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Author(s): Herodotus, Robert B. Strassler
ISBN(s): 9781400031146, 1400031141
Edition: Annotated
File Details: PDF, 38.44 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
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Praise for Robert B. Strassler)s
"A lucid new rendition [with] countless maps, photographs, annotations and
appendices." - Newsday
"The neophyte reader will certainly get a great deal ... from The Landmark
Herodotus: an up-to-date translation, a superb analytic index, several back-
ground essays by experts that are the last word on current scholarship, intel-
ligent illustrations geared to the text, running lessons in Mediterranean
geography, occasional useful notes, and a handy glossary."
-Peter Green, The New York Review of Books
"Strassler helps readers unlock the mysteries of the Greek author's account of
the Persian Wars, offering detailed maps, margin notes, twenty-one appen-
dices written by top scholars and more." -Rocky Mountain News
"Unites under one cover, a new, lucid translation ... along with copious
marginal notations and indexes, maps and over twenty highly useful appen-
dices." -The News and Observer (Raleigh)
ALSO BY ROBERT B. STRASSLER
TH E L AN DM A R K HERODOTUS
HIE RO DOTU S
THE HISTORIES
ANCHOR BOOKS
A Division of Random House, Inc .• New York
CONliENliS
Introduction by Rosalind Thomas ix
Editor)s Preface by Robert B. Strassler xxxvii
Translator)s Preface by Andrea L. Purvis xlix
Dated Outline of Text Ii
Key to Maps lxiv
BOOK ONE 1
BOOK Two U5
BOOK THREE 205
BOOK FOUR 279
BOOK FIVE 365
BOOK SIX 425
BOOK SEVEN 491
BOOK EIGHT 599
BOOK NINE 663
Appendix A The Athenian Government in Herodotus
Peter Krentz, Davidson College 723
viii
~ NlilR.OIDUCliIION
Rosalind Thomas
1. Opening Remarks
§l.l. Herodotus' Histories trace the conflict between the Greeks and the Persians
which culminated in the Persian Wars in the great battles of Thermopylae, Salamis,
Plataea, and Mycale (480-479)," a generation or so before he was writing. He
described his theme as comprising both the achievements of Greeks and barbarians,
and also the reasons why they came into conflict (Book 1, Proem). This suggests
that he sought the causes of the conflict in factors that took one back deep into the
past and into the characteristics of each society. He implies that he saw the deep-
seated causes in cultural antagonism of Greek and non-Greek, but he went out of
his way to describe the achievements and customs of many non-Greek peoples with
astonishing sensitivity and lack of prejudice. The Histories are the first work in the
Western tradition that are recognizably a work of history to our eyes, for they cover
the recent human past (as opposed to a concentration on myths and legends), they
search for causes, and they are critical of different accounts. Herodotus' own
description of them as an inquiry, a "historic," has given us our word "history," and
he has been acknowledged as the "father of history." He also has a claim to be the
first to write a major work on geography and ethnography. His interests were
omnivorous, from natural history to anthropology, from early legend to the events
of the recent past: he was interested in the nature of the Greek defense against the
Persians, or the nature of Greek liberty, as well as in stranger and more exotic tales
about gold-digging ants or other wondrous animals in the East. The Histories are
the first long work in prose (rather than verse) which might rival the Homeric epics
in scale of conception and length. Shorter works in prose had appeared before, but
the Histories must in their time have been revolutionary.
§1.2. Who, then, was Herodotus? As with most ancient Greek authors, we have
little reliable information, and the later ancient biographers may have invented
biographical "facts" by drawing from the content of the Histories themselves, as was
common in ancient biographies of writers. He was born in Halicarnassus' in Asia
Minor,b now modern Bodrum in western Turkey. He spent much of his life in exile,
Intra.!.la All dates in this edition of Heradotus and in Intro.I.2a Halicarnassus: Map Intra.I.
its supporting materials are B.C.E. (Before the Intro.I.2b Asia Minor (Asia): Map Intro.I, locator.
Common Era), unless otherwise specified.
IX
INTRODUCTION
spending some time in Samos,c some in Athens,d and apparently ending up in Thurii,e
the Athenian Panhellenic colony founded in south Italy (Aristotle in the fourth
century knew him as Herodotus of Thurii). The Histories themselves provide the
evidence for his extensive travels in the Greek world, Asia Minor, Phoenicia, Egypt and
North Africa,r and perhaps the Black Sea g (see below). Unlike in many modern travel-
ogues, the main focus of interest is not on the traveling itself but on the information
it yields, so again the personal elements are not extensive. His life spanned much of
the fifth century: here there is no reason to doubt the ancient tradition that he was
born at roughly the time of the Persian Wars (480-479), and he probably lived into
the 420s, since the Histories make references to events in Greece early in the Pelo-
ponnesian War of 431-404. It is usually thought that he was active as researcher and
writer from the 450s to the 420s. The Histories clearly constituted a life's work.
x
INTRODUCTION
on the grounds that the Athenians did most to defeat the Persians (e.g., Ihucydides
1.73.2-75.2: "although we are rather tired of continually bringing up this subject [the
Persian War]," 1.73.2). In other words, the Persian Wars were still very much a living
part of Greek politics in the 430s and 420s and the period during which Herodotus
was researching. They played an important role in the rhetoric and diplomacy of the
time. Athens could and did claim that she had done more than any other Greek city to
help Greece keep her freedom; Sparta and Corinth now asserted that Athens herself
was enslaving Greece. Freedom is central to Herodotus' Histories, and it played a
crucial part in inter-state political argument and antagonism in the later fifth century.
§2.2. Herodotus' Histories need to be seen in part against this background, even
though in formal terms they describe events only down to the end of the Persian
Wars in 479. For he takes as his explicit theme the conflict between the Greeks and
the barbarians, as he puts it in the introduction, and after tracing this conflict back
to the earliest times, he gradually works up to the full narrative of the Greek-Persian
conflict in the Ionian' Revolt of 499-494 (Books 5-6), and to the two Persian inva-
sions of mainland Greece of 490 and 480 (Books 6-9). Herodotus' Histories stop on
the brink of the creation of the Athenian Empire: they end their main narrative at
the point where the Greeks in Asia Minor, helped by the Greek fleet under the Spar-
tan Leotychidas, have won a decisive victory against the Persian forces at Mycale in
Asia Minor-on the very same day on which the Greek army in central Greece
under Pausanias had won the victory at Plataea, which forced the Persians to with-
draw entirely from Greece. The Asia Minor Greeks were taken into the anti-Persian
alliance of the Greek allies (9.106), and the victorious Greek forces sailed up to the
Hellespont to continue aggressive operations against Persia and free more Greek
cities. The Spartans and Peloponnesians went home, fatally leaving the Athenians in
charge (9.114; though they were to send another commander out later), and
Herodotus' narrative ends with the Athenian actions in the Hellespont, which many
scholars have seen as an ominous portent of the future (9.120).
§2.3. Ifwe imagine Herodotus trying to collect accounts, to take oral testimony,
and to gather personal or collective memories about the Persian Wars, then we can
assume that he would have been talking to people who had actually been involved,
who perhaps had fought in the war or whose relations had done so; and since the
effects of the Persian Wars were still immediate and strong, and charges of Medism a
still potent, it is hard to imagine that his research was either simple or straightfor-
ward. His claims to set the record straight and to record both the brave and the
cowardly still had resonances for later generations. Plutarch still resented his remarks
about certain Greek cities, particularly Corinth and Thebes,b several centuries later,
in the late first century C.E., in his fascinatingly and curiously petty essay "On the
Malice of Herodotus," where he also tried in his own way, rather ineffectually, to set
the record straight. Excuses for why the Argives c did not help against the Persians
Intro.2.2a Ionia: Map Intro.l. "Persian" interchangeably, although the
Intro.2.3a Those Greeks who accepted Persian rule and Medes were a people quite distinct from the
fought with the Persians were accused of Persians.
"Medism" by those Greeks who fought Intro.2.3b Thebes (Boeotia): Map Intro.I.
against the Persians. That they were said to Intro.2.3c Argos: Map Intro.l.
have "medized" is an extension of the Greek
habit of using the words" Mede" and
xi
INTRODUCTION
THRA CE
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MAP INTRO.I· • Sec the Editor's Preface and the Key to Maps for an
explanation of map layout, symbols, and typography.
INTROP CTIO>l
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~
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MAP INTRO.2
xiii
INTRODUCTION
(7.148-152) were still important in the later fifth century and beyond. In fact,
Herodotus knows well that he is often controversial. For instance, he notes that he
is saying something unpopular in declaring that the Athenians in fact did most to
defeat the Persians (7.139): modern historians would usually accept this opinion, so
why was it so unpopular at the time? Presumably the prevailing view in Greece was
that the Spartans were the great heroes of the war and thus he was challenging
that. Even more important, the Athenians were using precisely this boast to justify
their empire. The fact that Herodotus admitted his judgment was unpopular was
not so much a straightforward sign of "pro-Athenian feelings" on his part as an
acknowledgment that he had to have good reasons-which he does and which he
gives at length-for going against the popular view. He may also have been hinting
indirectly at some morals or warnings to be drawn from Greek history down to 479
and applied to the period after the wars. At any rate the Histories end their narrative
oddly: the last but one paragraph reads, "and that was all that happened in the
course of the year" (9.121).d It is as ifhe was discreetly hinting that many important
things were certainly going to occur in the following years. The very last paragraph
(9.122) takes us back to a warning given by Cyrus the Great, the founder of the
Persian Empire, in the very early years of Persian expansion that if they expand too
much and move into rich, luxurious lands, they will become soft and cease to be
rulers. In this unexpected flashback, one could simply read a moralizing tale about
the rise and decline of Persian might, but Herodotus' audience could also, if they
were so minded, see in it a warning about the more recently arisen Athenian Empire.
§2.4. What are the Histories? Far more than the history of the Persian Wars, they
purport to trace the Greek-barbarian hostility back to earliest mythical times (1.1-5),
and they describe the geography of most of the known world of the time. They trace
relations between peoples and cities in such a way as to describe much earlier history,
and they describe the customs of many of the peoples of the inhabited world. The
expansion of the Persian Empire into new areas serves as a peg for several large
sections-often misleadingly called "digressions"-about the geography and peoples
of those areas. The geographical and ethnographical details are often closely linked to
the success or fuilure of those peoples in resisting the Persians (note particularly Book
4 on the Scythians). The section on Egypt runs to one very substantial book in its own
right (note, though, that the book divisions were a later creation), and the Scythians'
receive the second longest section. Ethiopians, Libyans, and Thraciansb are described
in detail. It might be tempting to see this in terms of modern disciplines and in some
sort of hierarchy: is he an anthropologist, a historian, or a geographer? Is the geogra-
phy subservient to the history, or, as the great early-twentieth-century German scholar
Jacoby argued, did he start out as a geographer and only become a historian later in
life? But there are huge problems with these ideas, the most pressing one being that
they impose modern conceptions of modern disciplines on a writer writing at the
"beginning," before history has even been defined or separated from anything else as a
discipline. Herodotus helped create the concept of the discipline of "history," in part
Intro.2.3d Translation throughout the Introduction Intra.2.4b Ethiopia, Libya: Map Intro.2. Thrace: Map
differs from that in this volume. Intra.l, locator.
Intro.2.4a Scythia: Map Intro.2.
xiv
INTRODUCTION
by stressing and criticizing his sources and accepted traditions, but it was his successor
Thucydides who really solidified and in fact narrowed the idea of history as a critical
study of past events (and only past events, as opposed to ethnography, mythology, or
geography). This definition of "history" as the study of past political and military events
is something of an anachronism for Herodotus, who, after all, included so much more
in his "inquiry": we would be applying a later conception to an earlier achievement
which was conceived in earlier and therefore different terms (see below). It also ignores
the complex structure of his work and its overall unity, for in the Histories geography
and customs have a large explanatory role in the course of events, and the interweaving
of geography, ethnography, and the narrative of events is very finely done, not as one
might expect if one or the other area was somehow tacked on later. Besides, "wonders"
and achievements are "worthy of relation/telling" (axiologotatoi), in Herodotus' phrase,
in their own right. Egypt was worthy of a longer description because it had more
marvels than any other place (2.35.1). Wonders were simply part of his subject matter.
§2.5. Herodotus' own conception of his work is that it is a "historic," a Greek
word for "inquiry" which through Herodotus' own use has become our word for
history. Not only did it not yet mean "history," but in the second half of the fifth
century, historic inquiry seems to have had particular connotations, as I hope I have
shown in my book.' It was a term of "science" in the sense that it was accompanied
by the desire to discover the truth about the world, with a degree of critical rigor,
concern for proof, and respect for evidence (though hardly to the degree expected of
modern science). We encounter the term "inquiry into nature" for natural science, or
"inquiry into medicine" for the attempt to understand medicine and its relation to
human nature. Historic was an all-encompassing term that was by no means limited
to research into the past; indeed Herodotus may have been the first to use it for
research that included past human actions. Its appearance in his opening sentence
was surely meant to signal to his audience that here was no rehash of the old myths,
no mere uncritical retelling of stories, but a modern work of critical inquiry.
The opening paragraph of the proem sets out clearly that his subject was wide-
ranging (I give a very literal translation):
§2.6. The proem itself, then, states that his subject is the events and achievements
of mankind, and that included both Greeks and barbarians. The final clause is similarly
wide-open: for what reason or cause. How did he conceive of causation? The causes of
the conflict could be sought in mythical origins, in the buildup of antagonism in
earlier history, in geographical layout and proximity, in way of life, customs, and over-
Intro.2.5a Rosalind Thomas, Herodotus in Context:
Ethnography, Science and the Art of Persua-
sion (Cambridge, 2000).
xv
INTRODUCTION
all attitudes, for instance the conflicting values of Greeks and non-Greeks which are
certainly visible in the Histories. The political and social strengths of different peoples
change, too, in the course of the Histories, so that Greeks were not always free, and
non-Greeks were worthy of investigation in their own right. His proem therefore
describes the idea of his work in terms which could virtually encompass everything
which actually appears in the Histories. Of course, writers are at liberty to do more or
less than they promise at the start, but it is striking how wide-open Herodotus' themes
are from the start. It is interesting to compare the way Thucydides opened his History
with a far more focused summary, surely with an eye on his predecessor Herodotus:
xvi
INTRODUCTION
going to proceed with the man he knows was the first to commit unjust acts against
the Greeks (1.5.3). This marks a clear division between what he knows and the
unstable and unreliable tales of a more distant past. He then proceeds to tell of
Croesus of Lydia, who attacked the Greeks of Asia Minor in the mid-sixth century
(1.6). This is the period safely within the range of historical knowledge. From now
on in Book 1, the narrative thread follows Croesus' rise and fall as king of Lydia, the
rise of the Median' kingdom and then that of the Persian Empire, the Persian
conquest of Lydia and other territories, and the gradual escalation of hostility
between Persia and the Greek world.
§2.IO. It is, however, the numerous "flashbacks," frequently called "digres-
sions," within this narrative that the modern reader often finds hard to follow.
Attached to this main narrative are many inserted sections which explain circum-
stances, describe the relevant geography, trace how such a situation has arisen, or
describe the state of a city which now becomes involved in the main narrative. A
simple example occurs in the narrative of Croesus' expansionist plans. Croesus king
of Lydia first inquires about possible allies, as part of his plan to go to war (1.56).
This inquiry forms a peg for a description of the major Greek ethnic groups, the
Dorians and Ionians (1.56-58). Then as "Croesus learned that the Athenians,
inhabitants of the foremost city of the Ionians, were ruled at this time by the tyrant
Peisistratos son of Hippocrates" (1.59.1), we are given an account of the mid-sixth-
century factional strife in Athens and Peisistratos' three periods of power. We thus
have an explanation within another explanation, a description hanging from another
description, all of which are in fact important to our understanding of the train of
events." In a form of "ring composition," Herodotus returns neatly at the end of
this to his main narrative and dearly signals the end of the section on Athens with
the sentence "Such, Croesus learned, was the condition of the Athenians" (1.65.1).
The ring is complete, and the ancient reader would be alerted to this by the very
method of ring composition. The modern terms "digression" or "excursus" imply
that these passages are less important, possibly off the point, getting off the main
theme, but this is to impose modern conceptions of linear structure and relevance
and an anachronistically negative slant. The nearest Herodotus gets to describing his
principle is in Book 4 (30.1): "My account goes searching from the start for extra
material [literally "additions"]''' The word "additions" carries a more positive
charge than "digression" and is the excuse for moving from the effects of the cold
on cattle in Scythia to a different but equally odd fact about the impossibility of
breeding mules in Elis. The searching for extra information is part and parcel of the
wide-open nature of his inquiry.
xvii
INTRODUCTION
before Herodotus.'" We can pick out earlier writers who pursued one or another
element of the many areas of inquiry that appear in Herodotus' Histories. Of these
Hekataios was the greatest, writing c. 500. He wrote a geographical work enumerat-
ing the peoples and places on a circumnavigation of the Mediterranean (Periodos
Ges) and tried to collect, systematize, and rationalize the many contradictory
legends of the Greeks in a work called Genealogies. Other prose writers may have
written short works on Lydian history and Persian history, but none of these have
survived in anything but a few fragments, and in any case, the great mass of
Herodotus' Histories draws on oral traditions and witnesses rather than written
works. With the exception of Homer, the "predecessors" of Herodotus seem only to
make Herodotus' achievement all the more monumental, and we can perhaps
understand the Histories more if we view Herodotus not so much in comparison
with the few shadowy writers somewhat before his time, but against the background
of developments in his own contemporary world.
§3.2. The supreme model for a narrative on this scale was provided by Homer,
the Iliad as a narrative of war, the Odyssey of travels. There are clear Homeric
features in Herodotus from the very opening, where he declares that his aim is
partly to ensure that fame (kleos) is preserved from the ravages of time. The larger
structure owes something to Homer, and similarities bring out the Homeric reso-
nances and parallels for Greek readers, who would have been very familiar with the
epics. At the start of Xerxes' great invasion of Greece, there is a long catalog of his
forces (7.61-99), which is clearly reminiscent of the great catalog of ships of the
Greek forces at Troy' in the Iliad (Iliad 2.484-779). Dreams playa large part in the
Xerxes narrative as he is persuaded to go ahead with his disastrous expedition
against Greece by a series of dreams sent by the gods to ensure that, despite all argu-
ments raised against the expedition, he nevertheless continues with his plans to
invade Greece (Book 7, beginning). Similarly, early in the Iliad, Agamemnon is sent
a deceptive dream which leads him to believe that the capture of Troy could be
imminent (Iliad 2.1-40)-though here, as the circumstances and effects are so
different, we may wonder if the deceptive dream is simply a feature of the Greek
conception of how dreams and the divine may function in human life and, as such,
common to both Homer and Herodotus. Herodotus uses phrases and expressions
that are reminiscent of Homeric ones, and the practice of giving speeches to the
actors in his Histories continues what is originally a Homeric practice. b
§3.3. Yet there are sharp differences between them, too, and Herodotus on
several occasions distances himself from the Homeric account in such a way as to
emphasize his superior methods and judgment. Writers began to write in prose (as
opposed to verse) in the sixth century for serious attempts to elucidate the grand
workings of the cosmos and to distance themselves from the dominant poetic tradi-
tion. Most early philosophy was in prose, and the early rationalization and ordering
Intro.3.1a A. Momigiiano, "The Place of Herodotus in Companion to Herodotus, and S. Hornblower,
the History of Historiography," Chapter 8 of "Introduction," in Hornblower, ed., Greek
his Studies in Historiography (London, 1966), Historiography (oxford, 1994), 65-7 on
129. Homeric speech and rhythms. Note also S.
lntro.3.2a Troy: Map lntro.!. Said, "Herodotus and Tragedy," Chapter 6 in
lntro.3.2b D. Boedeker, "Epic Heritage and Mythical BrilFs Companion to Herodotus, for an excel-
Patterns in Herodotus," Chapter 5 in Brill's lent analysis of the tragic in Herodotus.
XVlll
INTRODUCTION
of the myths by writers such as Hekataios were written in a rather dry prose. By
Herodotus' time, then, prose was the medium for serious investigation into the
world, although Homer's authority was still enormous. We can often see Herodotus
distancing his account and his whole approach from the Homeric vision. One exam-
ple we saw above, where Herodotus proclaimed (effectively) that it was only the
recent past that could properly be known as a subject of real knowledge (1. 5.3). In
Herodotus' idea that wisdom comes from travel, which he implies in his description
of his own research and makes still clearer in the account of the travels of Solon the
lawgiver (1.29-33), we might see echoes of the Homeric Odysseus, "who saw many
cities and came to know their minds" (Odyssey 1.3). But Herodotus often demolishes
traditions and criticizes myths. He takes apart the veracity of basic elements of
Homer's Iliad in a remarkable section of Book 2, where he argues that Helen never
reached Troy but remained in Egypt for the war, and he believes Homer rejected
this version as inappropriate for epic (2.113-120). Herodotus often recorded tradi-
tions as they stood, as is often pointed out, but he also corrected them, and stressed
that he had the truth. He seems deliberately to mark his distance from the great
epics in his very opening sentence (Proem): "the publication of his inquiry" (apodexis
histories) is an expression which belongs to the intellectual currents of the second
half of the fifth century, and it is placed just before he expresses the desire to
preserve the fame of great achievements, which is an entirely Homeric idea. Then
the next five paragraphs (1.1-5) juxtapose legends of various women being seized in
rationalized versions of the old legends, with accounts about the past which he char-
acterizes as what "I know." The epic poet appealed to the Muse to give him his
story: "Sing, goddess, of the wrath ofPeleus' son Achilles" (Iliad 1.1), the oral poet
calling upon the Muse for inspiration and the very material of his epic. Herodotus'
opening, on the other hand, signals to his audience that his sources are actually his
own inquiries, his own travels, his own experience (or autopsy). The hint at external
sources of information is couched in terms of a new, entirely human-based search
for knowledge.
§3.4. Herodotus' awareness of his sources, the way he actually mentions his
methods and distinguishes between what he has seen and what he has only heard,
enable him to delineate his work as a new kind of "inquiry." For instance, he
emphasizes that the Egyptians keep records of the past and therefore are "the most
learned" of any people he knows (2.77), and he claims the Egyptian priests as
sources of information throughout Book 2. Or, more implausibly, he declares that
he himself saw a great marvel at the site of the battle of Pelusium, where he was
shown the Egyptian and Persian skulls which still lay there in separate piles, and he
claims an identical experience at the battlefield of Paprem is (3.12; see further below,
§4, Herodotus' Reliability). This idea of novelty might at first seem paradoxical
when he is recording past traditions and past histories (e.g., the past history of
XIX
INTRODUCTION
Sparta, 1.65-68), and when many of his stories have the archaic ring of the folktale
(the story of Polykrates' ring [3.40-42], the story of Solon's visit to Croesus
[1.29-33], the rise and fall of Croesus in Book 1). But in many ways Herodotus'
Histories show his immersion not only in the traditions of his times but also in the
most exciting intellectual developments of the latter part of the fifth century. His
inquiry was a significant part of the shared milieu in that period that included early
medical investigations and speculation, philosophical experiments, sophistic argu-
ments, and creative speculation of all kinds. His methods of inquiry and his own
awareness of them reveal that he is very much a product of this intellectual climate.
Today we expect historians to be aware of their methods and sources, but this prac-
tice only began in the latter part of the fifth century. It is visible in the texts of the
early medical writers which were collected under the name of Hippocrates, and in
the works of contemporary philosophers, and in general in this period, different
methods of getting at the truth, with or without the help of visual evidence, were
being investigated. Thucydides picked up Herodotus' methods and improved upon
them, stating his methods in a more compressed and authoritative manner but with
some of the same vocabulary (Thucydides 1.20-22). Had Herodotus not led the
way, Thucydides' task would have been far harder.
§3.5. There are also links between different writers of the period in the treatment
of certain topics. When Herodotus described in Book 4 the customs (nomoi) of the
Scythians, an ethnic group which lived in what is now the Ukraine, he balanced this
with an account of the geography of the area, which was remarkable for its many
rivers. We know from the late-fifth-century essay "Airs, Waters, Places," attributed
to the doctor Hippocrates, that Scythia was a focus of attention to those intent on
linking climate and geography to the physical character of the human inhabitants:
this link in turn determined their susceptibility to certain illnesses, particularly the
Scythian "female disease." The Scythians turn up elsewhere in the Hippocratic
corpus and seem to have been something of a cause celebre as people whose physical
constitution was extremely damp; the Libyans were the opposite, very hot and dry,
and in Greek eyes, therefore, much healthier. Herodotus' work bears a fascinating
and complex relationship to these ideas. He knows about these investigations and
can employ the idea of environmental determinism himself (e.g., 1.142.1-2, 2.77,
9.122), but he does not borrow slavishly. On the contrary, he seems to criticize
them implicitly, as when he stresses that the Scythians' nomadism was the really
effective part of their strategy in resisting the Persians (4.46.2), or when he empha-
sizes that custom/law (nomos) is the governing principle in the character of a people
(3.38). Here he tells of an experiment of the Persian King Darius, who asked a
group of Greeks what it would take to persuade them to eat the bodies of their dead
parents: they exclaimed that nothing could induce them to do such a thing. Darius
then asked a group of Indians,' who were cannibals, what they would take to burn
their parents' dead bodies (as the Greeks did), and they were equally horrified by
the very idea. Thus, from this demonstration, Herodotus concludes that the famous
Intro.3.5a Delos: Map Intro.I.
xx
INTRODUCTION
poet Pindar was right: "custom [nomos] is king of all" (3.38). Here custom is
implicitly contrasted with nature and the environment. One of the primary interests
of the various writers we call sophists was in the relation or opposition between
nature and custom, physis and nomos. Medical writers linked geography and climate
to health and constitution in a type of environmental determinism. So when
Herodotus stresses the importance of nomos here, as he does also for an explanation
of Spartan superior courage in a conversation between King Xerxes and the former
Spartan king Demaratos (7.101-104), he is engaging in the same debate, and
coming down on the side of nomos as the determining factor.
§3.6. Elsewhere he criticizes current theories with arguments and vocabulary
which would have been thoroughly familiar to other contemporary intellectuals
(whether we call them natural philosophers, sophists, or medical writers matters
less here, since they overlap considerably in this period). For instance, he criticizes
the Ionian writers who believed Egypt comprised only the Egyptian Delta: "If we
think correctly about these things, then the Ionians do not think sensibly about
Egypt; but if the opinion of the Ionians is correct, then I undertake to show that
neither the Greeks nor the Ionians know how to count, who say that there are
three parts to the earth, Europe, and Asia and Libya" (2.16: a deliberately inele-
gant but literal translation). His greatest tour de force in this vein is his long
section about the different theories on the cause of the Nile Rivera flood, knocked
down one after the other in Herodotus' most argumentative and polemical style
(2.19-27). When Herodotus says in the first person, about the Macedonian b kings,
"Now that these are Greeks . . . as they themselves say, I can affirm of my own
knowledge, and indeed, I will demonstrate this later on, that they are Greeks"
(5.22), when he talks of having proof and evidence, he is using the flamboyant,
polemical, and demonstrative style that was fashionable in the latter part of the fifth
century, particularly in the display lecture for a live audience and the investigation
into natural philosophy and medicine.
§3.7. Knowing about fashionable theories, however, does not necessarily mean
that someone accepts them. To say that Herodotus shared some of the ideas and
language of the medical writers and sophists is not to affirm that he necessarily
accepted all their views, still less the more radical ideas associated with certain
sophists. He says in his own person that he believes nomos (custom, law) to be
crucial to human society (3.38), which distances him from the most subversive
sophists, who championed "nature" as more important in human morality, but he
seems happy to declare one or the other custom that he describes to be an excellent
one. He singles out the Babylonian marriage market practice to be "the wisest
custom" of the Babylonians' (1.196). Sadly, it had fallen into disuse, he says, but they
used to hold an auction in which the money offered by rich men to acquire the most
beautiful women as wives was then redistributed as dowries to give to the less beau-
tiful as a kind of compensation, so that everyone, rich and poor, beautiful and less
beautiful, could thus find a mate. This is not the remark of someone who simply
Intro.3.6a Nile River: Map Intro.2, inset. Intro.3.7a Babylon: Map Intro.2.
Intro.3.6b Macedon: Map Intro.I, locator.
xxi
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