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Ecotourism

Since the first edition of the title, ecotourism has become a major phenomenon
in tourism and society in many countries and regions throughout the world. The
­­­­profusion of experiences has generated a variety of means of theorising, analysing
and marketing ecotourism, all that have yet to be encompassed in one book.

Ecotourism fills the gap by synthesising the changes in thinking and society over the
last decade. This third edition has been fully revised and updated to include:

• updated chapters addressing modern thought and discourse, including

neoliberalism, consumer culture and quality management in the ecotourism
­­­­
industry;
• critical analysis drawn from a range of theoretical frameworks, which models
and advances the thinking in ecotourism towards a socio-geographical analysis;
• new and international case studies from emerging markets such as China and
Brazil.

Providing a critical introduction to the analysis of tourism from a sociological and

geographical perspective, the title is essential reading for higher-level and graduate
students and researchers in tourism, sociology and geography. It will also be of
interest to environmental groups and practitioners.

Stephen Wearing is an Honorary Adjunct at the UTS Business School Sydney,

Australia.
Stephen Schweinsberg is a Senior Lecturer in sustainable management at UTS
Business School Sydney, Australia.
Ecotourism
Transitioning to the 22nd
Century
Third Edition

Stephen Wearing and

Stephen Schweinsberg
Third edition published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 Stephen Wearing and Stephen Schweinsberg

The right of Stephen Wearing and Stephen Schweinsberg to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted
by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
­­­­information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
­­­­identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

First edition published by Butterworth-Heinemann 1999

Second edition published by Routledge 2009

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record has been requested for this book

ISBN: 978-1-138-20204-7 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-20210-8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-47493-9 (ebk)

Typeset in Iowan Old Style

by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire
Contents

Preface to the Third Edition vi

1 Sustainable ecotourism futures in a corporatised consumer society 1

2 If ecotourism is not just an activity but a philosophy, which philosophy? 13
3 Tourism development: government, industry, policy and planning  25
4 Ecotourism and natural resource management  43
5 Professionalisation and quality assurance  81
6 Interpretation as provocation 93
7 The community perspective 104
8 Marketing ecotourism: shaping expectations for a sustainable future 122
9 Could the presidential ecotourist please stand up? 136
10 Ecotourism’s educational futures 146

Glossary157
A guide to ecotourism agencies and other sustainable tourism resources 167
Index169

v
Preface to the Third Edition

It has now been twenty years since the first edition of Ecotourism: Impacts, potentials
and possibilities was published and ten years since the second edition. In that time
ecotourism has become synonymous, for many in industry, academia and society,
with ideas around environmental and social best practice in tourism management –
a developmental pathway, if you will, to the nirvana of sustainable tourism.
Over the last decade or so, there has been a proliferation in academic texts and
journals on ecotourism, works that have sought to articulate aspects of its manage-
ment and operation in different localities throughout the world. The increasingly
sophisticated nature of this academic dialogue is reflective of a realisation that eco-
tourism must be actively responsible for its own future. It is not possible to uncriti-
cally hold ecotourism up as the antithesis of unsustainable mass tourism; however,
we equally cannot ignore the potential opportunities ecotourism may afford for the
education of society around pressing environmental and social issues like climate
change.
Ecotourism is, in the end, an industry grounded in neoliberal principles. As more
and more remote areas of the world are in effect privatised and turned into the
playgrounds of wealthy consumers, ecotourism is presented with opportunities for
almost infinite growth. But is this a good thing? As recent commentary over the
killing of a polar bear by cruise ship workers on the Svalbard Archipelago attests –
ecotourism, when practiced correctly, can be a mechanism for environmental and
social good. To understand, however, what correct practice means requires that we
throw off the rose-coloured glasses that commonly characterise ecotourism com-
mentary. We must be prepared to critically assess the sustainability merits of ecot-
ourism and to ask the hard questions about ecotourism’s future in the context of its
past and present.
It is in this context that the third edition of Ecotourism is subtitled Transitioning to the
22nd Century. In the pages that follow, we will seek to explore aspects of the interplay
between the neoliberal market-based expectations of the ecotourism industry and
its traditional conservation and community focus. We will argue that the ecotourism
industry has the opportunity, through alternative labels such as Community Based
Ecotourism (CBET), to further refine its practices to achieve more sustainable out-
comes. The third edition sees the addition of a new author, Stephen Schweinsberg.
John Neil has moved on from his academic post to pursue a career with an ethics
centre. There is a slight change in structure of this edition in that it provides fewer
case studies and more references to the now-extensive work available online and in
journals. This work is now more instantly accessible via the Internet and can provide
readers with access to material on the ideas formulated or discovered on reading
this book. Given the breadth and depth of new knowledge published in ecotourism

vi
 Preface to the Third Edition

since the first and second editions, it is believed this is a much more effective way
of providing the basis for the readers learning in the 21st century and preparing for
ecotourism’s future in the 22nd century.

With warm (but not too warm, we hope) regards,

Stephen Wearing and Stephen Schweinsberg

vii
 Chapter 1

Sustainable ecotourism futures

in a corporatised consumer
society

Introduction
All tourism is situated in an environmental, social and economic world. Its develop-
ment is both a product of that world as well as a major determinant of the future of
the world. On a global scale there were over a billion international tourist arrivals in
2012 (Wood, 2017). Although ecotourism is still a fairly minor component of total
global travel demand (Sharpley, 2006), it is nonetheless one of the fastest-growing
­­­­
tourism subsectors and is also often intrinsically aligned (or perhaps misaligned)
to notions of sustainability and sustainable development. Since the 1990s there has
been evidence of a greater level of academic and professional attention being afforded
to the sustainability potential of tourism in its various forms. The International Year
of Ecotourism in 2002 (Butcher, 2006; Global Development Research Centre, 2002;
MacLaren, 2002), for example, afforded academics the opportunity to critically
reflect on how ecotourism can be a mechanism for conservation and development,
with a focus on the developing world in the early 21st century.
What will constitute ecotourism in the 22nd century is essentially unknowable.
When Urry and Larsen (2011) included a discussion of tourism futures in the final
chapter of The Tourist Gaze 3.0, they did so on the basis of a series of hypotheticals.
Competing futures were identified as having consequences for the global tourism
industry, and Urry and Larsen (2011) noted that different futures might lead to a
fundamental realignment of what the tourist gaze can and indeed should be. Urry
and Larsen (2011) argued that the tourist gaze in the future stands to be influenced
by a range of stakeholder forces. In their second scenario for instance they identify
a future that “is what many environmentalists argue for, namely a worldwide recon-
figuration of economy and society around the idea of local sustainability” (Urry and
Larsen, 2011, p. 234). In such a future, “values of community and eco responsibility
could come to be viewed as more valuable than those of consumerism and uncon-
strained tourism mobility” (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 235). What does this mean
for ecotourism?
The essential paradox of ecotourism is, and remains, its supposedly non-­­­­
consumptive nature. Is it really possible to practice a form of consumption where
1
Sustainable ecotourism futures

one’s goals extend beyond the simple relationship between the producers and con-
sumers of products and services? Can ecotourism continue to grow in importance as
part of a wider neoliberal setting, whilst instilling in its participants a reverence for
the active preservation of the environment in its various forms? Fennell (2014) has
recently written of the evolution of ecotourism since the 1980s. Ecotourism, Fennell
(2014) notes, used to be defined

by a rather restricted range of opportunities in a few charismatic destinations …

The market, typically bird watchers and scientists, was much more predictable …
[such] ecotourists were affiliated with conservation organisations; they invested
heavily in the gear that would allow them to better capture these travel experi-
ences; they travelled as ecotourists frequently; and they were long-staying, well
educated, financially well off and allocentric in their travel desires.

Fennell (2014) goes on to note that

the allure of this type of travel, no doubt stemming from the onset of [wider
community discussions around sustainability and] sustainable development (see
Diamantis & Ladkin, 1999; Hunter, 1995; Hunter, 1997) … and the media hype
generated from its coverage, gave way to an expanding market clamouring to take
advantage of new alternative tourism activities in places that were virtually terra
incognita.

The effect of this growth in consumer interest in so-called alternative tourism

activities is that it is getting harder and harder to find truly unique places in the
world. Whilst changing climactic conditions mean that, in a sense, the tourism envi-
ronment is always evolving and opening up regions of the world to new forms of
tourism endeavours (see for example Eijgelaar, Thaper, & Peeters, 2010; Lemelin,
Dawson, & Stewart, 2013; Piggott-McKellar & McNamara, 2017 for a discussion
of last chance tourism), the fact remains that tourism is now a truly global indus-
try. Greenwood once described modern tourism as “the largest scale movement of
goods, services and people that perhaps humanity has ever seen” (1989, p. 171 in
Fletcher, 2011, p. 443).
One of the fastest-growing industry subsectors over the latter half of the twen-
tieth century, and one that is closely connected to ecotourism, is marine or ocean
tourism (Orams & Lück, 2015). Orams has defined marine tourism as “those rec-
reational activities that involve travel away from one’s place of residence and which
have as their host or focus the marine environment (where the marine environ-
ment is defined as those waters which are saline and tide affected)” (1999, p. 9).
In viewing this definition, it is important to acknowledge the breadth of marine
environments that it implicitly encompasses. Additionally, we must keep in mind
that marine tourism exists in the shadow of a range of other marine activities, which
depending on one’s circumstance and cultural perspective can perhaps lay equal
claim to being sustainable uses of the world’s common marine environments.
In this opening chapter we will seek to consider aspects of the place-based circum-
stance of ecotourism, with a particular focus on whale watching (and whale swim-
ming). This discussion will draw on the work of Henri Lefebvre, who once argued
that traditional understandings of “space have emerged from a traditional western,
Cartesian logic to produce an abstract space – a scientific space” (Watkins, 2005,
2
 Sustainable ecotourism futures

p. 210). In contrast to these traditional positivist conceptualisations, Lefebvre

argued that space should actually be conceptualised as lived. Space, as he noted in
his influential work The Production of Space, is an amalgam of three interrelated forces:
representations of space, spatial practices and spaces of representation (Lefebvre,
1991[1947]). This triadic conceptualisation of space does not seek to deny space’s
physical underpinning. Instead it seeks to lay a human stratum over the top of the
physical.
By seeing space as lived we are able to conceptualise ecotourism’s future in the
22nd century not in terms of some abstract future projection, but rather in the
context of a constantly evolving network of stakeholder influences. In doing so we
will suggest that discussions of tourism, and indeed sustainability more broadly,
must be careful not to uncritically valorise principles such as intergenerational
equity. To quote Butler, “what do we really know of the needs of future generations?”
(Butler, 2015, p. 236). The work of Lee and Moscardo (2005) has demonstrated high
levels of tacit agreement amongst ecotourists in intergenerational equity principles,
whilst at the same time acknowledging scepticism amongst these same people as to
the degree that their own travel behaviour impacted the environment. In the present
work we will not argue against intergenerational, or indeed intragenerational, equity
in tourism. Instead, we will suggest that greater attention needs to be given to the
evolving networks of values-based complexities underpinning the situational linking
of sustainability’s economic, environmental and social forces.
Dredge has defined stakeholder networks in a destination management context
as “sets of formal and informal social relationships that shape collaborative action
between government, industry and civil society” (Dredge, 2006b, p. 270). The
socially constructed nature of sustainable development necessitates that policy plan-
ners and industry engage with the “peculiarities of place and time” (Dredge, 2006a,
p. 562). Whale tourism and commercial whaling are industries that are framed in
relation to cultural and ethical norms (Cunningham, Huijbens, & Wearing, 2012).
Ever since commercial whaling began in the 1800s, it has been subject to concerted
debate at a national and international level as to its merits as a sustainable form of
capitalism. Today many whale species, including the fin whale, sei whale, humpback
whale and sperm whale, are recognised as being endangered by the Endangered
Species Act or the IUCN (Sea World Parks and Entertainment, 2018). The near
extinction of many whale species has led to whale watching being associated with
so-called disaster capitalism in the second half of the twentieth century (Klein,
2007). In 1993 the International Whaling Commission recognised whale tourism
as “a legitimate tourism industry which provided for the sustainable use of these
animals” (Higham & Neves, 2015, p. 115).
The rapid escalation in the size of the global whale tourism industry has led aca-
demics to consider a range of management issues relating to tourist behaviour and
education, community involvement in whale-based ecotourism development, tourist
expenditure patterns and whale tourism’s sustainability potential (e.g., Cunningham
et al., 2012; Orams, 2000; Rowat & Engelhardt, 2007; Silva, 2015; Valentine et al.,
2004). Cunningham et al. (2012) have argued that the sustainability of whale
tourism is connected to the unviable long-term nature of commercial whale harvest-
ing. However, with the rapid escalation in the number of sites around the world that
allow closer and closer tourist contact with whales (including swimming with them),
the sustainable future of whale watching is itself in doubt. Whether it is Tonga,
Australia, Norway or Tahiti, the decision to permit whale watching and sometimes
3
Sustainable ecotourism futures

whale swimming is made on the basis of the social construction of place. Massey
(1995) has argued that place as a local (and unique) construct exists both in the
context of larger geographical forces as well as in relation to societal perspective of
an idealised past. It is through the past that we can see illustrated the place as lived.

Ecotourism as sustainable and situational capitalism

Dean MacCannell (1976, p. 1), in his pioneering work The Tourist: A New Theory of
the Leisure Class, defined the tourist in two ways. In the first instance, the tourist
“designates actual tourists: sightseers, mainly middle class, who are at this moment
deployed throughout the entire world in search of experience”. But at the same
time for MacCannell, the tourist is perhaps “one of the best models available for
modern-man-in-general”; the tourist becomes a metaphor for modern society’s
quest for meaning (1976, p. 1). McDonald and Wearing (2013) have described the
act of consumption as something of a ubiquitous part of modern society. Telfer and
Sharpley (2015) have identified how, in addition to providing for basic needs, the
act of tourist travel fills a wider role in society, helping to position travellers within
often complex and evolving sociological hierarchies.
Ecotourists, as we will show throughout this volume, have tended to be framed
historically by academics around a series of simple and often binary demographic
metrics (e.g., gender, level of education, relative wealth and length of stay) (Fennell,
2008). While such metrics were useful in early attempts to match particular ecot-
ourist groupings with particular tourism activities, we must also recognise that the
act of travel is to implicitly position one’s self in a ‘place-based’ setting (Ryan, 2002).
Wheeller (1993) and others have written on the way that eco-travellers have often
been seduced into believing they are part of a new golden age of travel, and that by
their engagement in such travel, their motivations and behaviours are in some way a
cut above those of the standard traveller and the societies they are visiting.
The British sociologist Anthony Giddens has argued with respect to modernity
that people are more reflexive, able to respond to evolving traditions of nature and
reassess information to continue “to make life of it all” (Giddens, 1998, p. 119). The
capacity for critical self-reflection has implications for ecotourists and ecotourism in
the sense that the act of ethical purchasing can be said to be a form of life politics,
one where “actions at the level of everyday life … connects to a wider social agenda,
be it environmentalism, development or human rights” (Butcher, 2008, p. 315).
While ecotourism offers opportunities for local conservation outcomes, what will
complicate the industry’s ability to achieve conservation outcomes is the heteroge-
neous and socially constructed nature of place.
The idea that place is perceivable as a sociological construct was a product of the
late twentieth century. The influential human geographer Yi-Fu Tuan described the
limitations of traditional positivist thinking around place in the following terms:

What we cannot say in an acceptable scientific language we tend to deny or forget.

A geographer speaks as though his knowledge of space and place were derived ex-
clusively from books, maps, aerial photographs, and structured surveys. He writes
as though people were endowed with mind and vision but no other sense with
which to apprehend the world and find meaning in it. He and the architect-planner

4
 Sustainable ecotourism futures

tend to assume familiarity – the fact that we are oriented in space and home in
place – rather than understand what “being in the world” is truly like. (Tuan, 1977,
pp. 200–201)

For Tuan (1977) place goes far beyond the physical spatial realm to also encom-
pass the personal and subjective realities of an individual’s everyday life. It was the
idea of place as lived that laid the conceptual foundation for Lefebvre’s work to
develop a threefold triad of conceptual space. Lefebvre argued that our lived expe-
rience of place is made up of three interrelated aspects – “representations of space
(conceived space), spatial practices (perceived space), and spaces of representation
(lived space)” (Watkins, 2005, p. 209). Capitalist interests, including tourism, often
have the effect of creating a form of abstract space, one where the representations of
space that Lefebvre proposed can create an assumed and commonly accepted reality
(Lefebvre, 1991[1947]).
Tourism has been recognised as a form of global capitalism; in the case of ecot-
ourism, it is one that has developed in the shadow of the environmental movement
out of the need to create economic value out of something that otherwise would
be left in situ (Fletcher, 2011). Through a range of marketing and other planning
mechanisms, ecotourism has the potential to generate considerable economic value
at a local and regional level. Figures cited by Cunningham et al. (2012) show that in
2008 “there were over 13 million [whale-watching] participants in over 119 coun-
tries, generating approximately US$2.1 billion” (p. 143). As Massey (1995) shows
through the following example, however, the ability to generate financial returns
does not guarantee by itself the sustainability of capitalism at the local level:

In 1993 there was a flurry of dispute over a proposed development in a small area
in the Wye Valley on the borders of England and Wales. The proposal was to turn
an existing set of buildings into ‘a traditional farm’ where local products, including
crafts, would be sold, and where there would be a restaurant and car park. This
scheme would, it was argued by its proponents, serve as a tourist attraction and
bring in a source of income. The proposal aroused considerable, high profile oppo-
sition. The opposition, perhaps unusually in such cases, came in major part from
newcomers to the area: professional people in the arts, the media, and suchlike
who, presumably, had emigrated here from other parts of the country. Their oppo-
sition to the development centred on the argument that it was ‘inappropriate’, a
term that implied agreement on the nature of the place. Their view of place, con-
ditioned and manifested in their decision to move there, was clothed in quotations
from Wordsworth. For them the place offered a romantic association with nature
and what was termed ‘seclusion’ … This view of the place was [in turn] greeted
with a mixture of anger and wry amusement by those locals who supported the
scheme. For them, the place was where they had always lived and, crucially, where
they had made their living, largely from farming. ‘Nature’ was the physical basis
for agricultural activity. ‘Seclusion’ probably just meant long distances to suppliers
and markets. (p. 185)

This idea of a perceived disconnect between tourists and sections of a society

in a destination region causes challenges for the industry’s sustainable manage-
ment. Throughout the latter half of the twentieth century, Wearing et al. (2010)
have observed an increased sophistication in academic understanding of the nature
5
Sustainable ecotourism futures

of tourism. Tourism has long been recognised as a mechanism for economic devel-
opment, and early studies of the tourist experience sought to understand the nature
of consumption as a discrete set of activities in some way separate from the world
of work. Nonetheless, there is increasing evidence of the application of sociological
theories to the study of tourism – research that aims to shed light on the “question
of the relationship between Western modernity … and particularly [on] the issue of
authenticity as a cultural motive” (Cohen & Cohen, 2012, p. 2179).
Cohen and Cohen (2012) draw on the work of Anderson (2012) to argue that
from a sociological perspective a tourism place needs to be problematized and
viewed relationally, not only as a “simple connection of parts, but as a conver-
gence or merger of constituent parts that blur together for a moment in time”
(Cohen & Cohen, 2012, pp. 2183–2184). Lefebvre’s idea of place as a conceptual
triad, one made up of three interrelated forces (representations of space, spatial
practices and spaces of representation), has been proposed as a way of viewing the
totality of place (Halfacree, 2006). For Lefebvre, space must be seen as lived if we
are to avoid limiting our understanding of space as simply the “physical container
for our lives rather than the structures we helped create” (Ross, 1998 in Watkins,
2005, p. 211).
In the present work we will promote the idea that tourists and other stakeholders
are active agents in the creation of tourism space. Fletcher (2014, p. 3) has argued
that whilst most people tend to view ecotourism “as a material process, a means by
which economies and physical environments are transformed with the industry’s
expectations”, it is at the same time possible to view ecotourism as a “cultural or
discursive process, embodying a particular constellation of beliefs, norms and values
that inform the industry’s practice”.

A constellation of beliefs and the evolving formulation

of place – the case of whale tourism
Perhaps more than any other form of ecotourism, whale tourism transcends
­­­­traditional geographical and place-based boundaries. Drawing on the influential
work of the American ecologist and philosopher Garrett Hardin (Hardin, 1983),
common pool resources have been defined as “indivisible local or global resources
whose boundaries are difficult to delineate” (Briassoulis, 2002, p. 1066). Whether
they be forests, wildlife or oceans, common pool resources “are used on the one
hand by tourists in common with other tourists and, on the other, for tourists in
common with other activities by tourists and locals” (Briassoulis, 2002, p. 1066).
As creatures with a truly global migratory reach, whales are held by many to be
unique sentient creatures – creatures for whom the very notion of sustainable
human use is ethically suspect, and for whom our “ethical responsibility is simply
to let whales alone” (Silva, 2015, p. 198). This is, however, often easier said
than done.
Whaling has been practiced by many nations for hundreds of years. In Iceland,
by way of example, whaling is said to have begun in the 1600s following the arrival
of Basque hunters to the region (Bertulli et al., 2016). Modern whaling in Iceland
then commenced around 1883; to this day Iceland, along with Japan and Norway,
continue to practice so-called scientific whaling in defiance of the 1946 International
Whaling Convention (IWC) (Bertulli et al., 2016) and the subsequent ban imposed
6
 Sustainable ecotourism futures

by the IWC in 1986 (Cunningham et al., 2012). While governments along with
nongovernment organizations (e.g., Greenpeace and the International Fund for
Animal Welfare) continue to debate the merits of scientific whaling, in the early
1980s, so-called Aboriginal Subsistence Whaling was instigated by the International
Whaling Commission in recognition of the important role that whale products play
in the nutritional and cultural lives of native peoples (see International Whaling
Commission, 2018).
Throughout the rest of this section our focus is not with Aboriginal Subsistence
Whaling per se. Rather, we use the example of indigenous whaling simply to empha-
sise that as much as whales are a global resource, the history of their utilisation is
very much tied to the specifics of local place as lived. For example, whaling has a
long history with the villagers of the South Pacific island of Tonga, particularly in the
northern island group of Vava’u, prior to the banning of whaling by royal decree in
1978 (Orams, 2001). For many years tourism has been recognised as the “star on the
horizon” in Tonga (Keller & Swaney, 1998, p. 24 in Orams, 2001, p. 128). Perhaps
nowhere has this star power been more evident than in the case of whale tourism. In
2006 there were “more than 9,800 whale-watching participants in Tonga, represent-
ing annual average growth of 20% since 1998” (IFAW, 2008, p. 5). Similarly, in Japan
we have evidence of a gradual shift away from a sole focus on commercial harvesting
and towards a focus on tourism, but one that has its foundation in nationalistic
sensibilities and economic recovery post-WW2 (Cunningham et al., 2012). Today,
with whale-watching industries based out of Ogasawara, the non-consumptive use
of whales as a tourism resource in Japan has an annual economic value in excess of
US$22 million.
Higham and Hopkins (2015) have highlighted how the global/local nexus around
whaling has seen prevailing ecological modernization discourses applied to the man-
agement of whaling at a local level. So-called civic environmentalism has led in
many instances to a downplaying of the cumulative impact of whale tourism (and
in particular whale swimming), as well as to a popular demonization of extractive
whale harvesting. There would doubtless be many readers of the present work who
would suggest that this is not necessarily a bad thing. We are all a product of our
own histories, and our views on the sustainability (or not) of ecotourism will evolve
on the basis of circumstance and the information we receive.
For example, Stephen Wearing has recently retired from full-time academia fol-
lowing more than three decades of work at the University of Technology Sydney, the
University of Newcastle and a number of other Australian and overseas institutions.
Stephen Wearing’s interest in tourism and its sustainability potential developed
out of his active involvement in wilderness campaigns in Australia in the 1970s
and 80s (see Law, 2001; Wilderness Society, 1983). Works like Edward Abbey’s The
Monkey Wrench Gang (1985) and Peter Stinger’s Animal Liberation (1995) inspired
Stephen to pursue academic and volunteer work to challenge the dominant neo-
liberal discourses of the time, which focused on short-term extraction of natural
resources. Stephen Wearing’s interest in ecotourism was in many respects a natural
progression from this earlier environmental work, with ecotourism seen as a mech-
anism to potentially save nature through its utilitarian value. While initially seeing
ecotourism as the antithesis of other primarily extractive industries like mining,
whaling and hydroelectricity, Stephen’s views have recently become more critical.
He now holds a view that perhaps what we are observing is a cynical attempt, in
many neoliberalist societies, to forge arguments of environmental symbiosis into
7
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