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This page intentionally left blank
Conversation and Cognition

Written by some of the leading figures in the fields of conversation

analysis, discursive psychology and ethnomethodology, this book looks
at the challenging implications of new discourse-based approaches to
the topic of cognition. Up to now, cognition has primarily been studied
in experimental settings. This volume shows how cognition can be
reworked using analyses of engaging examples of real life interaction
such as conversations between friends, relationship counselling sessions
and legal hearings. It includes an extended introduction that overviews
the history and context of cognitive research and its basic assump-
tions to provide a frame for understanding the specific examples dis-
cussed, as well as surveying cutting edge debates about discourse and
cognition. This comprehensive and accessible book opens up important
new ways of understanding the relation between language and cognition.

   is a senior lecturer in Discourse Analysis in

the Communication Science Section at Wageningen University, The
Netherlands. She has published on a number of topics including gov-
ernment communicators’ talk, online interaction and discourse on food
choice.

   is Professor of Discourse Analysis in the Social

Sciences Department at Loughborough University, UK. He has pub-
lished eight books, including Discourse and Social Psychology (with
Margaret Wetherell, 1987), more than forty book chapters and sixty
journal articles.
Conversation and Cognition

Edited by
Hedwig te Molder
Jonathan Potter
  
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge  , UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521790208

© Cambridge University Press 2005

This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published in print format 2005

- ---- eBook (EBL)

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To the memory and inspiration of Robert Hopper
 Contents

List of contributors page ix

Acknowledgements xi
Transcription conventions xiii

1 Talking cognition: mapping and making the terrain 1

                          

Part I The interface between cognition and action

2 Validating ‘observations’ in discourse studies: a
methodological reason for attention to cognition 57
     .       
3 Language without mind 79
        
4 Using participants’ video-stimulated comments to
complement analyses of interactional practices 93
           
5 From paradigm to prototype and back again:
interactive aspects of ‘cognitive processing’ in
standardized survey interviews 114
                         
.      
6 A cognitive agnostic in conversation analysis: when
do strategies affect spoken interaction? 134
        

Part II Cognition in action

7 Is confusion a state of mind? 161
     

vii
viii Contents

8 Cognition in discourse 184

          
9 From process to practice: language, interaction and
‘flashbulb’ memories 203
          
10 ‘My memory has been shredded’: a non-cognitivist
investigation of ‘mental’ phenomena 226
                     
11 Discursive psychology, mental states and descriptions 241
                       

References 260
Index 279
 Contributors

                Executive Director, Institute for Liberal

Arts & Interdisciplinary Studies, Emerson College, Boston, USA.
                 Department of Sociology, Boston
University, USA.
              Department of Sociology, University of
York, UK.
                  Discourse and Rhetoric Group,
Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, UK.
                   Department of Sociology, University of
California, Los Angeles, USA.
                 Late of the Department of Speech
Communication, The University of Texas, Austin, USA.
                   Department of Science & Technology
Studies, Cornell University, Clark Hall, USA.
                     Department of Sociology,
University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA.
                    Department of Communication,
State University of New York (SUNY), Albany, USA.
                   Discourse and Rhetoric Group,
Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, UK.
                        Department of Sociology,
University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA.
                   Department of Communication,
State University of New York (SUNY), Albany, USA.
               Communication Science, Wageningen
University, The Netherlands.
             Department of Sociology, University of York,
UK.

ix
 Acknowledgements

This collection brings together a unique group of leading scholars

from the fields of conversation analysis, discursive psychology and eth-
nomethodology. It features cutting edge debates about discourse and cog-
nition along with illustrative and engaging examples of real life interac-
tion. Some contributors argue that the notion of cognition in interaction
analysis can and should be abandoned, others that it should be reworked
and others again that it must be preserved but clarified. We hope that this
volume provides a thought-provoking overview and reappraisal of the role
of mental concepts in the empirical study of text and talk.
When we started it, too many years ago, we could not have imagined
the journey that would follow. In many ways, the major issue on which
it is focused turns out to be different from what we suspected: more
heterogeneous, less definitive in its boundaries and place, and, overall,
very much alive. During the process of writing and editing, we never
got bored with any of the contributions, and we are grateful that the
contributors never got (really) bored with waiting. Their past work has
defined the contours of the debate and they show themselves to be ideally
placed to move it forward.
Several people have been a continuous source of inspiration and helpful
criticism to us. We wish to thank Derek Edwards, Alexa Hepburn and Liz
Stokoe as well as the stimulating intellectual context of Loughborough’s
Discourse and Rhetoric Group. Communication Science at Wageningen
University has provided a supportive and challenging environment for
discourse work. Frank de Groot has given valuable technical support in
preparing the chapters for publication. We gratefully acknowledge the
continuing support, patience and good humour of Catherine Max and
Sarah Caro at Cambridge University Press.
The book is dedicated to Professor Robert Hopper, who died in Dec-
ember 1998, and was the first to complete his contribution for this vol-
ume. After being invited to a pre-conference on discourse and cognition,
his enthusiasm for the topic was contagious and he felt no hesitation in
writing about it. We hope the spirit with which he explored the convolu-
tions inside these complicated questions will shine throughout the book.

xi
 Transcription conventions

The following conventions were developed by Gail Jefferson.

[] Square brackets mark the start and end of

overlapping speech. Position them in alignment
where the overlap occurs.
↑↓ Vertical arrows precede marked pitch movement,
over and above normal rhythms of speech. They
are for marked, hearably significant shifts – and
even then, the other symbols (full stops,
commas, question marks) mop up most of that.
Like with all these symbols, the aim is to capture
interactionally significant features, hearable as
such to an ordinary listener – especially
deviations from a common sense notion of
‘neutral’, which admittedly has not been well
defined.
→ Side arrows are not transcription features, but
draw analytic attention to particular lines of text.
Usually positioned to the left of the line.
Underlining Underlining signals vocal emphasis; the extent of
underlining within individual words locates
emphasis, but also indicates how heavy it is.
CAPITALS Capitals mark speech that is obviously louder
than surrounding speech (often occurs when
speakers are hearably competing for the floor,
raised volume rather than doing contrastive
emphasis).
◦
↑I know it,◦ ‘Degree’ signs enclose obviously quieter speech
(i.e., hearably produced as quieter, not just
someone distant).
that’s r∗ ight. Asterisks precede a ‘squeaky’ vocal delivery.

xiii
xiv Transcription conventions

(0.4) Numbers in round brackets measure pauses in

seconds (in this case, 4 tenths of a second). Place
on new line if not assigned to a speaker.
(.) A micropause, hearable but too short to measure.
((text)) Additional comments from the transcriber, e.g.
context or intonation.
she wa::nted Colons show degrees of elongation of the prior
sound; the more colons, the more elongation.
hhh Aspiration (out-breaths); proportionally as for
colons.
.hhh Inspiration (in-breaths); proportionally as for
colons.
Yeh, ‘Continuation’ marker, speaker has not finished;
marked by fall-rise or weak rising intonation, as
when enunciating lists.
y’know? Question marks signal stronger, ‘questioning’
intonation, irrespective of grammar.
Yeh. Periods (full stops) mark falling, stopping
intonation (‘final contour’), irrespective of
grammar and not necessarily followed by a pause.
bu-u- Hyphens mark a cut-off of the preceding sound.
>he said< ‘Greater than’ and ‘lesser than’ signs enclose
speeded-up talk. Sometimes used the other way
round for slower talk.
solid.= ‘Equals’ signs mark the immediate ‘latching’ of
=We had successive talk, whether of one or more speakers,
with no interval. Also used as below (lines 3–5),
where an unbroken turn has been split between
two lines to accommodate another speaker on
the transcript page.
heh heh Voiced laughter. Can have other symbols added,
such as underlinings, pitch movement, extra
aspiration, etc.
sto(h)p i(h)t Laughter within speech is signalled by ‘h’s in
round brackets.

For further details see Hepburn (in press), Hutchby and Wooffitt (1998),
Jefferson (1985), Psathas and Anderson (1990) and ten Have (1999).
1 Talking cognition: mapping and
making the terrain

Jonathan Potter and Hedwig te Molder

Overview
This book addresses issues of conversation and cognition. For the first
time some of the world’s experts on interaction analysis have been brought
together to consider the nature and role of cognition. They address the
question of what part, if any, cognitive entities should play in the analysis
of interaction. They develop different answers. Some are consistent with
current thinking in cognitive psychology and cognitive science; others
are more critical, questioning the idea that cognition is the obvious and
necessary start point for the study of human action.
The question of the relation of language and thought has been a cen-
tral one in cognitive and developmental psychology for more than thirty
years. For the contributors here the focus is not on language as it is tra-
ditionally understood but rather on talk or, even more specifically, on
talk-in-interaction. That is, not on language as an abstract set of words,
meanings, or a system of contrasts as it has usually been conceived, but
talk as a practical, social activity, located in settings, occurring between
people, used in practices. This approach has significant implications for
the way traditional issues of cognition are treated. Talk and cognition
have been brought together only rarely in the past and often for particu-
lar purposes local to one discipline. However, there are some important
precursors to the current enterprise, and we will describe them in detail
below.
It is worth noting at the outset that because of its interdisciplinary focus
this book is likely to have audiences with different levels of knowledge,
understanding and expectation. In particular, we hope it will be of inter-
est to at least three groups of researchers. First, it will be of interest to
those people whose primary topic is the study of interaction. The issue of
how (if at all), or in what way, cognition figures in interaction is a live and
complex one with important implications for how analysis can be done
and what might be possible. Second, it will be of interest to discursive
psychologists and the wider community of social psychologists who have

1
2 Conversation and cognition

attempted to develop an alternative to traditional social cognitive per-

spectives. For them, it will refine several of the issues and highlight the
value of considering them in terms of natural interaction. Third, we hope
the book will be interesting to the very broad community of cognitive
scientists. Cognition has been understood in a wide range of ways in this
community (some of which we will describe below) but only rarely has
the start point been research on natural interaction.
The contributors to this book are some of the foremost analysts of nat-
ural interaction in the world. Although each has his or her individual take
on things, they mostly draw on one or more of the connected approaches
of ethnomethodology, conversation analysis and discursive psychology.
We will have more to say about these approaches later. For the moment
we will use thumbnails.
Ethnomethodology is an approach to the methods that people use for
making sense of, and accomplishing the order of, their social worlds.
It highlights the use of ad hoc, situation specific procedures to gener-
ate order. Most recently its emphasis has been on the way action must
be understood in terms of the full, embodied, practical specifics of its
setting. The key figure in the development of ethnomethodology is the
sociologist Harold Garfinkel (Garfinkel, 1967, 2002). In this collection
Michael Lynch, David Bogen and Jeff Coulter have been most associated
with this perspective.
Conversation analysis (CA) is the study of natural talk as a medium for
action and interaction. A very large body of studies from a conversation
analytic perspective have been done on both everyday and institutional
talk. Conversation analysis has its origins in the lectures of the sociolo-
gist Harvey Sacks (now published as Sacks, 1992), and the work of his
colleagues Gail Jefferson and Emanuel Schegloff (e.g. Sacks, Schegloff
and Jefferson, 1974). Many of the contributors to this collection have a
broadly conversation analytic perspective, including Bob Sanders, Anita
Pomerantz, Douglas Maynard, Nora Schaeffer, Robert Hopper, John
Heritage, Paul Drew and Robin Wooffitt. This predominance reflects
the way conversation analysis has become one of the most powerful and
empirically cumulative fields in the study of interaction.
Discursive psychology (DP) is an approach that considers psychology
as an object in and for interaction. That is, it focuses on how psycho-
logical categories and constructions are used by people in everyday and
institutional settings. While ethnomethodologists and conversation ana-
lysts have mainly worked within sociology and have often found issues of
cognition rather peripheral, discursive psychologists have mainly worked
within psychology and consequentially have a longer history of addressing
these issues. Key figures in the development of discursive psychology are
 Mapping and making the terrain 3

Derek Edwards and Jonathan Potter (Edwards, 1997; Edwards and Pot-
ter, 1992). In this collection Derek Edwards, Hedwig te Molder, Jonathan
Potter and Robin Wooffitt (again) are most associated with this approach.
There is considerably more theoretical and analytic homogeneity here
than even this listing of just three approaches suggests. Both conversa-
tion analysis and discursive psychology pick up from and develop themes
from ethnomethodology. Moreover, for the most part all three approaches
emphasise that:
a) Talk is a medium of action.
b) Talk is locally and situationally organized.
c) The point of view of the interactant is basic to understanding talk-in-
interaction.
d) The primary analytic approach is empirical study of natural interac-
tion.
These features have led researchers in this area in a very different method-
ological direction to most cognitive scientists. In particular, the emphasis
on action, context and natural talk leads away from working with either
experimental manipulations or invented and decontextualized examples.
It is worth emphasising, however, that although this body of work has
provided a basis for doubt about those methods it was not, on the whole,
this that led researchers in the direction they took. The tradition of work
in conversation analysis evolved out of a combination of novel theorizing
about interaction stimulated by Garfinkel and Sacks, and the develop-
ment of tape recording technology that allowed conversation to be stud-
ied in a way previously impossible. Having developed a powerful analytic
approach for working directly with records of interaction, experimental
simulations of interaction seemed to be of limited value and potentially
misleading.
The broad sweep of the arguments here means that we will inevitably
not be able to cover all potentially relevant literature. For example, we will
not cover the writing of critics of cognitive approaches such as Gergen,
Harré and Shotter (e.g. Gergen, 1994, 1999; Harré, 2002; Shotter, 1993)
who work largely with theoretical and conceptual analysis. Examples of
such work are collected together in Still and Costall (1991), and include
a number of arguments inspired by the work of Gibson (1986). This
work has some significant virtues, yet it does not provide for the focused
investigation of questions about cognition in interaction that is developed
in the chapters collected here.
In the rest of this introductory chapter we will try to accomplish a
series of things. First, we will describe some of the questions that the
book is intended to illuminate. Second, we will consider some of the his-
torical, conceptual and philosophical features of the notion of cognition,
4 Conversation and cognition

including its relation to language. Third, we will characterize some of the

key features of the set of perspectives that has been developed in the broad
field of cognitive science and cognitive psychology more specifically. This
will introduce a set of issues that will help to explicate the relevance of
work in interaction described later in this chapter, and in the chapters that
follow. It is also intended to highlight the variety and complexity of what
cognitive researchers have achieved and what points of entry into this
work there might be for interaction researchers. Fourth, we will describe
the way issues of cognition have been dealt with in existing work on
interaction, concentrating particularly on ethnomethodology, conversa-
tion analysis and discursive psychology. Fifth, and finally, we will provide
a synoptic overview of the contributions to this book ending with some
comments on future progress.

1. Questions of cognition and interaction

The questions addressed in this collection are derived from empirical
studies of interaction. The book is intended to extend and clarify issues
to do with the nature and role of cognitive entities in interaction analysis.
However, it is precisely that focus that makes for some interesting and
potentially novel implications for more traditional cognitive psychologists
and cognitive scientists.
The papers in this collection are relevant to a range of questions. Some
of the most important are:
r How does cognition figure in the analysis of interaction? Alternatively,
can (and should) such analysis be done without recourse to cognitive
notions?
r If speakers draw on cognitive notions, what is their status? That is,
what kind of thing is cognition for participants in interaction? How
is it invoked, described and oriented to by speakers in the course of
interaction?
r In the strongest case, is interaction only explicable in terms of a set of
cognitive precursors (cognitivism)? How far can these precursors reflect
lay notions and orientations of conversational participants and how far
must they be derived from technical analyses?
r How does interaction research throw light on continuing questions
about the possible relations between mental terms and cognitive
entities?
r What implications does the exploration of these questions have for
experimental work in cognitive science?
These are complicated questions that raise fundamental issues about
method, theory and the nature of psychology. The aim is to clarify them,
underscore their significance, and show the way towards their answers.
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