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Published in 2012 by Britannica Educational Publishing
(a trademark of Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.)
in association with Rosen Educational Services, LLC
29 East 21st Street, New York, NY 10010.

Copyright © 2012 Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica,

and the Thistle logo are registered trademarks of Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. All
rights reserved.

Rosen Educational Services materials copyright © 2012 Rosen Educational Services, LLC.
All rights reserved.

Distributed exclusively by Rosen Educational Services.

For a listing of additional Britannica Educational Publishing titles, call toll free (800) 237-9932.

First Edition

Britannica Educational Publishing

Michael I. Levy: Executive Editor
J.E. Luebering: Senior Manager
Adam Augustyn: Assistant Manager, Encyclopædia Britannica
Marilyn L. Barton: Senior Coordinator, Production Control
Steven Bosco: Director, Editorial Technologies
Lisa S. Braucher: Senior Producer and Data Editor
Yvette Charboneau: Senior Copy Editor
Kathy Nakamura: Manager, Media Acquisition
Kathleen Kuiper: Manager, Arts and Culture

Rosen Educational Services

Jeanne Nagle: Senior Editor
Nelson Sá: Art Director
Cindy Reiman: Photography Manager
Karen Huang: Photo Researcher
Brian Garvey: Designer, Cover Design
Introduction by Kathleen Kuiper

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

American Indians of California, the Great Basin, and the Southwest/edited by Kathleen Kuiper.
p. cm.—(Native American tribes)
“In association with Britannica Educational Publishing, Rosen Educational Services.”
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-61530-712-8 (eBook)
1. Indians of North America—West (U.S.)—History. 2. Indians of North America—West
(U.S.)—Social life and customs. I. Kuiper, Kathleen.
E78.W5A57 2012
978.004'97—dc23
2011028073

On the cover: Shoshone woman in traditional dress sits outside of a buckskin tepee.
Marilyn Angel Wynn/Nativestock/Getty Images

On page viii: Hopi Kachina and rug. Lynn Johnson/National Geographic Image Collection/
Getty Images

On pages 1, 19, 42, 60, 74, 93, 119, 120, 122, 127: A Pomo feather basket. Shutterstock.com
Contents 5
Introduction viii

Chapter 1: California Indians 1

Cultural Characteristics 3
Territorial and Political
Organization 3
Local Organization 4
Ownership and Trade 5
Authority 6
Subsistence and Economic
Strategies 7
Religious Beliefs and Practices 8
Soul Loss 11
Marriage and Family 12
Oral Tradition and the Arts 13
Missions, Colonization,
and Change 14
Junípero Serra 15

Chapter 2: California Peoples

in Focus 19 10
Cahuilla 19
Katherine Siva Saubel 20
Chumash 21
Costanoans 22
Diegueños 23
Mission Indians 24
Gabrielino 25
Hupa 26
Luiseño 28
Maidu 29
Miwok 30
Mono 31 22
Pomo 32
 Serrano 33
Shasta 34
Wintun 35
Yana 36
Yuki 37
Yurok 39

Chapter 3: Great Basin Indians 42

Cultural Characteristics 43
Language 44

40 Hokan Languages
Transportation, Shelter, Tools,
44

and Subsistence 45
48 Social Conditions
Kinship, Marriage, and Family
50
51
Religious Beliefs and Practices 52
Vision Quest 54
First Contact and After 55

Chapter 4: Great Basin Peoples

in Focus 60
Comanche 60
Quanah Parker 63
Mono 65
Northern Paiute 66
Sarah Winnemucca 67
70 Shoshone 68
Sacagawea 70
Southern Paiute 72
Washoe 73

Chapter 5: Southwest Indians 74

Cultural Characteristics 75
Language 76
Food Production and Social
Structure 78
Pueblo Architecture 79
 Family and Education 80
Kachinas 82
Religious Beliefs and Practices 83
Blessingway 85
Colonization and Change 86
Resistance to Colonization 86
Methods of Cultural
Preservation 88
Developments in the 20th and
21st Centuries 90

Chapter 6: Southwest Peoples

91
in Focus 93
Yumans, Pima, and Tohono
O’odham 93
104
Yumans (Hokan Speakers) 95
Pima and Tohono O’odham
(Uto-Aztecan Speakers) 97
Pueblo Indians 100
Hopi (Uto-Aztecan) 106
Zuni (Penutian) 108
Apacheans (Athabaskan
Speakers) 109
Apache 112
Cochise 115
Navajo 116
107
Conclusion 119

Glossary 120
Bibliography 122
Index 127
INTRODUCTION
 7 Introduction 7

C hildren’s toys are among the world’s best teaching tools

simply because they flip on the switch of the imagi-
nation. Take, for instance, the kachina dolls that Pueblo
Indian girls are given. Although they become deeply
familiar to those who play with them, these figures hold
a continuing fascination that lifts them above the realm
of the everyday. Kachina dolls represent the all-important
kachina spirits of the Pueblo religion. They are talismans,
of sorts, that embody the group’s origin myths and life
ways. The more the dolls are held and examined as stories
are told, the more their mystery and power are enhanced.
Familiarity with their heft and appearance makes them
linger in the mind. Memorization of the kachina’s char-
acteristic gestures, tools, dress, and behaviour is part of a
child’s cultural integration.
Religious beliefs and practices, as symbolized by
Pueblo kachina dolls, are only one of the elements
that define a culture. Others include food and how it is
obtained; domesticated animals, modes of transportation,
tools, social organization, and language; how clothing
and vessels are made; decorative and fine arts, and so
on. The peoples who share similar ways of life make up
what anthropologists call a culture area. This book delves
deeply into three culture areas of the so-called New World:
California, Great Basin, and Southwest Indians.
Of the three groups mentioned, the California
Indians were the most abundant. The region’s great vari-
ety of microenvironments provided a plentiful supply of
foods and materials. The indigenous peoples of California
were considerably more politically stable, sedentary, and
conservative, and less in conflict with one another than
was generally the case in other parts of North America.
Within the California culture area, neighbouring groups
often had elaborate systems for the exchange of goods and
services. In general, the California tribes reached levels

ix
 American Indians of California,
7 the Great Basin, and the Southwest 7

of cultural and material complexity rarely seen among

hunting-and-gathering cultures.
In addition to their prosperity, the California Indians
differed from the Eastern tribes in their main non-native
adversaries. Rather than European settlers in search of land
and freedom from tyranny overseas, the California peoples
faced Spanish missionaries in search of converts and tribute.
The process of missionization began in Mexico, under
the direction of the Spanish Franciscan priest Junípero Serra.
After working among the Mexican Indians, first in Sierra
Gorda and then in south-central Mexico, Serra joined the
Spanish military officer Gaspar de Portolá in an attempt to
secure Spanish claims to what is now the state of California.
Their expedition to the north began in 1769. In that same
year, Serra founded a mission in San Diego, the first of 21
stations that would stretch up the California coast. Spanish
missionary efforts came to an end in the early 19th century,
and their record was one of distinctly mixed success. The
missionaries in North America never received the full sup-
port of the Spanish government, as had their counterparts
in the south, which was the heart of the Spanish American
empire. Further, they failed to learn the languages of the
Native American population, which made communication
difficult at best and true conversion virtually impossible.
When the missions were finally secularized in 1833, some
30,000 Mission Indians were farming under the direction
of priests and soldiers at the various missions. Disease had
ravaged the indigenous population for decades after the
Spaniards’ arrival. During the remainder of the 19th cen-
tury, thousands of indigenous Californians were enslaved
through the application of antivagrancy laws. Thousands
of others were killed during state-sponsored raids that
were touted as “pacification” efforts. By 1880 only about
15,000 California Indians remained, a reduction of about
nine-tenths of their pre-Columbian population level.

x
 7 Introduction 7

During the 20th century, as the California Indian

population began to recover, Native American communi-
ties promoted a variety of advocacy and cultural-renewal
activities. During World War II California's burgeoning
military-industrial complex drew people from across the
country. Following the war, the state became a destination
point for U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs relocation pro-
grams. These factors caused many Native Americans from
other parts of the United States to relocate to the state.
By the early 21st century, California had the largest Native
American population in the United States, the vast major-
ity of which resided in urban areas.
The relatively dense population of early California
Indians stood in stark contrast to the sparse population
of the Great Basin. Composed of most of the present-day
states of Utah and Nevada; large parts of Oregon, Idaho,
Wyoming, and Colorado; and smaller parts of Arizona,
Montana, and California, the Great Basin was charac-
terized by arid to semiarid conditions that made food
relatively scarce. This condition applied until the intro-
duction of the horse, which brought about the greatest
changes to the American West.
Horses were introduced to the Americas in the 1500s
by the Spanish conquistadores. Other than guns and the
germs to which the indigenous peoples had no immunity,
horses provided the biggest advantage to the conquerors
in their march northward. Not surprisingly, the response
to the horse has proven to be the usual defining feature of
the Great Basin peoples. Those of the north and east—the
Southern Utes and the Eastern Shoshone—were the first
Indians of the Great Basin to adopt a horse-based culture.
As they and others did so, they began to share the features
of the Plains Indians that the use of the horse made pos-
sible, including the wholesale hunting of bison (buffalo)
and intertribal trade and warfare.

xi
 American Indians of California,
7 the Great Basin, and the Southwest 7

The Comanche—who originated in the Great Basin

but ultimately swept through the Plains, scattering less
aggressive tribes in their wake—were the most success-
ful adaptors of the horse. They became master breeders,
producing fast ponies with great endurance. This enabled
them to keep pace with buffalo herds and lance them on
the run, thus avoiding the charge of the wounded animal.
Perhaps more significantly, the Comanche mastered the
art of horse warfare. Their young men practiced riding tricks
such as dropping their bodies to the horse’s side in order to
screen them from the enemy and learned to shoot arrows
rapidly at a gallop. In the earliest years of combat with
Native American groups, frontiersmen had to dismount to
aim, shoot, and reload their rifles. Not until the invention
and dissemination of the Colt six-shooter did settlers stand
a chance against the Comanche and their friends.
The Great Basin Indians that remained pedestrian and
did not adopt horses diverged greatly from the horse cul-
tures. They traveled with domesticated dogs pulling their
travois from one seasonal camp to another. Their diet
consisted chiefly of seed and root plants, supplemented
by fish and small game such as rabbits and water birds.
One outstanding feature of the Great Basin groups
was the prominence of shamans, individuals believed to
achieve various powers through trance or ecstatic religious
experience. Shamans were typically thought to have the
ability to heal the sick, communicate with the otherworld,
and escort the souls of the dead to the otherworld. Peoples
of the Great Basin shared this religious system with a
number of groups of northern Asia, including the Khanty,
Mansi, Tungus, Chukchi, and Koryak. This is noteworthy
because the populating of the Americas is believed to have
occurred at least in part by means of migration across the
Bering Land Bridge (Beringia) between northeastern Asia
and northwestern North America.

xii
 7 Introduction 7

Shamans, who could be of either sex, were usually dis-

tinguishable from the rest of the group by certain mental
and physical characteristics. These might include a sensi-
tive, mercurial, or eccentric personality and/or such physical
defects as lameness or an extra finger or toe. Such exceptional
traits were thought to be an indication of chosen-ness. The
spirit-being—and sometimes other beings as well—became
the shaman’s guide. It instructed him or her how to cure dis-
eases, foretell the future, and practice sorcery. Sometimes
shamans also apprenticed with an older, practicing mentor
from whom they learned rituals and cures.
Like the Great Basin, the Southwest culture area is
characterized by an arid environment. Believed to be per-
vaded by kachina spirits, this region contains austere and
picturesque cliff dwellings built and then abandoned by
the Ancient Pueblo (Anasazi) culture (c. 100 to 1600 ce).
Modern Pueblo tribes, including the Hopi, Zuni, Acoma,
and Laguna, are descended from the Ancestral Puebloans,
whose culture was centred generally on the area where
the boundaries of what are now the U.S. states of Arizona,
New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah intersect. Natives in
the earlier of the so-called Basketmaker periods (100-500
bce) had an economy characterized by hunting, gathering
wild plant foods, and some maize (corn) cultivation. These
people typically lived in caves or in shallow pit houses con-
structed in the open. They also made pits in the ground
that they used to store food. Their habitation sites con-
tained many examples of fine basketry.
The later Basketmaker period (500-750 bce) was
marked by the increasing importance of agriculture,
including the introduction of bean crops and the domes-
tication of turkeys. To support their agricultural pursuits
and increasing population, the people built irrigation
structures such as reservoirs and check dams (low stone
walls used to slow the flow of rivulets and streams), thereby

xiii
 American Indians of California,
7 the Great Basin, and the Southwest 7

increasing soil moisture and decreasing erosion. Hunting

and gathering continued, although in supplementary
roles. An increasingly sedentary way of life coincided with
the widespread use of pottery. These people resided in rel-
atively deep semisubterranean houses that were located in
caves or on mesa tops.
During the first Pueblo period (750-950) most building
shifted above ground, and a number of very large communi-
ties were built, some with more than 100 adjoining rooms.
Stone masonry began to be used, and kivas (the underground
circular chambers used henceforth primarily for ceremo-
nial purposes) became important community features.
Cotton was introduced as an agricultural product; pottery
assumed a greater variety of shapes, finishes, and decora-
tions; and basketry became less common. Throughout this
period, the area of Ancestral Pueblo occupation continued
to expand, and new communities began to be built in can-
yons, in addition to the traditional mesa-top locations.
The third Pueblo period (1150-1300) was the era of
the spectacular cliff dwellings. These villages were built in
sheltered recesses in the faces of cliffs but otherwise dif-
fered little from the masonry or adobe houses and villages
built previously. Large, freestanding apartment-like struc-
tures were also built along canyons or mesa walls. In all
of these settings, dwellings often consisted of two, three,
or even four stories, generally built in stepped-back fash-
ion so that the roofs of the lower rooms served as terraces
for the rooms above. (This characteristic style can also
be seen in contemporary pueblos.) These structures had
anywhere from 20 to as many as 1,000 rooms. The popu-
lation became concentrated in these large communities,
and many smaller villages and hamlets were abandoned.
Agriculture continued to be the main economic activity,
and craftsmanship in pottery and weaving achieved its
finest quality during this period.

xiv
 7 Introduction 7

Ancestral Pueblo people abandoned their communities

by about 1300 ce as a result of a convergence of cultural and
environmental factors. The Great Drought (1276–99) prob-
ably caused massive crop failure, and rainfall continued to
be sparse and unpredictable until approximately 1450. At the
same time, and perhaps in relation to the Great Drought’s
impact on the availability of wild foods, conflicts increased
between the Ancestral Pueblo and ancestral Navajo and
Apache groups. During the period lasting from 1300 to
1600, the Ancestral Pueblo moved to the south and the east,
building new communities in places where gravity-based irri-
gation works could be built, including the White Mountains
of what is now Arizona and the Rio Grande valley.
The history of the modern Pueblo tribes is usually dated
from approximately 1598 onward, when Spanish colonial
occupation of the North American Southwest began. In
their attempt to Christianize and exact tribute for the
crown from the indigenous peoples of the Southwest, the
Spanish often used violence. The hostility this engendered
in the Pueblo culminated in a successful regional revolt in
1680. Pueblo tribes remained free of Spanish authority for
14 years. By the early 18th century, epidemic disease and
colonial violence had reduced the indigenous population
and the number of Pueblo settlements, which had fallen
from approximately 75 to between 25 and 30 communities.
Despite these changes, many aspects of Ancestral Pueblo
culture—including languages, agricultural practices,
and craft production—persist among the contemporary
Pueblo peoples of the Southwest.
Closely examining the various features predominant
within the California, Great Basin, and Southwest culture
areas leads to a greater understanding of these groups of
native peoples. Ideally, such study also should spark fur-
ther conversation about broader issues of settlement,
conquest, and cultures in conflict.

xv
 Chapter 1
California Indians

T he Native American peoples who have traditionally

resided in the area roughly corresponding to the pres-
ent states of California (U.S.) and northern Baja California
(Mex.) are known as California Indians.
The peoples living in the California culture area at the
time of first European contact in the 16th century were
only generally circumscribed by the present state bound-
aries. Some were culturally intimate with peoples from
neighbouring areas. For instance, California groups liv-
ing in the Colorado River Valley, such as the Mojave and
Quechan (Yuma), shared traditions with the Southwest
Indians, while those of the Sierra Nevada, such as the
Washoe, shared traditions with the Great Basin Indians,
and many northern California groups shared traditions
with the Northwest Coast Indians.
A mosaic of microenvironments—including sea-
coasts, tidewaters, rivers, lakes, redwood forests, valleys,
deserts, and mountains—provided ample sustenance for
its many residents and made California one of the most
densely populated culture areas of Northern America.
The indigenous peoples of this region were consider-
ably more politically stable, sedentary, and conservative
and less in conflict with one another than was generally
the case in other parts of North America. Within the
culture area neighbouring groups often developed elab-
orate systems for the exchange of goods and services. In
general, the California tribes reached levels of cultural
and material complexity rarely seen among hunting and
gathering cultures.

1
 American Indians of California,
7 the Great Basin, and the Southwest 7

Distribution of California Indians. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.

2
 7 California Indians 7

Cultural CharaCteristiCs
A study of several characteristics helps reveal the nature
of life among the California Indians. These traits include
their social organization, their typical settlement patterns,
the items within their material culture and the manner in
which these items are produced, notions of property, atti-
tudes regarding marriage and family, religious practices,
arts, and so on.

Territorial and Political Organization

A large and diverse grouping of tribes—each with its own
language, belief system, and traditions—inhabited the
California culture area. California peoples for the most
part avoided centralized governmental structures at the
tribal level, preferring instead to operate as many inde-
pendent geopolitical units, or tribelets. These were tightly
organized polities that nonetheless recognized cultural
connections to the other polities within the tribe. They
were perhaps most analogous to the many independent
bands of Sioux. Tribelets generally ranged in size from
about a hundred to a few thousand people, depending on
the richness of locally available resources. Tribelet terri-
tories ranged in size from about 50 to 1,000 square miles
(130 to 2,600 square km).
Within some tribelets all the people lived in one prin-
cipal village, from which some of them ranged for short
periods of time to collect food, hunt, or visit other tribe-
lets for ritual or economic purposes. In other tribelets
there was a principal village to which people living in
smaller settlements traveled for ritual, social, economic,
and political occasions. A third variation involved two or
more large villages, each with various satellite settlements.
In such systems, a designated “capital” village would be

3
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