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 C H AN GE F ORC ES I N
P O ST- C OMMU NIST EAST ERN
E U ROP E

This book seeks to illuminate some important features of the forces that shape
sudden and dramatic large-scale educational reform. It also suggests new direc-
tions in the study of educational change with the potential to guide strategic
planning of the transformation of education in societies where change is pro-
found and rapid. It does so by exploring recent educational changes in five
post-Soviet nations: Russia, the Czech Republic, Romania, Hungary, and East
Germany, against a conceptual framework developed by Fullan (2001) for under-
standing large-scale educational reform.
The book itself is organized into three parts. In Part I, Michael Fullan intro-
duces the dynamic forces of large-scale reform and explores issues related to re-
form in countries experiencing sudden and dramatic transformation. He begins
with a discussion of the “Triple I” model that encompasses three broad phases of
change: initiation, implementation, and institutionalization. He then addresses
three additional themes that strengthen the applicability of the Triple I model:
the “coherence-making problem” of multiple innovations, characteristic of large-
scale reform; the importance of applying simultaneous pressure and support to
sustain change; and the creation of new infrastructure capacities to facilitate
successful change.
In Part II, each of the five chapters presents a case study of a different country.
Each contributor examines the dynamic process of change over time, identifying
salient themes, delineating critical factors, and examining their consequences
and impact on their education system. “The value of case studies [within com-
parative education],” as Arnove (2001) points out, “resides in their contribu-
tion to the refinement and modification of extant theory and ultimately to the
creation of new theory when existing explanatory frameworks are not applicable”
(p. 496).
In Part III, Fullan reflects on the insights provided by the authors in Part II,
and proposes a new emergent conceptual framework for guiding the thinking and
strategic planning of transformation of education in large-scale reform.
CHANGE FORCES IN
P O S T- C O M M U N I S T
EASTERN EUROPE
Education in transition

Edited by
Eleoussa Polyzoi
Michael Fullan
John P. Anchan
 First published 2003
by RoutledgeFalmer
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2004.
RoutledgeFalmer is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
© 2003 Eleoussa Polyzoi
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and record-
ing, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Change forces in post-communist Eastern Europe : education in
transition / [edited by]
Eleoussa Polyzoi, Michael Fullan, and John P. Anchan.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Educational change–Europe, Central–Cross-cultural studies.
2. Educational planning–Europe, Central–Cross-cultural studies.
3. Post-communism–Europe, Central–Cross-cultural studies. I. Polyzoi,
Eleoussa. II. Fullan, Michael. III. Anchan, John P.
LA622.7.C53 2003
370'.947–dc21
2003041391

ISBN 0-203-42650-9 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-44083-8 (Adobe eReader Format)

ISBN 0 415 30659 0 (Print edition)
To Dimos, Ian, Panayiotis, Konstantine
Zynu, Sneha, Krupa, and
our Eastern European colleagues
 C O NT E NT S

List of illustrations and tables ix

List of contributors xi
Foreword by John P. Anchan xiii
Preface xix
Acknowledgements xxi

PA RT I
Understanding large-scale reform 1
1 The dynamic forces of change 3
MICHAEL FULLAN

PA RT I I
Selected case studies 11
2 Harnessing the forces of change: educational transformation in Russia 13
E L E O U S SA P O LY Z O I A N D E D UA R D D N E PROV

3 Forces affecting the implementation of educational change

in the Czech Republic: a dynamic model 34
E L E O U S SA P O LY Z O I A N D M A R I E Č E R N Á

4 Educational change and social transition in Hungary 55

GÁ B O R H A L Á S Z

5 Reforming the Romanian system of education: the agenda ahead 74

C E SA R B Î R Z E A A N D C I PR I A N FA RT U Ş N I C

6 Educational transition in East Germany:

between emancipation and adjustment 94
NI NA A R NHOLD

PA RT I I I
Cross-case reflections 109
7 The emergence of a conceptual framework 111
MICHAEL FULLAN

Index 117

vii
 I LLU S T R AT I O NS A N D TA B L ES

Figures
1 A simplified overview of the change process 4
2 Factors affecting initiation 6
3 Interactive factors affecting implementation 7
4 Illustration of the dynamics of system transformation 50
5 The creation of an intermediary state or bridge to facilitate
transition when two states have few or no common elements 51
6 Passage from corrective to systemic reform 77
7 The process of educational transition – a comparison of
three conceptual models 98

Tables
1 A conceptual framework for educational transformation 114

ix
 C O NT R I B U T O R S

John P. Anchan teaches at the University of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada.

Besides teaching at the University of Alberta, he has served as Executive
Director of Edmonton Immigrant Services Association (EISA), a non-profit
charitable settlement organization. John has taught in India, United Arab
Emirates, and Canada, and has published in his areas of interest including de-
velopment education, information technology, culture and education, global
education, and contemporary sociological issues in education.
Nina Arnhold holds a Ph.D. in Comparative and International Education from
the University of Oxford. She has worked as a consultant for UNESCO and
for the Boston Consulting Group. As a project leader at the Centre for Higher
Education Development, she is currently involved in the reform of higher
education institutions in Germany. Her research interests include higher
education, teacher education, education for reconstruction, and education in
countries in transition.
Cesar Bîrzea is Director of the Institute of Education Sciences in Bucharest (a
National Institute of Research and Development in Education, supported by
the Ministry of Education) and Professor at the University of Bucharest. He
has also served as President of the National Council on Educational Reform
in Romania, member of the Education Committee of the Council of Europe
(Strasbourg), and President of the IBE Council (Geneva). His research inter-
ests include educational policies in transition countries, educational change,
education for democratic citizenship, and global education.
Marie Černá is Head of the Department of Special Education, Charles Univer-
sity, Prague, the Czech Republic. She has held various academic and adminis-
trative posts at the university, including Vice-Dean of International Relations.
She has published numerous scholarly papers on educational reform, special
education, and educational policy. Her current research focuses on the quality
of life of mentally challenged adults.

xi
 CONTRIBUTORS

Eduard Dneprov is the former Minister of Education of the Russian Federa-

tion who ushered in major reform in the early 1990s. He is former director of
the Federal Institute for Educational Planning, Ministry of Education of the
Russian Federation. Currently, he is Professor of History, University of the
Russian Academy of Education. He has published widely on the history of
education, policy, and reform in the Russian Federation.
Ciprian Fartuşnic is a Senior Researcher with the Romanian Institute of
Education Sciences (Educational System Evaluation Department) and the
Romanian National Observatory. He is also a teaching assistant and con-
sultant on educational issues for the Romanian Academic Society. His main
research interests include management and financing in education, rural and
intercultural education, civil society involvement in educational policies, and
vocational education and training.
Michael Fullan is Dean of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the
University of Toronto. An innovator and international leader in teacher edu-
cation, he has published widely on the topic of educational change. He has
received numerous awards, including the Canadian Education Association
‘Whitworth Award for Educational Research’ in June 1997.

Gábor Halász is Director-General of the National Institute of Public Educa-

tion in Budapest. He also teaches education at the University of Miskolc.
His research fields are education policy and administration, comparative and
international education, and theory of education systems. He has worked as
an expert consultant for a number of international organizations, particularly
OECD, the World Bank, and the Council of Europe. As an education policy
expert, he took an active part in Hungary’s educational-change process in the
1990s.
Eleoussa Polyzoi is Professor of Education and Coordinator of Developmental
Studies at The University of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. She has published
widely in the areas of language development, childcare, school evaluation, and
comparative education. Her research interests include educational change
theory and practice, particularly as they relate to post-Soviet countries.

xii
 FOREWORD

Change – as the common cliché goes – is the only constant. This paradoxical
statement aptly describes the continuous evolution of contemporary society,
influenced as it is by information technologies and reeling from the effects of
globalization. As a result, those engaged in the attempt to understand organi-
zational change may find the exercise somewhat traumatic. While change at
the personal level may be discomfiting, systemic structural change tends to be
far more complex and far less amenable to analysis, let alone to a planned re-
sponse. In a world characterized by a proliferation of theoretical constructs and
political persuasions, change has been explored within the context of multifari-
ous theories, including modernization, neo-Marxism, liberalism, liberationalism
(empowerment, critical pedagogy), post-colonialism, and postmodernism, to
name just a few. Beyond the traditional theories, we also have business models of
change, as well as models of social change, jurisprudence and change, pedagogi-
cal change, and change in relation to capitalist and conditioned states (Sieber,
1972; Carnoy, 1974; Carnoy and Samoff, 1990; Zakharieva, 1991; Hodgkinson,
1991; McLeish, 1996; Carter, 1997). More recently, researchers have analysed
the challenge of change during transition in the Baltic States during the 1990s
(Peck and Mays, 2000). In essence, the Baltic initiative confirmed that educators
and policymakers in the ex-Soviet blocs (Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia) have
faced innumerable challenges in the process of re-inventing and redefining the
policy of educational change. The Baltic case studies also re-affirm our stance
that change can be not only complex but also difficult to analyse. The elimina-
tion of an historical and obsolete infrastructure followed by the replacement of a
new educational system involves a drastic restructuring that decentralizes state-
controlled apparatuses that would have essentially served as ideological employ
of the erstwhile powers. As elucidated by Mays (2000), devolution of powers and
re-building (what Bîrzea would explain as ‘rectification’) are usually accompanied
by uncertainty as reformers are forced to deal with a population plagued with
unrest and apprehension (p. 193).
Despite the wide range of theoretical explanations, a clear understanding of
the role and influence of education within this complex world of change remains
elusive to many policy- and decision-makers. Educational systems are diverse in

xiii
 FOR EWOR D

nature, a reflection of diverse cultures, peoples, and histories; consequently, the

assumption that the field of international and comparative education can pro-
vide us with easy and tangible solutions may be naïve and even misleading. The
claim has been made that, historically, theories of modernization, initiatives like
the green revolution, and the development policies of international institutions
(e.g. International Monetary Fund, World Bank, United Nations Development
Program, World Trade Organization, Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development) have largely resulted in convoluted policies, disrupted devel-
opment, and incessant turmoil – particularly in developing nations (Eisenstadt,
1974; Toh, 1980; Hurst, 1981; Larrain, 1983, 1989, 1994, 2000; Zakharieva, 1991;
Arnold, 1994; Carlsson and Ramphal, 1995; Mason, 1997). Nevertheless, despite
all its associated difficulties, change neither can nor should be avoided. Hence,
researchers continue their investigations, in the hope of better understanding
a complex world that is continually in the process of change. In particular, his-
torically, the contribution of comparative and/or international education – as a
specialized field of academic discourse – has provided invaluable insights into
understanding global changes (Torres, 2001; Arnove, 2001).
While many political economists and development theorists have attempted to
explicate the concept of change (especially in relation to developing countries),
educational change, for the most part, has been analysed as an event rather than
as a process. Fullan’s approach attempts to address this limitation. Political scien-
tists and development theorists have variously formulated the process of change
as growth (Spencer, Durkheim, Robertson), transition (Carnoy and Samoff,
1990), transformation (Freire, 1978, 1983, 1985; Allahar, 1989), development
(Bernstein), evolution (Spencer), and modernization/industrialization (Parsons).
For some, ‘change’ refers to developing from simple to complex (Comte, Weber);
for others (structural functionalists), change involves a response to tensions be-
tween the superstructure and the economic base. The plethora of explanations
has generated a great deal of theoretical discourse, which has remained largely
pedantic, yielding little in the way of practical insight (Shapiro, 1998). The bril-
liant analytical treatises of economic determinism have not delivered practical
solutions for educators looking for answers. Descriptive accounts of the causes
of change abound; what is lacking are ‘models’ which could serve as precursors
to further development of explanatory frameworks. Although Beeby’s sincere but
unsuccessful attempt to provide an evolutionary model (1967, 1969) did draw
some attention to the concept of directed planning (Guthrie, 1980), educational
change has largely been explored in terms of socio-political change. Some writ-
ers have attempted to redress this limitation; Fullan’s work in the past 15 years,
for example, has directed attention to the understanding of planned educational
change – albeit, not within the context of comparative or development educa-
tion. Fullan’s analysis, which provides insights into change at the micro-level of
school and classroom, may, to a certain degree, be applicable to the macro-level
of comparative and international education. Within this context, Fullan’s model
may not only offer some insight into change as a process but also facilitate the

xiv
 FOR EWOR D

analysis of change within the current geopolitical context. One cannot use
simplistic measures to assess educational change, nor conduct social analysis in
isolation from the various political, social, and historical influences that have an
impact upon it. Fullan’s ideas, applied to exploratory research, may allow us to re-
examine experiences and case studies in order to engage our theoretical under-
standings and underlying assumptions of change, and to use this understanding
as the backdrop for our investigation of case studies.
Post-Communist Eastern Europe offers us an opportunity to consider countries
that have gone through revolutionary, rather than the more familiar evolution-
ary, changes. As Bîrzea (1994) argues, transition may be defined or understood
in various ways, and yet it defies a universal explanation; Arnhold, in Part II
of this book, takes this stance in her attempt to explain the changes which oc-
curred after the reunification of Germany. If political and economic changes
defy successful analysis, how much more so do cultural transitions? Arnhold
describes the attempt made by Oxford educators to link education and transi-
tion. An important feature of their model is the recognition that change cannot
be understood as linear or sequential. Although the model’s proposed phases
suggest a sequence, this could be understood in terms of processes rather than
events. The complexity of educational change is evident in what Fullan (2001, p.
52) describes as ‘operations across … many levels’. The East German case study
furnishes an excellent illustration of this complexity: in this example, a power
shift from teachers to parents is observed. As teachers traversed successive stages
of change – from initial euphoria, through struggles with sudden, drastic, and
uncontrollable upheaval, to loss of power and resultant confusion – they suffered
stress and bore the brunt of public consternation. Nevertheless, these teachers
recognized that change – uncomfortable as it may be – may help them to become
critical educators. They also realized the value of historical analyses in under-
standing some of the tensions experienced during change. It could be said that
democracy offers the freedom to become uncomfortable with the unknown, to
move from the known to the unknown in pursuit of something better. In spite of
its weaknesses and ambiguities, the freedom to experiment bestows the reality of
empowerment. Indeed, democratic process may be subverted by individuals, who
arrogate decision-making power to themselves. Tharoor (1997) in his musings
India: From Midnight to the Millennium puts this into perspective: ‘Yes, democracy
can be unbearably inefficient but efficiency without democracy can be simply
unbearable’ (p. 360).
Using Fullan’s model as the framework for analysis, Halász investigates
educational/social change in post-Communist Hungary; Bîrzea and Fartuşnic
consider the intricacies of change in Romania; and Polyzoi and Dneprov ap-
praise Russia, a nation which has struggled to extricate itself from powerful and
contradictory political and economic forces within an overwhelmingly capitalist
world order. All these studies strive to realize a better understanding of structural
and systemic change using Fullan’s proposition; the authors make no incredible
claims to explain all the inexplicable changes, and rightly so. Rather, they offer

xv
 FOR EWOR D

an examination of the unique historical changes that have occurred in seemingly

disparate national entities which nonetheless share certain commonalities – an
investigation that may perhaps enable educational analysts to further explore the
phenomenon of change per se.
As most theories are subject to contextual, particularistic, and historical in-
fluences, the attempt to generalize can be detrimental to any scholarly pursuit.
Likewise, the attempt to supply grandiose, universal metanarratives would be
a futile and inappropriate task. Nevertheless – whether in Halász’s attempt to
analyse educational/social change in post-Communist Hungary, in Bîrzea and
Fartuşnic’s examination of change in Romania, or, especially, in the Russian case
study contributed by Polyzoi and Dneprov – the challenging exercise of exploring
the appropriateness of one or more theoretical explanations in relation to other
contexts may lead us to hitherto unforeseeable answers. Research is not only a
planned rendezvous with knowledge; it is also a rewarding activity which may
include serendipitous elements. It may be helpful to remind ourselves that change
is not a new concept or phenomenon; it is our evolving notions of change in
relation to our world which make this study an interesting and relevant polemic
exercise – a humble attempt to explicate the complexities of change itself.
As a complex process involving the interaction of multiple variables (includ-
ing units of analysis, the nation’s history, politics, economics, and many others),
the task of understanding change is by no means simple. But, another (more
profound and subtle) reason exists for the difficulty: our understanding is con-
ditioned inescapably by our own subjectivity. One of the strengths of this book
is that it embodies this insight. Rather than claim expertise and theorize from
without, seeking to explain the Other, it presents the experiential and researched
analyses of intellectuals living their lives within the changes being explicated.
These are the voices of those who are part of the change, individuals who not
only have played vital roles in policy development in their countries but who also
engage in meaningful and formal analyses, from their own perspectives, of how
transition has occurred. From a post-modern and especially from a post-colonial
standpoint, the voices of these subjects demonstrate increasing movement to-
wards the centre – from the marginal to the essential, from the peripheral to the
core. These voices constitute their own authority; they need no authentication
from ‘experts’ elsewhere. They narrate their own stories in their own language.
Most of the contributors have played important roles in the changes they de-
scribe; because of this, some may question the ‘objectivity’ of their perceptions/
understanding – this is ironic, considering that we at the centre have admitted
no need to validate our knowledge of the periphery or of the narrator’s lived
experiences (it is not surprising that action research has gained such popularity
in recent times). While these writers share to some extent a common political
past, they represent very diverse nations: their divergent experiences enrich this
collection. As always, in the field of comparative education (which some may
prefer to call international education), we must continue to grapple with the ten-
sions inherent in analysis of processes taking place in disparate situations. We

xvi
 FOR EWOR D

have sought to infuse greater clarity into the discourse by use of Fullan’s concep-
tual framework for understanding transition. Our discussion does not purport
to provide irrefragable answers; it deals, rather, with the possibility of initiating
meaningful inquiry into the process we call change – a phenomenon that defies
unproblematic explanation.
Perhaps it is also important to remind our readers that this book positions
itself within the domain of education, rather than economics or political science.
We hope that these case studies will provide an appreciation of the complexities
entailed in the study of diverse perspectives on the process of large-scale educa-
tional change.
John P. Anchan
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
July 8, 2002

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xviii
 P R E FAC E

The key to effective change is to stay poised on [the] … edge of

chaos.
(Brown and Eisenhardt, 1998, p. 14)

McLeish and Phillips, in the introduction to their 1998 publication Processes of

Transition in Education Systems, acknowledge that ‘Very little has been written
about post-totalitarian educational transition from a theoretical point of view, and
thus there is no body of literature upon which to draw in an effort to provide a
theoretical construct for the notion of educational transition’ (p. 13). While an
emerging body of literature is beginning to address recent educational changes
in Russia and former-Communist Central and Eastern European countries, many
of these studies remain descriptive in nature (see, for example, Furjaeva, 1994;
Zajda, 1994; Guseva and Sosnowksi, 1997; Ray, 1997). This book is unique in
three ways. First, it examines educational change as a ‘process’ rather than as
an ‘event’; second, it explores recent educational changes against a conceptual
framework developed by Fullan (2001) for understanding large-scale educational
change; and third, it uses the nation as the unit of analysis in which the original
impetus for change has occurred, although change at the individual school-dis-
trict, school, or classroom level is also addressed.
Educational change is examined in five post-Soviet nations: Russia, the Czech
Republic, Hungary, Romania, and East Germany. The selection of these countries
is based on their contrastive political, social, and economic development follow-
ing the collapse of communism. For example, transition in the Czech Republic
and Hungary was already under way before 1991, but the end of Soviet hegemony
cleared a path for change. Romania practised a pure and hard communism, very
similar to the Asian model and to original Stalinism, until 1989, when the totali-
tarian state led by Nicolae Ceauşescu was brought down in a violent and bloody
revolution (Bîrzea, 1995). East Germany was the only country in Eastern Europe
to be absorbed into another (the Federal Republic of Germany). In Russia, where
communist ideology, born of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, emerged from within
(unlike former Soviet-Bloc countries, upon which communism was imposed from

xix
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