science in southern Africa has developed as a by-product
of other concerns: with, for example, the political economy of segre-
gation and apartheid, the ideological nature of racial domination,
contestations over land, inequitable provision of health services, en-
vironmental and agrarian history, and so on. Attention to society, in
other words, has preceded interest in the history and philosophy
of science. In discussion, conference participants noted this as a con-
straint, not least because of the absence of detailed internal histories
of scientific fields and traditions with which to engage. On the other
hand, there was no significant gulf to bridge between historians of
science and historians of society. Contemporary scholars of southern
Africa have taken for granted the view that science is a socially
engaged practice rather than a detached mode of pure or objective
research. Moreover, the imprint of Africanist ideas has made it safe to

[1I
 SCIENCE AND SOCIETY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

assum:e that the history of colonial science is rather more than the
story of the diffusion of western knowledge into a continental void.
Leaving aside the laudatory accounts of heroic advances in colonial
medicine, engineering, the natural sciences, as well as closely focused
biographies of individual scientists and their discoveries,4 most of the
critical literature on scientific activity in southern Africa has also
tended to presume that scientific knowledge has served as one more
powerful tool in the hands of an already powerful colonial or settler
ruling elite. This claim is difficult to substantiate in the case of the
theoretical and natural sciences, partly because of the dearth of sophis-
ticated historical studies, but also because it is likely that such sci-
ences were not as amenable to political influence as the human and
social sciences. In the case of the latter, the view that science oper-
ated to serve ruling-class interests is a pervasive assumption. Jonathan
D. Jansen's pioneering collection, Knowledge and Power in South
Africa, is a notable case in point. 5 Elsewhere, studies of the political
economy of health and medicine have revealed the role of doctors
in maintaining the profits of mining companies to the detriment of
workers' health. Research on psychology has shown the role of
psychometric and vocational testing in boosting labour productivity,
controlling the industrial workforce, and forming assessments of the
relative intelligence levels of blacks and whites. Urban planning and
housing have been discussed in the context of the segregated division
of towns and cities. Histories of social anthropology in South Africa
and its Afrikaner nationalist variant, volkekunde, have debated the
role played by anthropologists in the administration and governance
of Africans as well as the elaboration of apartheid theory. Agricultural
and botanical science has been considered in the context of rural
planning and state intervention in the lives of African peasants.
More generally, scientific racism, eugenics and social Darwinism
have been shown to have played important roles in justifying white
supremacy. 6
Whether considered in instrumental terms as a direct technique of
domination, as a tool of Mammon, or in a more refined Foucauldian
manner, as an implicit form of ideological mastery and control, the
relationship between scientific knowledge and political or economic
power has therefore received considerable attention. This volume
offers further evidence of such linkages. Deborah Posel, for instance,
argues for the salience of statistics and the 'mania for measurement'
in the apartheid state's attempt to manage and control South Africa's
various population 'groups'. Also addressing the theme of state ratio-
nality and techniques of domination, Keith Shear writes of the spe-
cialised use of dogs by police in apprehending black alleged criminals.

[ 2]
 INTRODUCTION

And, in the sphere of public health, Susanne Klausen discusses the

relationship between the birth control movement and eugenic efforts
to improve the racial 'fitness' of whites and to maintain controls over
black urbanisation.
The thesis that science is neither neutral nor objective and that it
can be utilised in an instrumental fashion to the advantage of those in
power is thus not at issue here. But it is not the primary purpose of
our collection to elaborate this perspective. Rather, this volume takes
its lead from the proposition that science, considered as an ideo-
logical discourse, affected rulers as well as ruled. The role of science
in sustaining the ideological authority and legitimacy of the already
privileged and powerful may indeed have been as significant as its
impact upon those formally excluded from structures of power. Claims
to scientific knowledge, it is suggested, functioned to enhance the
self-image of colonial or settler elites. Moreover, scientific knowledge
constituted an attractive ideological repository which competing
elements within such groupings, pursuing their own particular or
sectional interests, were able to exploit.
From an early stage in the colonial enterprise science was utilised
not only to observe, measure and control the 'native other' but to
proclaim and shape the self-image of colonisers themselves. Indeed, it
may be the case that science played as much of a role in the process
of promoting colonial dignity and status in the eyes of the European
metropole as it helped in the domination of African subjects.
Celebration of the achievements of local scientists, especially those
whose work received overseas recognition, was one obvious way
in which a sense of national pride and worth could be evoked. But
science carried more subtle overtones of worth as well. By virtue of
its universalising claims and assumptions science offered a powerful
conceptual potential for Europeans to imprint their presence on Africa.
It also offered a conceptual means to bridge otherwise bewildering gaps
and dissonances between metropole and periphery and, in so doing, to
make Africa comprehensible within a European paradigm. In making
sense- or nonsense- of exotic 'others', colonial scientists were vitally
concerned to validate, affirm and structure their own beliefs and sense
of moral or imperial purpose. Comparisons mostly served to glorify
European achievements while diminishing Africans, though this
was not inevitably or simply the case, as Patrick Harries' chapter
on the work of the Swiss naturalist and anthropologist Henri Junod
reveals.
Harries shows how European intellectuals saw in Africa images of
their own prehistory and societal development. He shows, too, how
models and paradigms adopted from the natural sciences could readily

[ 3]
 SCIENCE AND SOCIETY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

be applied to represent and explain African societies in recognisable

terms. Evolutionist theories, for example, offered a powerful means of
extending understandings of the natural world to discussions about the
origins and workings of human social organisation. They offered both
a means of making sense of humanity's overall place in the universe
and of ranking the position and relative worth of different human
groups within that universe. In this regard, the manner in which
evolutionist conceptions were applied were to have profound con-
sequences for theories of racial equality or difference.
Also operating within the idiom of comparative progress and evo-
lution, though pitched more directly at the institutional and political
domain, Dawn Nell's study of statistical enumeration of livestock
and crop production in the nineteenth-century Cape Colony shows
how claims to rigorous scientific methods played a role in construct-
ing a positive self-image of colonial development. Reliable statistical
information was not only viewed as an essential prerequisite for
agricultural improvement and expanded production, it also served to
underwrite the Cape colonial administration's view of itself as a force
of social and moral progress and to distinguish between progressive
Englishmen and 'backward' Boers or Africans. Nell's analysis of the
vogue for statistics in the modernising nineteenth-century Cape also
offers intriguing parallels - and contrasts - with Posel's discussion of
the apartheid state's use of statistics more than half a century later.
The ways in which claims to scientific authority present discursive
opportunities for competing interests to secure influence within state
institutions is well illustrated in Jocelyn Alexander's discussion
of debates within the Rhodesian state around the implementation of
the 1951 Land Husbandry Act. Here Alexander shows how a new cadre
of technical experts promoted a highly technocratic view of scientific
agricultural development which presumed that a centralised state
could manage all aspects of agrarian production in the African reserves.
This assumption clashed with long-established paternalist traditions
within the Native Affairs Department stressing the need to take
account of the 'human factor'. Appeals to the authority of an alterna-
tive scientific body of knowledge, namely social anthropology, turned
the tables as rural resistance and African nationalism increasingly
threatened state control. The state declared Africans unready for
modernisation and sought instead to court 'traditional authority'; as
a result, the hubristic ambitions of the apostles of technical develop-
ment found their theories displaced by older views sympathetic to the
preservation of colonial African social structures, duly recast in terms
of the sociology of 'community development' and the need to take
account of 'tribal' beliefs.

[4 l
 INTRODUCTION

Alexander's discussion of the place of scientific knowledge in the

post-war modernising impulses of the Rhodesian state provides a
nice counterpart to Posel's account of the role of statistical science
during the heyday of 'grand apartheid' in South Africa. In Posel's view
apartheid statecraft placed a tremendous premium on its capacity to
count and therefore to control the black populace (a perspective which,
incidentally, challenges assumptions that apartheid was a backward-
looking movement in which the views of anti-modernising romantic
nationalists predominated). State planners sought to utilise their sta-
tistical expertise not only to manage processes of labour allocation and
urbanisation in the interests of the smooth workings of racial capital-
ism, but also to confirm to their own supporters that apartheid was a
rational system and that the government was the ultimate guarantor
of social order.
The relationship between science and state rationality is also a
major theme in Keith Shear's chapter on the use of dogs by South
African police. In this extraordinary case study, a department of state
sought to demonstrate its modernising credentials by developing what
it thought of as a sophisticated programme of canine breeding and
training designed to apprehend black criminals. The development of
an investigative technology based on the supposed abilities of dogs
to detect miscreants (and of dog-handlers to manage their charges
effectively) was a source of considerable pride. As in the case of
Posel's manic measurers, however, such pretensions to knowledge and
ordered control revealed an absurd dimension to the policing bureau-
cracy as leading officials derived comfort and self-assurance by con-
trasting their own logical practices with the presumed irrationality of
African belief systems.
Shear also shows that South Africa's interwar expertise in canine
policing was promoted as a source of national prestige. This theme
is developed more broadly in my own discussion of the role of science
in promoting white South African colonial nationalism. Through com-
paring the visits to South Africa of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science in 1905 and again in 1929, I argue that science
was closely associated with the development of white national con-
sciousness and changing notions of imperial belonging. Whereas in
1905 stress was laid on the role that science could play in reaffirming
links between South Africa and the British empire and in reiterating
the country's status as an offshoot of the colonial metropole, in 1929
emphasis was laid more broadly on the idea of joint participation in
the British Commonwealth. This ideological shift reflected changes
in the internal configuration of domestic politics as a racially ex-
clusive but ethnically inclusive Anglo-Afrikaner 'South Africanism'

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