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Troubling Freedom
 Troubling Freedom

antigua and the aftermath

of british emancipation

Natasha Lightfoot

duke university press

Durham and London 2015
 © 2015 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States
of America on acid-free paper ∞
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lightfoot, Natasha, [date] author.
Troubling freedom : Antigua and the aftermath of
British emancipation / Natasha Lightfoot.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
isbn 978-0-8223-5975-3 (hardcover : alk. paper)
isbn 978-0-8223-6007-0 (pbk. : alk. paper)
isbn 978-0-8223-7505-0 (e-book)
1. Slaves—Emancipation—Antigua and Barbuda—Antigua.
2. Slaves—Emancipation—Colonies—Great Britain.
3. Antigua—Race relations—History. I. Title.
f2035.l54 2015
305.800972974—dc23 2015020931

Cover art: Moravian Church Mission, St. John’s Street

(ca. 1830). Aquatint by Johann Stobwasser, Ansichten von
Missions-Niederlassungen der Evangelishen Bruder-Gemeinde
(Basle, n.d.). Courtesy of the John Carter Brown
Library at Brown University.
to the people of antigua & barbuda

& for my sons

 contents

illustrations ix ac know ledg ments xiii

introduction
“Me No B’longs to Dem”: Emancipation’s
Possibilities and Limits in Antigua 1

chapter 1
“A Landscape That Continually Recurred in Passing”:
The Many Worlds of a Small Place 21

chapter 2
“So Them Make Law for Negro,
So Them Make Law for Master”: Antigua’s 1831
Sunday Market Rebellion 57

chapter 3
“But Freedom till Better”:
Labor Struggles after 1834 84

chapter 4
“An Equality with the Highest in the Land”?
The Expansion of Black Private and Public Life 117

chapter 5
“Sinful Conexions”: Christianity,
Social Surveillance, and Black Women’s Bodies
in Distress 142
 chapter 6
“Mashing Ants”: Surviving the
Economic Crisis after 1846 167

chapter 7
“Our Side”: Antigua’s 1858 Uprising and
the Contingent Nature of Freedom 195

conclusion
“My Color Broke Me Down”:
Postslavery Violence and Incomplete Freedom
in the British Caribbean 224

notes 233 bibliography 287 index 309

viii contents
 illustrations

Map 0.1 Present-Day Map of Antigua x

Map 0.2 Present-Day Map of the Caribbean Region xi
Map 1.1 Map of St. John’s (ca. 1840) 36

Fig. 1.1 Map of Antigua (1775) 24

Fig. 1.2 Map of Barbuda and Antigua (1842) 32
Fig. 1.3 Moravian Church Mission, St. John’s Street (ca. 1830) 37
Fig. 1.4 Long Street Courthouse (1823) 40
Fig. 1.5 Mill Yard on Gamble’s Estate, St. John Parish (1823) 42
Fig. 1.6 Ruin of a sugar mill on Rooms Estate, St. Philip’s Parish
(2009) 43
Fig. 4.1 Hyndman’s Village, St. John Parish (1914) 125
 CARIBBEAN AT L A N T I C
SEA OCEAN

St.
GEORGE Fitches
Creek
St. John’s Bay
N

St. JOHN Parham

Five Islands
Harbour St. PETER
Nonsuch
Bay
All Saints
St. PHILIP
St. MARY
Freetown
Liberta
St. PAUL
Willoughby
English Bay
Harbour

Falmouth
Harbour 0 1 2 3 mi

0 1 2 3 4 5 km

map 0.1. Present-day map of Antigua. Map by Bill Nelson Cartography.

 Bermuda
FLORIDA

GULF OF
MEXICO AT L A N T I C
Bahamas OCEAN
N

Cuba Turks and Caicos Islands

Dominican Virgin Islands, U.S.

MEXICO Republic Virgin Islands, British
Cayman
Islands Haiti Anguilla
Jamaica Puerto Rico Saint Martin
Saint Barthélemy
BELIZE Saba Antigua and Barbuda
Saint Eustatius Guadeloupe
Saint Kitts and Nevis
CARIBBEAN SEA Montserrat Dominica
HONDURAS Martinique
Saint Vincent Saint Lucia
Aruba Curaçao
NICARAGUA and the Grenadines
Barbados
Bonaire
Grenada

Trinidad and
COSTA RICA PANAMA Tobago

V E N E ZUE L A

GUYANA
C O L O MBIA SURINAME

0 300 mi

0 500 km BR A ZI L

map 0.2. Present-day map of the Caribbean region. Map by Bill Nelson Cartography.
 ac know ledg ments

Many people played integral parts in making this book happen to whom
I am eternally grateful. I only have the space to thank some (apologies
for not remembering everyone), but know that I treasure all of you who
helped me in big and small ways on the journey.
I must first thank those behind the incredible training that I have re-
ceived as a historian, first as a still-unsure undergraduate at Yale, where
Glenda Gilmore saw the scholar in me before I even did, and then at
nyu, where I came to intellectual maturity in the hands of so many skill-
ful mentors. The exemplary scholarship and thoughtful insights of my
advisor, Ada Ferrer, moved my research along through many stages; her
work continues to inspire me. Michael Gomez provided a welcome, eye-
opening space for all his students to think critically about the African
diaspora as a frame for our work. The incredibly kind Sinclair Thom-
son made a lasting mark on my thinking with his extensive knowledge
of popular resistance. My endless gratitude goes to the brilliant Jennifer
Morgan for her pathbreaking scholarship and sage advice. I am indebted
to her in too many ways, and still learn from her daily. The anthropolo-
gist Constance Sutton reframed how I see the Caribbean. I treasure her
teaching and the many life lessons she has shared with me. Also many
thanks to past and current nyu faculty whose presence was transfor-
mative for my scholarship, including the consummate scholar Martha
Hodes; Robin Kelley, with whom a few minutes of conversation changed
my approach to everything; and Barbara Krauthamer, who taught me
how to teach.
nyu faculty offered me great guidance, but my fellow graduate stu-
dents made me smarter every day I worked alongside them. Thanks to
Tanya Huelett, Aisha Finch, Edwina Ashie-Nikoi, Brian Purnell, Sherie
Randolph, Marc Goulding, Maxine Gordon, Peter Hudson, Njoroge
Njoroge, Rich Blint, Erik McDuffie, Derek Musgrove, Harvey Neptune,
Melina Pappademos, Yuko Miki, Marcela Echeverri, Laurie Lambert,
Mireille Miller-Young, Maggie Clinton, and Sherene Seikaly, among
others, for always raising my bar.
My work was undertaken at many different archives, whose incred-
ibly gracious staffs deserve thanks, including the National Archives of
Antigua and Barbuda (especially the past archivist Marian Blair and the
late Noval Lindsay), the British National Archives at Kew, the School of
Oriental and African Studies Archives, the Schomburg Center for Re-
search in Black Culture, the American Antiquarian Society, the Moravian
Church Archives (many thanks to Paul Peucker), and the Yale University
Divinity School Archives. In addition, thanks to the several institutions
that helped to fund my research, including New York University; the
Tinker Foundation; the American Antiquarian Society Peterson Fel-
lowship; Yale University’s Gilder-Lehrman Center for the Study of Slav-
ery, Resistance, and Abolition; the Ford Foundation; the Schomburg
Center’s Scholars-in-Residence Program; and numerous centers at Co-
lumbia University, including the Department of History, the Institute for
Research in African-American Studies, the Institute for Latin American
Studies, the Center for the Study of Ethnicity and Race, and the Center
for the Study of Social Difference.
I truly appreciate my fellow historians at Columbia University, in-
cluding Christopher Brown, Mae Ngai, Eric Foner, Celia Naylor, Samuel
Roberts, Barbara Fields, Betsy Blackmar, Alice Kessler-Harris, Pablo
Piccato, and Karl Jacoby, all of whom have been dedicated mentors to
me, as well the endless intellectual energy of many graduate students,
including Katherine Johnston, Wes Alcenat, Yesenia Barragan, Nick
Juravich, and Megan French-Marcelin. Thanks to my undergraduate re-
search assistants, Gaia Goffe and Brandon Thompson, who helped me
move through centuries-old records much more quickly than I would
have on my own. Beyond my department I have to thank the Columbia
and Barnard faculty with whom I have found intellectual community,
including Farah Griffin, Saidiya Hartman, David Scott, Kaiama Glover,
Alondra Nelson, Mabel Wilson, Tina Campt, Yvette Christianse, Jean
Howard, the incomparable Kim Hall, and my sister-scholar Carla Shedd.
My work is all the better because of the work and insights of many
other scholars. I cherish Mark Naison for his unwavering and fierce sup-
port of my scholarship since my days at Fordham. Paget Henry introduced

xiv ac know ledg ments

me and my research in its earliest iterations to a wonderful community
of Antiguan and Barbudan intellectuals. I value his mentorship. Susan
Lowes has been a model researcher and true friend. I must also thank
Milton Benjamin, Mali Olatunji, Ellorton Jeffers, Ermina Osoba, Marie
Elena John-Smith, Edgar Lake, Robert Glen, and Dorbrene O’Marde for
their work on Antiguan and Barbudan history and culture. Thanks as well
to fellow scholars of the African diaspora whose research continues to in-
spire me and whose insights have significantly improved my work, includ-
ing the ever-generous Herman Bennett, as well as Melanie Newton, Diana
Paton, Rosanne Adderley, Bridget Brereton, Marisa Fuentes, Lara Putnam,
Gad Heuman, Mimi Sheller, Tera Hunter, Martha Jones, Mia Bay, Barbara
Savage, Denise Challenger, Ben Talton, Michael Ralph, Vanessa Perez-
Rosario, Hlonipha Mokoena, and the lovely Natasha Gordon-Chipembere.
Additionally my sincere gratitude goes to Gisela Fosado, Ken Wissoker,
and the staff at Duke University Press for bringing this book to fruition. I
also have undying praise and awe for Grey Osterud, a magician of the writ-
ten word, who helped this book make sense. If you enjoy the read it is as
much to her credit as it is to mine.
I have too many friends to name who supported my work and some-
times offered welcome distractions from it, but some deserve special
mention. My best friend of more than twenty years, Damaris De Los San-
tos, and her entire family are my surrogate family. No words encapsulate
what her friendship means to me. Tanya Huelett makes me laugh while
changing how I see the world. She is my kindred spirit. Only for brevity’s
sake will I list others who I cannot imagine myself without: Victor Vil-
lanueva, Risa Rich, Najah Mustafa, Vanessa Fitt, Christine Rocco, Carlos
Santiago, Desiree Gordon, Ryan Jean-Baptiste, and my sons’ West Coast
aunts, Erica Edwards and Deb Vargas.
My family has loved and encouraged me all along the way. My extended
family at St. Andrew’s Episcopal Church in the Bronx will always hold
a special place in my heart. The Swain and Gardenhire families have
brought good food and good laughs into my life. The Lightfoot, Carr, and
James families and their many branches in Antigua, New York, Canada,
and the UK deserve so much more than thanks for their unending love
and support. I am honored to be a part of them. I hold dear the memories
of my late grandparents, Irene and William Carr and Mildred Bernard;
they are my direct connection to the working people who fill the pages
of this book. My sister, Michelle Lightfoot, is my greatest champion. My

ac know ledg ments xv

aunts Heather Henry, Donnamae Carr, and especially Gwynneth Carr
have always been my second mothers. I miss my late father, William
Lightfoot, and his brilliance, his politics, and his sharp fashion sense.
I hope the best parts of him live on in me. My mother and first teacher,
Jocelyn Lightfoot, is my greatest inspiration. I will always be in her debt.
Matthew Swain’s love brings me joy. I cherish the life we have built to-
gether. This book is for our children, Evan and Avery, who make my heart
sing.

xvi ac know ledg ments

 introduction

“ me no b ’ longs to dem ”
Emancipation’s Possibilities and Limits in Antigua

Antigua’s thirty thousand enslaved people, alongside those in all other

British colonial territories, were freed on August 1, 1834. Shortly after
emancipation, Juncho, an elderly black Antiguan woman previously en-
slaved on MacKinnon’s Estate in the Parish of St. John, described the
differences between slavery and freedom.1 The very moment of freedom
rendered Juncho both jobless and homeless. Abolition ended her daily
toil in the fields but undermined her material security. Since 1834, she
had lived in poverty with her daughter. Juncho declared: “So you see . . .
dat make me say me no [love] slabery. Now wen me [young], me hab to
work hard, hab dig cane [h]ole, weed cane, pick grass, do ebery ting; but
now me ole, and no able to work, dey take away me house, ’cause me no
b’longs to dem, but den me [know] me free, and me bless God me am
free.”2
Juncho insisted that, despite the hunger and privation she encoun-
tered in freedom, slavery had been worse. She mentioned examples of
two harrowing situations that as an enslaved mother she typically faced.
She could not nurse a sick child back to health because she was required
to toil in the fields all day. When her child transgressed a rule of the
plantation, she had to watch, powerless to intervene, as the owner tied
Juncho’s child to a tree and meted out a violent whipping. In Juncho’s
account, freedom relieved the sorts of stresses on the mother-child re-
lationship that being the property of another often involved. The im-
poverishment she endured while living with her daughter and several
grandchildren, however, attests to other kinds of stresses black families
encountered after 1834.
 The striking utterance “me no b’longs to dem” signals that she took
solace in the self-mastery that legal freedom brought. As a freedwoman,
she had control of her body and her time. Reportedly, Antigua’s freed-
people used the phrase “me free, me no b’longs to you!” as a “constant
boast” when they ignored or defied whites.3 The phrase also evokes black
women’s relief at the freedom to protect their bodies from sexual viola-
tion. Juncho and her formerly enslaved compatriots relished their new
status and the liberty to express it publicly to all whites within earshot.
Yet Juncho’s story, rather than hailing abolition as an unalloyed bless-
ing, also underlines the many difficulties that black working people faced
following their legal release from enslavement. She explained: “It true
me better off den dan me am now, for since me free, me no get much;
sometimes me no eat bread all day, for me daughter hab so many pic’nees
(children) she no able to gib me much; but . . . me [know] God gib me
free, and slabery is one bad something sometimes.”4 Juncho admitted
that some aspects of her circumstances in bondage proved better than
those she experienced in freedom. As a slave, she had access to her own
house and a private garden, where she grew produce and raised poultry.
When emancipation came, her then-former owner expelled her from
her home and reclaimed her provision ground as his own. Too old to
be employed profitably, she became a liability in this new regime of
wage labor.
Her words poignantly convey the paradox of freedom for ex-slaves.
Emancipation from chattel status into poverty and continued subjugation
meant that freedom, while long awaited and celebrated, entailed material
distress and personal uncertainty. Her story also highlights the particular
difficulties of freedom for Antigua’s black women, who faced an unreli-
able labor market that favored black men, while the women shouldered
responsibility for their children and extended kin, often without assis-
tance from male partners. Essentially, these inadequacies meant that
freedpeople similar to Juncho had to imbue freedom with deeper mean-
ing through new social, political, and ontological struggles.
Her testimony reveals that self-ownership marked only the beginning
of such struggles. Freedpeople were still poor and bereft of the resources
required to improve their material and social circumstances. Their con-
tinued efforts were central to the lived experience of emancipation. This
book tells the story of how Antigua’s black working people struggled to
realize freedom in their everyday lives, both before and after slavery’s

2 introduction
legal end, as well as the transformative nature of their many letdowns
and few triumphs along the way.

An Unfinished Freedom

Troubling Freedom explores how newly emancipated women and men de-
fined freedom by tracing its uneasy trajectory in Antigua over nearly
three decades. After an overview of the island in the nineteenth century,
the book moves to a slave rebellion in 1831 that foreshadowed emancipa-
tion’s complexities. It continues by chronicling freedpeople’s quotidian
survival tactics from 1834 through the 1850s, and it closes with an 1858
labor riot that reinforced freedom as an incomplete victory. Studies of
freedom in former slave societies throughout the Atlantic World fre-
quently posit emancipation as the start of black people’s labor organiz-
ing and pursuit of political rights.5 Framing short-term strategies after
slavery within the long-term struggle to obtain political and economic
citizenship is vitally important, but it tells only part of freedom’s story.
The moments just after slavery’s end, flooded with chaos and uncer-
tainty for both former slaves and masters, formed a critical juncture that
begs closer examination. In this time of flux, both groups made fitful
attempts to configure distinct practices of freedom, which bore stark
differences that triggered clashes between them for decades afterward.
Impoverished and illiterate freedpeople just emerging from bondage
may have held far-reaching goals, but they were in no position to make
drastic changes to their new status. Still, they conceived of a freedom that
granted them ownership over their bodies and their time, autonomy in
their labor, enjoyment of their leisure, and legal and economic inclusion
in society—if not as equals with their erstwhile enslavers, then at least as
protected subjects. Furthermore, historians have argued that there were
greater political and economic constraints among freedpeople in small
islands such as Antigua, because freedpeople’s universally blocked access
to land immediately forced them into underpaid plantation labor.6 While
indeed their landlessness constrained freed Antiguans, this book compli-
cates that sweeping narrative by highlighting their myriad efforts to de-
fine and expand their freedom in the face of such constraints. I ask how,
despite being mired in poverty, subject to coercion, and denied even the
most basic rights at every turn, freedpeople still found spaces in their
ordinary lives to feel free.7

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