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Luke A Social Identity Commentary 1st Edition Robert L.
Brawley Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Robert L. Brawley
ISBN(s): 9780567693228, 0567693228
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.70 MB
Year: 2020
Language: english
T & T Clark Social Identity Commentaries
on the New Testament
Series Editors
Kathy Ehrensperger
University of Potsdam, Abraham Geiger College, Germany
Philip Esler
University of Gloucestershire, UK
Aaron Kuecker
Trinity Christian College, USA
Petri Luomanen
University of Helsinki, Finland
J. Brian Tucker
Moody Theological Seminary, USA
Luke
By Robert L. Brawley
T&T CLARK
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK
1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA
BLOOMSBURY, T&T CLARK and the T&T Clark logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury
Publishing Plc
Robert L. Brawley has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any
third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this
book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any
inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist,
but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and
sign up for our newsletters.
To Jane and Anna
and
in memory of Sara
CONTENTS
Series Preface viii
Preface and Acknowledgments x
Part 1
INTRODUCTION: METHODS AND CONTEXTS 1
Fictive qualities of narratives 1
Author, audience, composition 5
The narrative world 7
The cultural encyclopedia 7
Sociological approaches 9
Social identity theory 11
Philosophical reflections on identity 18
Feminism and postcolonialism 20
Hidden dimensions of hierarchies of dominance 23
Social identity, Christology, and discipleship 25
Modesty in interpretation 26
Part 2
THE GOSPEL OF LUKE: AN OUTLINE 27
Part 3
COMMENTARY 37
Prologue 37
Luke 1:5–2:40 Births and early development of John the Baptizer
and Jesus 41
Luke 3:1–22 John the Baptizer 54
Luke 3:23–4:13 Jesus’s beginnings 59
Luke 4:14–21:38 Jesus’s “good-newsing” of the βασιλεία of God
and its extension 64
Luke 22:1–24:53 Jesus’s passion, resurrection, and ascension 185
Bibliography 211
Index of Authors 228
Index of Subjects 233
Index of References 235
SERIES PREFACE
The T & T Clark Social Identity Commentaries on the New Testament (SICNT)
is a series that presents readings of the NT focused on identity. In the last three
decades biblical studies have seen a marked upsurge of interest in questions of
identity in the ancient world, both of groups and of individuals. The Hebrew
Bible and the New Testament are replete with phenomena that are embedded
in and have an impact on issues of identity. A primary narrative of the New
Testament concerns the processes in the first century CE by which a new
socioreligious Christ-movement formed within the populous and long-
established Judean/Jewish group and developed, interacting with Greek, Roman
and other traditions, on trajectories of its own until, at some stage, to be both
Judean/Jewish and a Christ-follower became difficult, resulting in rapidly
increasing social and intergroup complexity. Central to that process was the way
participation in various Christ-following assemblies cultivated in the minds and
hearts of their members an identity that eventually became distinct from Judean/
Jewish identity. This identity was manifested in distinctive beliefs, attitudes, and
behavior, which Christ-followers traced back to the ministry, teaching, death,
and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Since the 1990s that branch of social psychology
known as social identity theory, originally developed by Henri Tajfel and John
Turner in the University of Bristol in the 1970s and 1980s—now deployed by
hundreds if not thousands of psychologists across the world—has proven a
remarkably rich theoretical resource for probing these inter- and intra-group
dimensions of the identity of the Christ-movement as exposed in the books of
the New Testament. A torrent of books, articles, and essays has appeared and
continues to appear applying social identity theory to the biblical texts, not least,
the T & T Clark Handbook to Social Identity in the New Testament (Bloomsbury,
2014). This series of commentaries testifies to the extent to which the application
of social identity theory has become established as one of the liveliest subfields
of New Testament research and to the resulting need to make available to
scholars, students, and the general public detailed treatments of each text from
this perspective. The authors of each volume, all well-recognized scholars in
the area, while engaging with existing scholarship as they move through the
text seriatim in commentary style, will apply distinctive social identity ideas
and other perspectives on group behavior generating fresh but well-founded
interpretations of the New Testament’s twenty-seven constituent books. The
series aims to demonstrate how much New Testament interpretation can benefit
from the application of the expert investigation into the social realities of groups,
Series Preface ix
Series Editors
Kathy Ehrensperger
University of Potsdam, Abraham Geiger College, Germany
Philip Esler
University of Gloucestershire, UK
Aaron Kuecker
Trinity Christian College, USA
Petri Luomanen
University of Helsinki, Finland
J. Brian Tucker
Moody Theological Seminary, USA
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Although this commentary emphasizes social identity theories, it employs an
eclectic approach that is open to any methodology that facilitates the author’s
interpretation of the Gospel of Luke. As such it eschews an exclusivist reading
even as it aspires to offer persuasive contributions to an understanding of Luke.
It is unapologetically contextual in two senses. Understanding ancient literature
necessarily involves the cultural encyclopedia of antiquity, on the one hand, and on
the other hand, every aspect of the text must be processed by a present-day human
brain that is itself located in its own context. To take this further, no understanding
leaves interpreters untouched because whatever the human brain processes revises
the way it perceives reality even if this is imperceptible. In other words, no exegesis
is impersonally objective in that the mental processes of an interpreter always leave
their imprint. Thus correlations between a text and contemporary appropriations
of it need no excuse whether they come in the form of methodological approaches
before reading or in the form of new ways of viewing reality after reading.
Obviously although this commentary bears the name of one author, it is
dependent upon a host of other interpreters. First, entire generations of forerunners
underlie any attempt to write a critical commentary, only some of which are
reflected in the bibliography. More particularly I was introduced to social identity
theory by the works of Philip Esler. But then a cadre of colleagues attended me in
the production of this commentary. At the beginning Brian Tucker dropped the
suggestion that I and others might write commentaries focusing on social identity
theories, and an editorial team invited me to try my hand at a commentary on Luke.
Then for a number of years Brian Tucker and Aaron Kuecker sponsored sessions
on writing social identity commentaries on the New Testament in conjunction with
meetings of the Society of Biblical Literature. This involved a host of scholars who
read and critiqued antecedents of the present work such that I was indeed attended
by a social group inside the Society of Biblical Literature whose accompaniment
meant nothing less than friendship. Among these I extend gratitude to members
of the editorial team, Kathy Ehrensperger, Philip Esler, and Petri Luomenen. Aaron
Kuecker edited an initial version and provided helpful suggestions. It goes without
saying that I have been sustained by members of my family who had little direct
connection with the commentary itself, and it is for this reason that I dedicate this
volume to Jane and Anna and in memory of Sara †2011.
Part 1
The agenda for this commentary begins with what renowned historian Hayden White
(1997) refers to as a “fictive” element in all attempts to express an understanding
of any aspect of reality in language. The emphasis in the previous sentence on all
attempts and any aspect should relieve any anxiety that the use of “fictive” infers that
authorial functions are reduced to imagination alone or that aspects of reality are
likewise purely imaginary. Further, the reference to all attempts necessarily holds
also for both Luke and me in that each of us attempts to express aspects of reality in
language. To reiterate, “fictive” here is not to be confused with any notion of fiction
that implies a construct derived purely from imagination. Rather, the term recognizes
that writers have to provide a structure and select elements from a set of possibilities,
highlighting certain features even to the point of exaggeration while neglecting others,
not to mention their own flourishes. In other words, writers have an interactive
relationship with that which they are attempting to make understandable. Again not
to be confused with fiction engendered purely by imagination, even so-called facts
or evidence also possesses this “fictive quality.” That is, “statements of facts are always
particular interpretations of circumstances, in which certain aspects are illuminated
or selected” (Lorenz 1997, 29, author’s translation). It is even possible to add that
“brute facts” do not in fact (pun intentional) exist. “Truth is always the product of
some man or woman” in a historical context (Irigaray 1993, 203–204). Furthermore,
what we refer to as facts and truth are also products of rhetorical forms that have a
capacity to persuade others to agree. This capacity to persuade others is a sine qua
non if something is to acquire a social affirmation that it is true.
This is patently true of narratives, and in the first place it involves what White
terms “emplotment.” This includes a framework of elements such as sequence
or cause and effect that are put together in one specific way that has its own
coherence and that depends on the perspective from which the emplotment
arises, as well as rhetorical and poetic enhancements (White 1997, 392–96).1 In
fact (again the pun is intentional), “the historical past exists only in the form of
a creative concatenation of evidence produced by the historian from sources”
(Schröter 1997, 10–11, author’s translation). In so many words, history is not a
mere reconstruction of the past but a way of being related to the past by means of
a historian’s reconstruction.
Working with what he terms a philosophy of history, Alex Callinicos (1995, 3–4)
refers to White’s perspective as “antirealism,”2 over against which he advocates a
reality that exists independently from the way it is represented in language. In my
view Callinicos is misled by the use of “fictive,” which as indicated above does not
mean that the discourse is produced by pure imagination. Callinicos (1995, 48)
persuasively points to the intention of the natural sciences and history to refer to
a reality beyond itself. But the sheer existence of reality is not in dispute. Rather,
the fictive nature of representations means that all reality must be construed by a
human mind. So when Callinicos uses the assured results of the natural sciences in
the production of technology as evidence against what is actually his own construal
of positions such as White’s, he fails to recognize the degree to which scientists have
been rhetorically successful in convincing others to construe reality in the same
way that they do, Galileo’s lack of success in doing so notwithstanding. On the other
hand, Callinicos (1995, 8) stipulates that what he describes as “historical knowledge”
is possible under certain conditions, to which I notice that the power of persuasion
to produce consensus is one such condition. Ironically, nothing less than this is
also the burden of Callinicos’s own discourse with respect to his way of construing
reality. How successful is the linguistic representation of reality in persuading others
to construe reality in a similar way? Indeed, even under the condition of consensus,
natural scientists constantly revise their linguistic expressions of physical reality. As
we will see, this is all the more true when the discourse is concerned with sociology
in its attempts to function as an empirical science.
Renowned philosopher Paul Ricoeur (1975b, 201–15) speaks of a similar issue
in his understanding of narratives. Narratives present their own world with fictive
qualities such as those described by White. This world of the text is always shaped in
such a way that it must be distinguished from an alleged ontic reality, and therefore
what the text presents lacks direct repercussions either for the traditional search
in biblical exegesis for the historical world behind the text or for the more recent
attempts to speak of the world in front of the text, both of which are products of
the way readers/hearers construe narratives.
Likewise, renowned New Testament scholar Jean Zumstein approximates
Ricoeur’s approach with his consideration of the Gospel of John as a “poetic
narrative” because of the configuration of its narrative world. Zumstein’s construal
of the poetic narrative of the Fourth Gospel is pertinent for a project that
highlights social identity in Luke, because like the Gospel of John, Luke reflects the
self-understanding of a particular group of humans (Zumstein 2004, 1–14). This
is in agreement with literary critic Wayne Booth (1984, xiii–xxvii, xx, xxiv–xxv)
who points out persuasively that authors produce views of reality that, from the
perspective of the narrative, take precedence over “all other views.” In other words,
the text presents its own view of reality from an author’s point of view, and this
point of view is “laden with values.”
Luke’s passion narrative easily demonstrates the perspectivalism of such
an emplotment that has the type of fictive quality with which this discussion is
concerned. Luke’s emplotment presents Jesus as an actor in a divine story that
competes with a carnivalesque mockery from opponents who portray him as
utterly absurd. It is even possible to demonstrate Luke’s own grasp of some of these
qualities that I am describing as fictive from the beginning of his prologue. The
Gospel presents itself as a narrative (διήγησις, 1:1) that is encased in a decisive
structure, which it develops in a particular manner (ἀκριβῶς, καθηξῆς, 1:3). To this
it is relatively easy to add aspects of time, space, affections, cultural presuppositions,
actions, speech, perspectives, characters, evaluations, sequence, relationships of
cause and effect, and so on.
Just as this commentary can be patently distinguished from the text upon which
it is based, so narrative worlds are necessarily distanced from an alleged ontic
reality because they portray their own particular view of reality not as a precise
reflection of ontic reality but as authors perceive that it should be or might be in
light of their perspectives. “The goal of historical research is not to reconstruct the
past, but to construct history” (Schröter 2007, 108, author’s translation, emphasis
added).
Although he understands Luke to have dealt with the Jesus movement as
subversive, Itumeleng Mosala (1989, 174–75) perceives in the “orderly account”
(1:1) a concern for “law and order” that subjugates subordinate social classes.
Whereas I have strong personal convictions akin to Mosala’s with respect to
social struggles like those in South Africa, I move Luke closer to what I perceive
to be a similar struggle. This commentary demonstrates copiously ways in which
dominance is subverted, and major concerns for law and order that belong
to the ruling classes, who constitute an outgroup, are likewise subverted. Take,
for example, Lk. 22:37: “He was counted among the lawless.” In this text, Jesus
interprets his arrest before it occurs at the hands of a group of local rulers, namely,
the high priestly party, officers of the temple police, and elders.3 When it does take
place, Jesus again interprets it as the action of the high priestly rulers against him
“as if [he] were a brigand” (22:52). At one level, their dominance wins the day with
the crucifixion, but in Luke, God’s act to raise Jesus from the dead is an enormous
inversion of those very systems of dominance.
3. Josephus (Ant. 20.251) makes it clear that this high priestly party was responsible for
local law and order. This was a widespread, typical arrangement in Roman imperial systems.
Horsley (1989a, 39–40, 50–58) appropriately distinguishes, as does Luke, the priestly party
who by necessity were collaborators with Rome from the Jewish populace. They are not to
be taken as representative of people themselves.
4 Luke
character of the Gospel of Luke as a fictive narrative means that its interpreters should
be interested less in what biblical scholarship has referred to as introductory matters
behind the Gospel such as the place and time of the composition or the identity of
the addressees in their environment than in the Lukan narrative world itself. At the
same time, this brief discussion on fictive qualities and collective memory stands at
the beginning of this commentary precisely as an introductory matter, and with this
I turn to customary introductory issues.
Traditional among introductory matters are of course author and audience. The
only allusion the author makes to himself is in a participle in the prologue that
accompanies the dative first-person pronoun μοί, which enables us to know
that the author genders himself as male (1:3). But inasmuch as the author does
not give his name, as Paul does in his epistles for example, he presents himself
unambiguously to readers/hearers as anonymous (Wolter 2008, 4). To be sure,
Paul refers to one of his companions under the name of Luke in Philemon 24,
and this is picked up in Col. 4:14 and 2 Tim. 4:11, and whether Colossians and 2
Timothy come from the hand of Paul or not, they obviously represent one way in
which Paul’s co-workers are remembered.
The earliest New Testament manuscript that ascribes the Third Gospel to
a certain Luke is P75, which is dated to the early third century. The manuscript
contains most of the Gospel of Luke, although the beginning, which presumably
contains a title, is missing. Nevertheless, an ascription to someone named Luke
appears in a title at the end of the Gospel in the phrase ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΙΟΝ ΚΑΤΑ
ΛΟΥΚΑΝ. Significantly, the beginning of the Fourth Gospel in P75 follows
immediately with the same formulaic ΕΥΑΓΓΕΌΛΙΟΝ ΚΑΤΑ ΙΩΑΝΗΝ. The
evidence is strong here that these titles are produced at a time when the Gospels
have been collected and given standard titles that conform to stock designations
for each of the four Gospels. In other words, these can hardly be the original titles,
nevertheless they do represent one way in which the authorship of the Gospels was
perceived at this juncture in the history of manuscript development.
This is also reflected in a statement by Irenaeus toward the end of the second
century to the effect that a Luke who was a companion of Paul recorded the gospel
that Paul preached in a book (Haer. 3.1.1). But this earliest attribution of “a book”
to someone named Luke who was a companion of Paul and who recorded Paul’s
gospel has something of an artificial ring to it, because Luke’s Gospel focuses
on the story of the earthly Jesus whereas the gospel that Paul preached seldom
does. On the other hand, Irenaeus quotes from Lk. 1:6, 8 in Haer. 3.10.1 (see also
3.14.1) where he calls Luke a follower and disciple of the apostles. On the other
hand, nothing relating to the Third Gospel itself makes a connection with Paul’s
co-worker. As already noted, the author intrudes into the narrative at 1:3 with a
personal pronoun and participle in the dative, and aside from this exception, the
Gospel comes to readers through what in literary terms is an omniscient narrator
6 Luke
(Brawley 1990b, 21). This in no way infers that the narrator knows everything.
Rather, it means that the narrator knows everything needed to tell the story
in the way it is told. But this unobstrusive narrator also means that there is no
way to connect the author of the Third Gospel to a figure outside the narrative
such as a companion of Paul. One further consideration is that Luke is a widely
disseminated name, and the absence of any connection with Paul in the document
itself indicates that even if the name should prove to be original, there is no way
to know that this is the same person as the Luke who is mentioned in Philemon,
Colossians, and 2 Timothy. Thus, direct reference to the author remains obscure.
What is crucial for any concern about authorship is that the identity of such an
author external to the text provides no information whatsoever that proves to be
beneficial for the interpretation of the Gospel.
Because of a good Greek style and prologues to both Luke and Acts that
correspond to Hellenistic form, a long-standing opinion is that the author came
from a gentile background. But recent considerations especially of material that is
stylized after the Septuagint and sophisticated allusions to and interpretations of
Israel’s Scriptures (e.g., Brawley 1995b) have tilted opinions toward some kind of
Israelite heritage (Wolter 2008, 9–10).
The Third Gospel is addressed to a certain Theophilus to whom the author gives
the honorable title κράτιστος (κράτιστε in the vocative, 1:3). Beyond this direct
address to an individual, prominent first-person plural pronouns in the prologue
(“among us,” “to us,” 1:1-2) implicate a much broader audience. So the name
Theophilus, compounded on the roots for “God” and “love,” prompts speculations
ranging from an appeal to a patron who might help in the propagation of the
writing to a symbol for anyone whose identity is related to the realm of “God’s love.”
Luke’s frequent parallels with materials in Mark and Matthew, often virtually
word for word, have produced sophisticated explanations of literary relationships.
Literary relationships should come as little surprise, because from the very
beginning Luke makes reference to both sources that he investigates and materials
from the sources that he passes on (1:1-3). Among these sources, most probably
belong something like our Gospel of Mark and another source identified as Q,
which represents material that Matthew and Luke hold in common apart from
Mark. But even when we presume sources like Mark and Q, the intricacy of literary
relationships to sources and the nebulous character of Q make the problem of
synoptic relationships insoluble (so Sanders and Davies 1989, 97–111). The
intricacies make tracing diachronic relationships (who has the more original form,
who uses whom as a source) precarious. But this is no obstacle to highlighting
differences by comparing versions of the same or similar traditions irrespective of
the priority of one over the other(s).
In my opinion little can be said about the place or time of composition, except
that allowing for the use of other sources and Lukan allusions to events attested
elsewhere point to a time near the end of the first century. As has already been
stated, more than such matters in this section, which are traditionally treated as
introductory, the perspective represented in this commentary is that what counts
is what turns out to be true in the narrative world.
Introduction
7
Readers/hearers encounter clues for what is true in the narrative world in sequences
of progressive discovery. Progressive discovery is first of all a matter of readers’/
hearers’ suspense when they anticipate how the narrative unfolds, but they are
most intrigued not when their anticipations are fulfilled but when they must
revise them (Iser 1974, 278). Luke 1:32 violates chronological sequence and gives
away the ending of the plot quite prematurely: “The Lord God will give him [the
promised child Jesus] the throne of his ancestor David.” But no first time reader
would anticipate at this juncture that the way to that ending would pass through
the crucifixion of the protagonist. To travel along the way to such a development
requires momentous revisions of readers’/hearers’ expectations.
like modern radar. Only with this kind of assumption in the cultural encyclopedia
are interpreters able to understand the figuration in 11:33-36, that the body if full
of light, radiates light like a lamp on a lampstand (see pp. 125–26).
In this commentary, I adopt two techniques by which I hope to indicate
something of the difference between the cultural presumptions underlying Luke’s
narrative world and our own. Rather than offer English translations of Ἰουδαίοι
and βασιλεύς/βασιλεία, I will let them stand without translation. My reason for the
first case is to avoid what I consider to be an inevitable distortion on one side or the
other with respect to whether Ἰουδαίοι should be translated as “Jews” or “Judeans.”
Either translation has socioreligio-ethnic nuances that risk being construed with
modern Jews in spite of significant developments in Judaism over the centuries
or on the opposite extreme with the history of anti-Judaism. In other words, our
modern terminology obscures the meaning in the cultural encyclopedia of Luke’s
narrative. The rationale for the second is that the political imagery of God and
God’s rule in the world as the βασιλεία of God has a long history of development
in biblical tradition that is very different from modern concepts of kings and
kingly dominion. In ancient Israel and in its surrounding cultures, the God who
is βασιλεύς is like good shepherds who care for their sheep, and kings of the
nations are intended to be ordained by God to be good shepherds of their people
(Zimmermann 2014a, 13–16). Moreover, Jesus’s parable in Lk. 13:18-19, which
makes God’s kingdom analogous to the planting and growth of a mustard seed,
compels interpreters of Luke not to make God’s rule comparable to conventional
images of monarchies, whether in fairy tales or history. Thus, in order to avoid
defining God’s rule in the world from conventional perspectives of kings and
kingdoms, I leave the Greek words βασιλεύς and βασιλεία untranslated.
This point in the discussion of issues of translation presents me also with the
opportunity to indicate that unless otherwise indicated all translations of biblical
Greek in this commentary are my own, including the Septuagint as well as the
New Testament. In keeping with many contemporary stylistic conventions, I seek
as much as possible to make the translations gender inclusive. I also consider that
Jesus’s use of “son of man” as a self-reference cannot be a (christological) title,
and therefore, it is never written in uppercase.4 A somewhat related note is that
literacy was limited to a small percentage of the populace, and even if one could
read, the availability of copies of something like Luke would have been quite
restricted, and most people who became acquainted with Luke experienced it
orally; therefore, I attempt to refer to those who encountered the Third Gospel in
its early dissemination as readers/hearers.
The task of comprehending the cultural encyclopedia is enormous, and even at
their best modern interpreters can never understand the New Testament world as
it “really was.” Nevertheless, readers/hearers have to construe the Greek language
and uncover cultural presumptions in virtually every sentence of Luke (Iser 1978,
225–29; Culler 1975, 203; Barthes 1975, 18, 100), and this requires immersion in
historical studies in order for them to step, even if to a shallow degree, into the
cultural encyclopedia of the narrative world. On the other hand, the fictive aspect
of the narrative world hinders interpreters from attempting to recreate the setting
of early Christianity from it. Erich Auerbach (1953, 40) makes the casual remark
that social, economic, and cultural history is not given in ancient historiography
but must be inferred. But this is to proceed backward. The narrative takes over
presuppositions from its historical environment, so that Luke is imbued with
linguistic, social, economic, and cultural history. Simultaneously, however, as
indicated above narratives depict their own vision of reality rather than mirror
ontic reality. Consequently, familiarity with the cultural encyclopedia lies at
the heart of competence for understanding the narrative whereas abstracting
something that approaches ontic reality remains forever elusive. Nevertheless,
emphasis still falls on realities that are concretely embodied in life.
Sociological approaches
In the twentieth century, form criticism was very influential in establishing three
basic tasks for the study of biblical texts, that is, (a) the identification of forms,
(b) the history of development (traced in reverse back toward origins), and (c)
the determination of the Sitz im Leben. The last-mentioned task produced
agreement among interpreters so seldom that many critics proposed abandoning
it. But Gerd Theissen (1978; 1983) argued to the contrary that the solution was
to adopt sociological methods to focus all the more intensively on the setting
in life. In this innovative move, he followed a sociological theory referred to as
functionalism, which is concerned primarily with the roles that individuals play in
order for the common life of a community to function appropriately. It therefore
emphasizes restoring proper functions when the basic aims of the social order are
compromised.
Quite obviously functionalism implies the maintenance and maintaining of
the status quo and comes up short on inducing change. By contrast, as early as
1974 Jonathan Turner set conflict theory over against functionalism. Although
he understood conflict theory as the effort of one social group to prevent another
from achieving its goals,5 it is equally the effort of one social group to maintain
advantages over others.
In contrast to our contemporary world, antiquity effectively knew only two social
classes, which G. E. M. de Ste. Croix (1981, 32–45 and passim) defined as (a) those
who live off of their own labor and (b) those who live off of the labor of others. The
conflict between these two classes produced an extractive economic system that
depended on what the regulation school of economics calls the “regime” (Boyer
1990, 18–19 and passim). The regime is the way power structures tilt the access
to goods and the accumulation of wealth in favor of certain social groups. In the
context of the Roman Empire, this entails not only the wide disparity between the
haves and the have nots in local contexts but also asymmetrical socioeconomic
relationships of domination or exploitation between Rome and its subjected peoples
(van Dommelen 1998, 27). Because Israel’s understanding of reality involved in
particular the relationships among God, the people, and the land, crises that arose
from conflicts developing from asymmetrical levels of living conditions virtually
always played out in identification with a variety of socioreligious groups. Under
Roman imperial systems conflicts in social conditions produced “unprecedented
factionalism.” Prominent in our perception of such factions are the Pharisees,
Essenes, and Sadducees to which we can add knowledge of revolutionary and
charismatic movements (Stegemann and Stegemann 1999, 138).
At this point I interject that interpreters have often attempted to determine the
audience to whom the Gospel of Luke is addressed, which has also been related
in the past few decades with the implied reader. Whereas both of these remain
the construct of real readers/hearers, I am persuaded that the status not of the
audience but of the personages who appear in Luke’s narrative is far more pertinent
for issues of social identity. Although Luke’s prologue addresses Theophilus as
someone of prominent status (1:3, see p. 6, and p. 40), and although on other
occasions Jesus interacts with people of standing (e.g., Pharisees on multiple
occasions, a centurion in Capernaum, a rich ruler, Zacchaeus, the high priestly
party, Pilate, and Herod), the Gospel’s episodes overwhelmingly concern peasants
who live at the level of subsistence. This is hardly surprising since as much as 90
percent of the population in Galilee and Judea lived at or near the subsistence level,
which can be substantiated from the work of Ste. Croix (1981) and Steven Friesen
(2004, 323–61).
James Scott (1976, vii and passim) demonstrates persuasively how peasants
judge economic realities in cultural and religious terms of the practice of justice,6
rights, obligations, and relationships of reciprocity, and how they, therefore,
consider the economy in moral terms. Indeed colonial systems such as those
that existed in the Roman Empire violate the perceptions of social justice of
peasants whose subsistence depends on village values of meeting the needs of
its constituents. The consequence of this is not what modern democracies may
think of as egalitarianism as such, but the right of the community as a whole to
subsistence (ibid., 4–6, 11 and passim). Moreover, what Scott called the “moral
economy” is severely threatened by an extractive economy, and this impinges on
self-esteem and social status because it destroys the peasants’ obligations to insure
the survival of as many in the community as possible (ibid., 8–9; see Boer 2015, 81,
86–88). Thus I am contending that Luke’s episodes that have to do predominantly
with peasants at the subsistence level carry special weight in issues of social
identity. For example, as will become clear in the commentary on the Sermon
on the Plain, Jesus repeatedly promotes village values of a moral economy based
Henri Tajfel (1978c, 7) provided the initial impetus for an influential form of
social identity theory in which he focused on reciprocal relationships between
individuals and groups to which they belong; that is, how individual and group
consciousness are dialectically dependent on each other, like a metallic alloy—
never one without the other. This is a variant on the problem of particularity and
generalization, the latter of which is arrived at by abstraction. In other words,
specific persons cannot be perceived apart from their embeddedness in a social
reality. If emphasis falls on the side of socialization, the issue is how individuals
place themselves and others in the world (van Dommelen 1998, 26). If the
emphasis falls on the side of the individual, the issue is how one perceives oneself
in light of evaluations from society. Further, how one enters into interpersonal
relationships in groups hangs together with established standards that determine
group uniformity. Nevertheless, both the imposition and violation of group norms
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