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The buddhist
world of Southeast Asia
Second Edition

Donald K. Swearer
This page intentionally left blank.
The Buddhist World of Southeast Asia
SUNY series in Religious Studies
Harold Coward, editor
The BUDDHIST
WORLD of Southeast Asia
Second Edition

Donald K. Swearer
Published by State University of New York Press, Albany
© 2010 State University of New York Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever
without written permission. No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval
system or transmitted in any form or by any means including electronic,
electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise without the prior permission in writing of the publisher.
For information, contact State University of New York Press, Albany, NY
www.sunypress.edu

Production by Robert Puchalik


Marketing by Michael Campochiaro

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Swearer, Donald K., 1934-
The Buddhist world of Southeast Asia / Donal K. Swearer. — 2nd ed.
p. cm. — (SUNY series in religious studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4384-3251-9 (hardcover : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-4384-3250-2 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Buddhism—Social aspects—Southeast Asia. I. Title.
BQ410.S93 2010
294.3’370959—dc22 2009039613

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
In memory of
Kenneth K. S. Ch’en and Singkha Wannasi,
mentors and friends
This page intentionally left blank.
Contents

Preface to the Second Edition . . . . . . . . . . ix


Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

PART I. THE POPULAR TRADITION . . . . . . 1


Ideal Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Ritual Occasions, Merit, and the Appropriation of Power . . 17
Festivals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Rites of Passage . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

PART II. BUDDHISM AND THE STATE . . . . . . 71


Asoka, the Exemplary Buddhist Ruler . . . . . . . 72
Kings and Cosmology . . . . . . . . . . . 82
The Cosmological Scheme of the Three Worlds . . . . . 101
The Buddha as Cosmocrator . . . . . . . . . 104
Modern Nationalism and Buddhism . . . . . . . 109

PART III. BUDDHISM AND MODERNIZATION . . . 129


The Changing Role of the Monk . . . . . . . . 130
Reforming the Tradition . . . . . . . . . . 159
The Changing Role of the Laity . . . . . . . . 177
Women and Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . 190
Buddhism and the West . . . . . . . . . . 197
Postscript . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
viii the buddhist world of southeast asia

Appendix 1 H^\°aV`VHjiiV: Code of Lay Ethics . . . . . 205


Appendix 2 Borobudur . . . . . . . . . . . 208
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Preface to the Second Edition

I]Z7jYY]^hiLdgaYd[Hdji]ZVhi6h^V is the result of my observation and


long-term study of Theravada Buddhism. My interest in Buddhism began as
a result of personal experience. In the late 1950s I spent two years in Bangkok,
Thailand, where I lived in a Buddhist culture and taught at a Christian
college and a Buddhist monastic university. Since that time I have spent
several sabbatical leaves in Thailand with shorter stays or visits in Sri Lanka,
Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos. Although my understanding of Buddhism
has benefited from the work of scholars from different disciplines, this mono-
graph also reflects my personal experience in Thailand and Southeast Asia.
This experience is informed by teaching in the liberal arts college classroom,
the primary context in which I have spent most of my academic career. My
approach to Buddhism, especially its expression in Thailand, is a multidis-
ciplinary approach integrated with a personal appreciation of its depth of
meaning and diversity of expression. This monograph is written for readers
who wish to study Buddhism, not simply as a normative doctrinal system,
but as a historically and culturally contextualized religious tradition, or to
put it another way, Buddhism as a lived tradition.
This study of Buddhism offers a broad, holistic analysis of the Buddhist
tradition as it has been shaped within the historical and cultural milieu of
Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. Diverse forms of Buddhism took root in
Southeast Asia, but from the twelfth century C.E., the branch of Buddhism
known as Theravada or “Teaching of the Elders,” with its extensive and diverse
scriptural canon written in the Pali language, gradually assumed a dominate
religious and cultural role.1 Historical evidence from major archaeological

ix
x the buddhist world of southeast asia

sites as well as contemporary Buddhist rituals demonstrate the influence


of Hinayana, Mahayana, and Tantrayana forms of Buddhism, which also
incorporated Brahmanical and Hindu elements. It must be kept in mind,
furthermore, that the forms of Buddhism and Hinduism that took root in Sri
Lanka and in insular and mainland Southeast Asia, grew in diverse cultural
soils already enriched by various indigenous belief systems from the Sinhalese,
Burmese, Tai,2 Lao, and Khmer peoples. We must reject the notion that there
existed in mainland Southeast Asia any kind of Theravada Pali “orthodoxy”;
this is an ahistorical projection, first constructed by monks of the Sinhalese
Mahavihara monastic lineage and subsequently perpetuated in the modern
period by both Buddhist adherents and Western scholars. Today, Theravada
Buddhism in Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia mirrors
the rich diversity of its variegated historical and cultural development. In
one sense this monograph provides a demonstration of this claim. My use
of the term, Theravada Buddhism, therefore, encompasses this sense of the
richness and diversity of the tradition.
A problem adheres to the use of the word, bdc`. Frequently, Buddhist
scholars construct the Buddhist monk as a rational renouncer who single-
mindedly walks the Buddha’s path toward enlightenment (nibbana). They
either ignore or are oblivious to the multiple roles played by the monk, not
just in the present day, but also throughout Buddhist history. The word,
monk, is further problematized because it has been gendered as male, requir-
ing that the female “monk” be identified as “nun.”3 In Theravada Buddhism
the community of Buddhists is divided into four groups—male and female
renunciants or almspersons (bhikkhu and bhikkhuni), and their male and
female lay supporters (jeVhV`V and jeVh^`V). Although it is an oversimpli-
fication, it may be said that both men and women who joined the Buddha’s
order or sangha were fundamentally alike in the sense that they shared the
common designation of “almspersons.” I shall use monk in this inclusive
sense, although in specific contexts, I shall refer to male almspersons, female
renuncients, or for clarity, simply monks and nuns. In parts 1 and 3 of the
monograph, specific historical and contemporary issues of women and Bud-
dhism will be explored. My use of the word, monk, therefore, acknowledges
the buddhist world of southeast asia xi

both gender distinction and the historical diversity of roles played by Bud-
dhist almspersons.
Dramatic changes have occurred in the Buddhist world of Southeast
Asia since the first edition of this monograph appeared in 1995. The perva-
sive effect of globalization has further intensified the transformation of the
world’s political economies, cultures, and societies. Mainland Southeast
Asia (Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos) and Sri Lanka, which share
the teachings, practices, and monastic institutions of Theravada Buddhism,
have also been transformed. Despite the significant differences that pertain
among these countries where Theravada Buddhism is the dominant religion,
Buddhism continues to be a major factor in their politics, economies, and
cultural identities. The neo-Marxian and secular-liberal predictions of the
withering away of religion have been proved false, whether the reference is
Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, or—in the case of this monograph—Theravada
Buddhism in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. For example, Buddhism is being
revived in Cambodia; new monastic and lay movements are flourishing in
Thailand; Buddhist monks are actively involved in the political conflict
current in Sri Lanka and Myanmar. These are hopeful signs of a vigorous,
vital Buddhism, not of a moribund religion.
Hopeful signs notwithstanding, overall Theravada Buddhism in Thailand,
Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka faces an uncertain future. Will
the Buddhist institutions in these countries, their teaching and practices,
continue to inform the cultural identities of the Thai, Burmese, Lao, Khmer,
and Sinhalese, or will they fail to adapt sufficiently to the changing material
realities of their increasingly globalized societies and, hence, become largely
irrelevant to daily life’s circumstances? The complexity of the many worlds
of Theravada Buddhism defies any easy generalization about its future and
challenges any predictions. As this monograph demonstrates, Buddhism
is not one “world” in Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka,
but many different worlds. It is this very diversity and adaptability that has
contributed to its enduring influence. What will the future hold? Certainly
for its continuing viability, it will require an even greater degree of flexibility
xii the buddhist world of southeast asia

and adaptability while at the same time retaining those principles and values
that have informed, inspired, and challenged the lives of its adherents.
This revised and expanded edition of I]Z7jYY]^hiLdgaYd[Hdji]ZVhi6h^V
includes numerous additions and changes. Part 3 has been greatly expanded
to take into account some of the most significant developments that have
occurred within the Buddhist world of Southeast Asia since 1995. Major
additions have also been made to the Ideal Action section of part 1 and
the Modern Nationalism and Buddhism section of part 2. Furthermore, in
this edition the focus on Buddhism in Thailand has been further enhanced,
especially in part 3.

Donald K. Swearer
Center for the Study of World Religions
Harvard Divinity School
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
Acknowledgments

The 1995 edition of this monograph was made possible by a sabbatical leave
from Swarthmore College in 1994 and through the support from the
Fulbright-Hays Program and the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation. I
wish to thank Dr. Chayan Vaddhanphuti, director of the Social Research
Institute, Chiang Mai University, where I was a research fellow, and Dr. Ratana
Tungasvadi for the gracious hospitality of her Chiang Mai home. Thanissaro
Bhikkhu (Geoffrey DeGraff ), abbot of the Metta Forest Monastery in
Valley Center, California, read and commented on the entire monograph;
Dr. Nancy Dowling, professor of Asian art, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa,
made numerous suggestions regarding part 2.
In the decade since the publication of the first edition of T]Z7jYY]^hi
LdgaYd[Hdji]ZVhi6h^V I have received invaluable assistance from colleagues
in Chiang Mai, especially Sommai Premchit, the late Mani Payomyong, and
Phaithoon Dokbuakaew. Over many years my research in northern Thailand
has been greatly facilitated by the friendship and support of John W. Butt,
Senior Advisor at the Payap University Institute for the Study of Religion, Cul-
ture, and Peace, and Martha Butt, Emeritus Vice President for International
Affairs at Payap University. Eric Braun, a specialist in Burmese Buddhism at
Harvard University graciously commented on my discussion of Buddhism
in Myanmar. Dr. Louis Gabaude of the École Française d’Extrême-Orient,
Chiang Mai, has shared with me over the years not only his rich archival col-
lection but also his unsurpassed knowledge of Buddhism in northern Thailand.
I am particularly indebted to Nancy Chester Swearer who copyedited the
entire manuscript and prepared the bibliography and index.

xiii
This page intentionally left blank.
Introduction

E veryone recognizes the saying, “It has to be hZZc to be WZa^ZkZY.” With


one rather modest change—“it has to be hZZc to be jcYZghiddYÀ—this
familiar quip becomes peculiarly appropriate to the study of religion. A
religious system consists of diverse phenomena: sacred texts, myths, symbols,
institutions, rituals, festivals, sacred sites and so on. A religion encompasses
more than a stipulated set of beliefs and practices; it also embodies and
expresses the meanings and aspirations of a particular culture. Because of
its diversity and complexity, religion cannot be characterized simply as a set
of teachings nor easily comprehended in any holistic sense. The study of a
religious system or even of specific aspects of that system calls not only for
analytical skills, but also the qualities of imagination, empathy, and vision,
which I suggest requires a kind of “seeing.” The nature of the phenomena
constituting a religious system cannot be adequately understood if one only
reads a religious text or studies religious truth claims about the nature of
reality. Any attempt to understand religion that does not take into account
the historical and cultural richness of the lived tradition runs the risk of
reductionism and distortion.
Religions are multiplex, and the phenomena constituting religion embody
different levels of meaning. In the light of such multivalency, religion has been
characterized as a “symbol system.” To study religion, in my view, challenges
us to go beyond the literal, the obvious, and the purely descriptive, to discern
the hidden meanings and deeper levels of human experience embedded in
(or behind) the text, the rite, and the festival. Rather than seeing only the
surface (“face value”), we have to look in the “folds,” the hidden places to

xv
xvi the buddhist world of southeast asia

find the truth of a religion. Religious belief systems may appear to have an
atemporal character, but historical, cultural, social, economic, and political
contexts cannot be divorced from a religion any more than an individual’s
profession of faith, be it Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Christian, or Jewish, can
be separated from his or her personal, subjective experience.
In the following pages we shall study Theravada Buddhism within the
many cultures and against the historical backdrop of Southeast Asia and Sri
Lanka and three differing social and political contexts: the traditional village;
the state; and the modern urbanized environment. Each context provides
a background for examining distinctive features of Buddhism in Southeast
Asia: the integrative and syncretic nature of traditional, popular religion; the
role of religion in state formation; and the challenge to traditional Buddhist
thought and practice by the forces of rapid change associated with urbaniza-
tion and modernization.
This monograph introduces the study of Theravada Buddhism and society
within the cultural setting of Southeast Asia, with particular focus on Thailand.
In a broad sense, it is an examination of the interaction of a religious world-
view and a cultural ethos, and the ways in which the peoples of Southeast
Asia have organized and expressed their lives in meaningful patterns.1 Each
part of this book will examine these patterns for their coherence as well as
their rich and fascinating variety.
PART 1

THE POPULAR TRADITION

A ll too often a textbook picture of Theravada Buddhism bears little


resemblance to the actual practice of Buddhism in Southeast Asia. The
lived traditions of Myanmar,1 Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka seem
to distort and sometimes subvert the cardinal teachings of nibbana, the Four
Noble Truths, or the Noble Eightfold Path familiar to the Western student
of Buddhism.2 The observer enters a Theravada Buddhist culture to discover
that ordination into the monastic order (sangha) may be motivated more by
cultural convention or a young man’s sense of social obligation to his parents
rather than the pursuit of transforming wisdom; that the peace and quiet
sought by a meditating monk may be overwhelmed by the amplified rock
music of a temple festival; that somewhat unkempt village temples outnum-
ber tidy, well-organized monasteries; and that the Buddha, austerely imaged
in the posture of meditation (hVbVY]^) or dispelling Mara’s powerful army
(bVgVk^_VnV) is venerated more in the hope of gaining privilege and prestige,
material gain, and protection on journeys than in the hope of nibbana.
The apparent contradiction between the highest ideals and goals of
Theravada Buddhism and the actual lived tradition in Southeast Asia has
long perplexed Western scholars. In his study of Indian religions, Max Weber
made a sharp distinction between what he characterized as the “otherworldly
mystical” aim of early Indian Buddhism and the world-affirming, practical
goals of popular, institutional Buddhism that flourished in the third century
C.E. under King Asoka and later Buddhist monarchs.3 Even recent scholars
of Theravada Buddhism have been influenced by Weber’s distinction in their
studies of Buddhism as a cultural institution and an ethical system.4

1
2 part 1

To be sure, the Theravada Buddhism of Southeast Asia, not unlike other


great historic religions, defines ideal goals of moral perfection and ultimate
self-transformation and the means to attain them, but at the same time, South-
east Asian Buddhism also provides the means by which people cope with
day-to-day problems of life as well as a rationale to justify worldly pursuits.
Both goals are sanctioned in the writings of the Pali canon, the scriptures
of Theravada Buddhism.5 The way to the transcendence of suffering called
the Noble Eightfold Path presented in the first public teaching attributed
to the Buddha in the discourse known as “Turning the Wheel of the Law”
(9]VbbVXV``VeeVkViiVcVHjiiV), includes advice appropriate to monks,
such as meditation, but also the laity, such as right ethical action. The goals
of Buddhism are, in short, both nibbanic and proximate—a better rebirth,
an improved social and economic status in this life, and so on; the two are
necessarily intertwined. We find in the Pali canon justification for both
spiritual poverty and material wealth. Even as the monk or almsperson
(bhikkhu/bhikkhuni) is enjoined to eschew worldly goods and gain, it is
wealth that promotes both individual and social well-being when generously
distributed by laypeople unattached to their possessions.6
Any broad, holistic analysis of Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia
should take into account not only its highest ideals and varied practices, but
also its seeming contradictions. For example, rituals designed specifically
for the benefit of the soul of the deceased seem to undermine the central
Theravada doctrine of VcViiV or not-self/not-soul. The student of Theravada
Buddhism should keep in mind, however, that the not-self doctrine can be
interpreted as sanctioning such monastic pursuits as meditation, whereas the
doctrines of kamma (Sanskrit, karma) rebirth (hVbhVgV), and merit (ejŠŠV)
justify a wide range of other moral and ritual acts.7 These are distinctive
but related domains within the broader context of the Theravada tradition;
they should not be seen as contradictory. In the Pali texts, both ultimate
and proximate ideals are promoted. The tradition affirms that the Buddhist
path is many forked and, furthermore, that people are at different stages
along the path. Explanations that seek somewhat arbitrarily and rigidly to
differentiate teaching and practice, the ideal and the actual, run the risk of
the popular tradition: inclusive syncretism 3

sacrificing the interwoven threads of religion as they are culturally embodied


to the logic of consistency.
With this admonition in mind, I use the term, “popular tradition,” with
some hesitancy; no value judgment is intended. “Popular” in this context
does not mean less serious, less worthy, or further removed from the ideal;
rather, it refers to Theravada Buddhism as it is commonly perceived, under-
stood, and practiced by the average, traditional Sri Lankan, Burmese, Thai,
Cambodian, and Laotian. What defines their sense of religious and cultural
identity, the contexts in which this identity is most readily investigated,
are rites of passage, festival celebrations, ritual occasions, and behavior as
exemplified in traditional stories. One goes to the temple or the temple-
monastery (lVi) to observe many of these activities, hear the teachings as
handed down orally from monk to layperson, and view stories depicted in
religious art and reenacted in ritual. Institutionally, the religious life of the
Theravada Buddhist focuses on the place of public worship, celebration, and
discourse. Symbolically, the temple-monastery is not only the “monk’s place”

Figure 1.1. Monastery compound. Wat Kukut, Lamphun, Thailand.


4 part 1

or hVc\]V"kVhV for the study of the dhamma, but also the “Buddha’s place”
or WjYY]V"kVhV where the Buddha is made present and venerated in images
and enshrined relics.
In the following section I shall explore popular Buddhism in Southeast
Asia with a focus on Thailand, in these contexts: rites of passage, festival
celebrations, and ritual occasions, beginning with ideal behavior or life
models personified in traditional myths and legends. The two underlying
themes will be: the syncretic nature of popular Buddhism as part of a total
religious-cultural system; and the role of religion in enhancing life’s meaning
through the integration and interpretation of personal, social, and cosmic
dimensions of life.

Ideal Action
Doctrinally, ideal action in Theravada Buddhism can be described as
meritorious action (ejŠŠV-`VbbV) or action that does not accrue demerit
(eVeV-`VbbV). At the highest stage of spiritual self-realization, the state
of arahantship, one’s actions are totally beyond the power of kamma and
rebirth (hVbhVgV). Terms used to characterize ideal behavior and attitudes
are truthfulness (hVXXV), generosity (YVcV), loving-kindness (bZiiV), compas-
sion (`VgjcV), equanimity (jeZ``]V), wisdom (eVŠŠV), and morality (h^aV),
to name a few. In both Theravada and Mahayana Buddhism these virtues
are referred to as “perfections” (eVgVb^ or eVgVb^iV) of character associated
with the person of the WdY]^hViiV (Sanskrit, WdY]^hViikV), one who is on
the path to Buddhahood. These perfections are depicted in various ways
appropriate to audience and context. They are exemplified in the narratives
of moral exemplars, such as Vessantara and Sama who appear in the last ten
of the 547 Pali _ViV`V tales, other late canonical texts such as the 8Vg^n°"
e^V`V, the fifth century commentaries of Buddhaghosa and Dhammapala,
vernacular narratives, and most important, in the life of the Buddha.8 Such
stories are well known and are one of the principal means through which
ideal life models are taught.
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