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 The Politics
of Everybody

Politics of Everybody.indd 1 09-Nov-21 20:26:43

 About the author

Holly Lewis is Associate Professor of Philosophy at Texas State

University and on the editorial board of the journal Spectre

Politics of Everybody.indd 2 09-Nov-21 20:26:43

 The Politics
of Everybody
Feminism, Queer Theory, and
Marxism at the Intersection

A Revised Edition

Holly Lewis

Politics of Everybody.indd 3 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK
1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA
29 Earlsfort Terrace, Dublin 2, Ireland

BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo

are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

First published in Great Britain by Zed Books, 2016

This edition published 2022

Copyright © Holly Lewis, 2016, 2022

Holly Lewis has asserted her right under the Copyright,

Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.

For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. xxix constitute an

extension of this copyright page.

Cover designed by Dougal Burgess

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval
system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers.

Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for,
any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given
in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher
regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have
ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

ISBN: HB: 978-1-3502-3982-1

PB: 978-1-9134-4108-1
ePDF: 978-1-9134-4110-4
eBook: 978-1-9134-4111-1

To find out more about our authors and books visit

www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters

Politics of Everybody.indd 4 10-Nov-21 16:15:30

 Contents

Preface to the Second Edition xi

Acknowledgements xxix

Introduction 1
I. The politics of everybody 1
II. Communitarian ideals and culture wars 8
III. How is every body sorted? 12

1. Terms of the debate 17

I. Debates in Western gender politics 18
Epistemology and identity politics 18
Queer (anti-)identity 25
Sex and social gender: dichotomy or dialectic? 30
A final word on queer language 33
II. What is capitalism? 35
The origins of capitalism 36
The basics of capitalist exchange 40
The extraction of surplus value 42
III. Philosophy and the Marxian roots of queer political
thought 46
Marx and philosophy 47
Epistemology revisited 51
Changing words or changing worlds? 55
The separation of politics and economics 60
From Western Marxism to poststructuralism 64
IV. Conclusion 88

Politics of Everybody.indd 5 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 Contents

2. Marxism and gender 93

I. Don’t be vulgar … 93
II. From the woman question to the gender question 102
III. Marxism at the center and the periphery 105
IV. Marx on women 110
V. Marx on gender and labor 113
VI. The major works: Marx’s Ethnological Notebooks
and Engels’ The Origin of the Family, Private
Property, and the State 121
VII. Early Marxist and socialist feminism 125
Who is the woman in the woman question? 125
Sex and the utopian socialists 132
Sex and the Second International 135
Sex and the Russian Revolution 139
VIII. Theories of social reproduction 143
IX. Race and social reproduction 155
X. Marxism and the second wave 166

3. From queer nationalism to queer Marxism 187

I. The vector model of oppression 187
II. Racecraft and ideological repetition 196
III. Sexcraft and ideological repetition 198
IV. Class is not a moral category 201
V. The rise of queer politics 203
VI. Marxist critiques of queer theory 212
VII. Beyond homonormativity and homonationalism 222
VIII. The spinning compass of American queer politics 230
The problem of marriage and family 230
The problem of queer imperialism 238
IX. The world is a very queer place 245
X. The queer Marxist critique of postcolonialism 247

vi

Politics of Everybody.indd 6 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 Contents

4. Conclusions 257
I. Solidarity means taking sides 257
Solidarity and ideologies of sex/gender 264
II. Ten axioms towards a queer Marxist future 270

Notes 283
Bibliography 311
Index 327

vii

Politics of Everybody.indd 7 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

Politics of Everybody.indd 8 09-Nov-21 20:26:44
 In loving memory of Daniel Lewis

Politics of Everybody.indd 9 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

Politics of Everybody.indd 10 09-Nov-21 20:26:44
 Preface to the Second Edition

The Politics of Everybody was written at a concrete time and place

with a specific political intervention in mind; yet, in reflecting
upon the book’s origins and trajectory, I don’t wish to tether the
book to its historical particulars. My hope is that this preface will
help readers better apply the book’s ideas about gender, sexuality,
and Marxism to their own contexts as the book’s wager is that,
because we live within a capitalist totality, our worlds are deeply
and materially intertwined.
I wrote the first draft of The Politics of Everybody after the disin-
tegration of the anti-war movement and the Occupy Movement in
the United States and before the first Black Lives Matter uprising.
During this period, muddled definitions of capitalism within US
social movements had led to equally muddled political alliances
and strategies. Capitalism, in its commonplace Marxist defini-
tion, is the mode of production whereby capitalists (i.e. investors
who advance capital) privately own the means (i.e. land, factories,
machinery, etc.) of producing and reproducing life. In the 1990s,
the anti-globalization movement indeed opposed capitalist resource
theft in the global south as well as the free-trade agreements that
were so destructive to the working class the world over; however,
without a baseline definition of capitalism, the US anti-global-
ization movement eventually turned toward solutions like ethical
consumption, fair-trade schemes, and even preserving local small

xi

Politics of Everybody.indd 11 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 The Politics of Everybody

businesses against the encroachment of big-box stores. Within the

anti-war movement, without actual anti-capitalist content, it was
often difficult to parse the paleoconservative isolationists of the
anti-globalist right from the utopian localist anti-globalization left
liberals.
It should be no surprise that the queer movement in the United
States absorbed these common confused and confusing defini-
tions of capitalism. While queer militants of the 1990s (ACT UP
and Queer Nation) made concrete economic demands amid the
AIDS crisis, by the 2000s, the movement had drifted away from
redistributive reforms, moving instead toward fighting heteronor-
mativity and queer exclusion. Describing this latter fight as a bid
for inclusion within neoliberal hegemony – a not uncommon
leftist assessment at the time – seems uncharitable to me. The
point was to end the legally sanctioned social exclusion that kept
so many of us bereft of jobs, support, medical care, and housing.
Absent the ability to join a serious force committed to ending capi-
talism worldwide, all oppressed groups face the same dilemma:
either fight for survival within the system (reforms, mere inclu-
sion) or fight for a self-contained utopian space outside the sphere
of capitalism. For working people, the first path leads to survival
under capitalist exploitation. For excluded members of the capi-
talist class, however, the first path leads to equal footing with other
exploiters. The second path is an altogether false choice. There is no
life external to the capitalist mode of production. Even in utopian
intentional communities, anything made of metal, anything that
needs batteries, and certainly any computing devices or medicines
require purchasing items from capitalists who exploit labor in facto-
ries and in the rare earth and mineral mines. Furthermore, utopian
isolationism requires the resources to purchase land commodified
under capitalism. In the United States and other colonial states,
this land was stolen during the scramble for resources during the
transition to and establishment of capitalism: the utopian longing

xii

Politics of Everybody.indd 12 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 Preface

for isolated radical intentional communities on pristine land is

inextricable from settler colonial romanticization.
Just as it should be no surprise that the queer movement
absorbed dominant, non-Marxist definitions of capitalism, it
should be no surprise that, without an accurate analysis of capi-
talism, the movement would be limited to reforms or utopian
longing. Both approaches abandoned a sense of the world as a total,
fluid system; in fact, by the end of the twentieth century, in much
of the world, the concept of totality itself was almost synonymous
with political violence. Anti-queer oppression was understood to
be a product of normativity in the abstract – subsumption into
an existential, power-hungry, difference-hating state – rather than
gender and sexual discipline imposed according to capitalist social
relations. Without a material analysis, queer oppression became
defined as either hostility toward a natural minority (intolerance of
human difference) or a symptom of a deeply embedded problem
of language and social-psychological drives. Consequently, both
inside and outside the queer movement, colonial violence and
capitalist exploitation were assumed to be only tangentially related
to queer struggle, if at all. In the language of both second- and
third-wave feminism, heteronormativity was determined to be a
distinct system of oppression alongside capitalism, rather than a
consequence of the material organization of society into classes.
Artificially divorced from anti-capitalist struggle, queer radicalism
was reduced to an ethical horizon.
Queer politics was in dire need of a better understanding of
how capitalist social relations organize gendered and sexual expe-
rience. So why didn’t Marxists just put forward a convincing and
thorough explanation of how the heteronormative family, as an
institution, provides racial capitalism with low-cost reproductive
services that cheapen labor power and extend profit, and how those
same so-called family values lead to queer oppression? The reason
why this simple question was not posed is not, in itself, so simple.

xiii

Politics of Everybody.indd 13 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 The Politics of Everybody

During the AIDS crisis, which coincided with the transition

from Fordism to neoliberalism, many queer organizers were under
the general and misguided assumption that Marxist ideas were
proven incorrect by the fall of the Soviet Union. Another problem
lay in the fact that queer oppression had not been properly theo-
rized among Marxist-feminists. Historically, the dominant figure
of Marxist-feminism was cis woman as worker, cis woman as
housewife, and/or cis woman as commodity. Marxists also assumed
queer oppression was the persecution of desire, specifically gay
male desire. Even cis women’s desire barely figured into these anal-
yses. Oppression of trans/nonbinary people and medical violence
against intersex people remained either completely untheorized
or inappropriately lumped in with struggles for sexual liberation.
Marxist-feminism had yet to take a stand against the trans-exclu-
sionary reactionaries who called themselves feminists.
The third reason why Marxists failed to develop Marxist
framing for queer politics is homophobia and transphobia. As late
as 2001, Maoist groups in the United States were still describing
homosexuality as a ‘bourgeois deviation’. Some Marxists engaged
in apologetics for regimes that persecuted queer people under the
banner of Marxism. Trotskyist sects were marginally better in that
they supported gay and lesbian demands, but this did not trans-
late to support for queer politics as queer politics: despite endless
grumbling about identity politics, in the 1990s, it was common
among Anglophone Trotskyist groups to demand that queer people
abandon the word ‘queer’ in favor of political subject positions
like ‘gay’ and ‘lesbian’. Some (mostly straight) members of these
sects even made political arguments in favor of the term lesbigay
over queer. Beyond the obvious exclusion of trans and nonbinary
people, it was the very dissolution of particularistic identities into a
larger, more militant political grouping that disturbed them. These
Marxists reduced queer oppression to capitalism’s failure to meet
the needs of gays and lesbians. The subtext of this argument was

xiv

Politics of Everybody.indd 14 09-Nov-21 20:26:44

 Preface

that human nature itself was heteronormative, and it was sufficient

for Marxists to focus on capitalism’s inhumane treatment of those
who love differently. Criticism of heteronormativity was not on the
table.1
Despite their complaints about capitalism’s mistreatment of gays
and lesbians, the political interventions of such groups had a repu-
tation for hostility toward queer activists, including shouting down
queer speakers at conferences.2 At the height of the AIDS crisis,
this approach was more than just petty; it indicated a Marxism that
was insular and out of tune with the working class in its entirety.
The task should have been winning straight working-class militants
to fight beside working-class queer radicals, not micromanaging
oppressed people’s identities and scolding queer activists for failing
to embrace a Marxist class analysis that had yet to be connected to
queer oppression.
A fourth reason that Marxists were not framing queer oppres-
sion in terms of family structure and the social reproduction of
racialized capitalism is that the Marxists most open to learning from
queer people – those inspired by critical theory and the Frankfurt
School – were largely seeking answers by examining the social and
cultural effects of exchange and consumption under capitalism
rather than looking at the processes of capitalist accumulation
and production that made such exchange/consumption possible.
Without that piece of the puzzle, critical theorists could not
theorize the totality of capitalist production and reproduction and
its effect on queer life.
Hostilities between Marxists and queer theorists impeded the
development of queer Marxism for two decades. Published at the
turn of the millennium, at the height of this unnecessary bitterness
between queer militants and Marxists, Rosemary Hennessy’s (2000)
groundbreaking Profit and Pleasure made waves in Marxist-femi-
nist circles but didn’t receive the full attention it deserved. It wasn’t
until Kevin Floyd’s Reification of Desire: Towards a Queer Marxism

xv

Politics of Everybody.indd 15 21-Oct-21 09:23:59

 The Politics of Everybody

was published in 2009 that Marxist circles began to take queer

analysis seriously, and even queer Marxist circles themselves took
a while to recognize the centrality of Marxist-feminist thought to
queer Marxism. The republication of Lise Vogel’s Marxism and the
Oppression of Women helped popularize the idea that the logic of
capital regulates gender to advance profitability; however, commu-
nication between Marxist-feminist and queer Marxist circles had
yet to be integrated, and so Marxist-feminist analysis tended to
be heteronormative and cisnormative while queer Marxist analysis
overemphasized cis gay male experience. Voices at the intersec-
tion of these Marxist debates struggled to be heard. (For example,
Nat Raha’s (2021) paper ‘A Queer Marxist Transfeminism: Queer
and Trans Social Reproduction’ has only recently been published
as a chapter in Transgender Marxism, though Raha first gave the
paper in 2015.) My own intervention during this period empha-
sized the relevance and validity of queer struggle to Marxism and
attempted to situate queer struggle within Marxist-feminism;
however, the ultimate purpose of The Politics of Everybody was to
show that a Marxist understanding of capitalism was requisite to
queer liberation.
To make this argument, I sought to reframe the debate. The
primary analytic for understanding the relationship between queer
theory and Marxism had long been desire. Both theories incorpo-
rated desire in prominent ways: early gay and lesbian studies dealt
with the hardships encountered by those with different desires,
while twentieth-century Frankfurt School Marxists emphasized
how commodity circulation, exchange, and the rapid transfor-
mation of nineteenth-century industrial cities into the networked
megapolises of the twentieth century changed mass psychology. The
Frankfurt School moved their gaze from the facts of commodity
production to the effects of capitalist commodity exchange
and consumption with the goal of analyzing how capitalism
shaped everyday life. Special emphases were placed on capitalist

xvi

Politics of Everybody.indd 16 09-Nov-21 20:27:38

 Preface

spectacles, commodity fetish, alienation, and the market regula-

tion of desire. This emphasis on culture and desire made Frankfurt
School Marxism a natural site of investigation for queer thinkers.
Alongside and sometimes with Freudian Marxists, it was a starting
point for analyzing how desire is organized, tamed, mediated, and
perhaps generated via commodity exchange.
Even when queer Marxism addressed the world of mate-
rial production, it stayed within the problematic of desire. John
D’Emilio’s work on how capitalist development moved working
populations away from rural homesteads toward the city – and
how that shift made the development of the modern gay identity
possible – implies that the capitalist mode of production makes
certain forms of desiring possible. Kevin Floyd’s work on reifi-
cation and the development of gay identity extends this project.
Peter Drucker’s analysis of how different arrangements within the
capitalist mode of production yields different sorts of same-sex
formations is another example. These works are foundational to
queer Marxism. Yet their framework left many of my questions
unanswered.
Capitalism’s effect on desire is, of course, a fascinating and
important question. Material social relations (such as wage labor,
social reproduction, colonialism, imperialism, etc.) shape how we
desire, and how we desire shapes not only our sexuality but also
how we come to understand ourselves. However, the production,
maintenance, and repression of different desires did not answer
many of my questions about the relationship between capitalism
and anti-queer violence. Perhaps this is, in part, because of my own
gendered perspective. The question of desire, as an analytic lens, is
best tailored to answer questions of homophobia as it relates to gay
men – which remains, of course, critically important. However,
prohibitions on cis male desire do not explain the violence against
queer cis women or violence against nonbinary people and trans
people. To use Julia Serrano’s terminology, capitalism is both

xvii

Politics of Everybody.indd 17 09-Nov-21 20:27:38

 The Politics of Everybody

oppositionally and traditionally sexist. Oppositional sexism demon-

izes homosexual (male) desire as the perversion of the presumed
natural male desire for women. However, traditional sexism ensures
that women’s desire itself is demonized. Under the rules of tradi-
tional sexism, a woman is only supposed to desire her husband or
the man who is to be her husband. Alternately, she may be permitted
the free play of desire before marriage, but upon the requirement of
marriage, this free play must end. This means that while gay men
are censured for different desire, both queer and non-queer women
are censured for desire itself. Throughout the history of capitalism,
women have been deemed things to be desired, not active, desiring
subjects. A cis woman’s sexual desire for women outside marriage is
not more threatening to the social order than a cis woman’s desire
for sex with men outside her marriage. Nor does the analytic of
desire explain why trans-exclusionary feminists exist, nor does it
explain violence against trans, nonbinary, and intersex people. In
order to understand anti-queer violence as it relates to those who
are not gay men, one must surpass the analytic of desire for some-
thing more fundamental: how the capitalist mode of production
generates gendered people and the bodily expectations for those
gendered people who then develop desires as they embrace or push
against those expectations. The wager of The Politics of Everybody is
that queer Marxism must account for the production of gendered
bodies. Not only is desire reified – turned into a thing – under
capitalism, but gender itself is reified; therefore, we cannot have a
queer Marxism without a Marxist-feminism.
The mode of Marxist critique that best helped me understand
queer oppression was not desire but Marxist-feminist social repro-
duction theory. As Marxists had long noted (including Engels),
feudal societies had different relationships to gendering, produc-
tion, and reproduction that correlated to feudal class status. Later
colonial anxieties about homosexuality – during the expansion of
the capitalist mode of production, in the mercantilism that directly

xviii

Politics of Everybody.indd 18 09-Nov-21 20:27:38

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