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IR AQ
Updated Edition

REEVA SPECTOR SIMON

Columbia University Press New York

 Columbia University Press
Publishers Since 
New York, Chichester, West Sussex
Copyright ©  Columbia University Press
New material copyright ©  by Reeva Spector Simon
All rights Reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Simon, Reeva S.
Iraq between the two world wars :
the militarist origins of tyranny /
Reeva Spector Simon.—Updated ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
isbn –––X (cloth : alk. paper)
isbn ––– (pbk. : alk. paper)
. Iraq—History—Hashemite Kingdom, –.
. Iraq—Armed Forces—Political activity.
. Nationalism—Iraq—History.
I. Title

DS.S 
.—dc 

Columbia University Press books are printed on

permanent and durable acid-free paper

Printed in the United States of America

Designed by Audrey Smith

c          
p          

References to Internet Web Sites (URLs) were accurate at

the time of writing. Neither the author nor Columbia
University Press is responsible for Web sites that may
have expired or changed since the articles were prepared
For Sheldon
 Introduction xi

I. The Creation of a State 1

II. The Officers, Germany, and Nationalism 7

III. The Officers in Iraq 41

IV. Education 69

V. The Army 107

VI. The Rashid ‘Ali Coup 135

VII. Conclusion: Ideological Prelude to Tyranny 155

Appendixes 171

I. The Hashimites 

II. Iraqi Cabinets - 
III. Biographical Sketches 

Notes 

Bibliography 

Index 
It is customary and I am pleased to have the opportunity to express my
gratitude to those who have contributed toward making this book pos-
sible. I wish to thank Professor Arnold Blumberg for transmitting his
exuberance for the study of history; Professor Irene Gendzier for intro-
ducing the perplexities of the history of the Middle East; and Professor
Elie Kedourie for presenting the intricacies of modern Iraqi history.
I have received generous assistance from a number of librarians and
institutions. The staff of the Public Record Office in England, Mr. John
Taylor and Mr. Frederick Pernell of the United States National Archives
facilitated research while Dr. George N. Atiyeh of the United States
Library of Congress, and Rev. Joseph A. Devenny, S.J. of the Weston
School of Theology made otherwise inaccessible Arabic materials
available to me.
I appreciate the invaluable services of the Columbia University
Libraries, most especially the Interlibrary Loan Department, and the
support I received from the Middle East Institute.
I am grateful for the constructive criticism contributed by profes-
sors Istvan Déak, J.C. Hurewitz, Ergun Osbudun, and Michael Stanis-
lawski, and by Philip Mattar and Muhammad Muslih who read the
original manuscript. I am most indebted to Professor Richard W. Bul-
liet for his continuous encouragement and to Professor Phebe A.
Marr for her unceasing support and interest in my work. Of course,
the views expressed herein are solely my own. It was a pleasure work-
ing with editors Kate Wittenberg and Joan McQuary of Columbia
University Press on the first edition and with Peter Dimock, Anne
Routon, and Leslie Bialler this time. Finally, my thanks to my parents,
x Acknowledgments

to Sheldon, and to Miriam, Benjamin, and Ezra without whose

patience this work never could have been attempted.

Transliteration
I have generally followed a modified transliteration system based on
that of the International Journal of Middle East Studies, but which omits
macrons and diacritical marks for velarized consonants and identifies
the ‘ayn only. Geographical names reflect current American usage.
Reeva Spector Simon
September 
This is a book of historical interpretation. As such, it seeks to answer
the question: Why did a group of army officers, who had seized con-
trol of the government of Iraq in , proceed to wage a disastrously
futile war against Great Britain? Why did these officers reject the
British and liberal democratic values, turning instead to a militaristic
Germany, whose political ideology stood at the extreme edge of
Romantic nationalism? What was their legacy for the future?
On the surface, the answer seems obvious. As a victor in World
War I, although responsible for the creation of the modern state of
Iraq, Britain, in consort with France, was instrumental in dividing up
the Arab areas of the former Ottoman Empire and of occupying Iraq.
The officers, educated in Istanbul and returning to Iraq to play a lead-
ing role in the new state, were first and foremost Sunni pan-Arab
nationalists, dreaming of the unity of an Arab nation encompassing
the Fertile Crescent and Arabia. For them, the situation was intolera-
ble and smacked of betrayal by the same politicians in Whitehall who
were ostensibly leading Iraq to full independence. For while the
façade of independence and of political democracy existed, the
British exerted control in the background—through the Embassy
where the British ambassador reigned primus inter pares and via a
covey of British advisors who were directly involved in areas from
political administration to landholding adjudication and the sup-
pression of tribal revolts. The reality was that Iraq was only nominally
independent, so when the opportunity arose and the British Empire
seemed about to be overrun by the Axis powers in , the Iraqis
turned to Germany. The enemy of the enemy is a friend.
xii Introduction

But why Germany? Why not Japan or Italy? To students in non-

Western countries Japan was the paradigm, admired as a state that
industrialized and modernized in a remarkably short period of time
and then actually defeated a Western power in the Russo-Japanese
War of . Japanese commercial and diplomatic ties with Iraq did
increase during the s. At the same time, there was also a direct
connection to Rome through the Italian Legation in Baghdad, which
became the conduit for funds to pro-Axis Iraqis; but the Italians were
suspect because of Mussolini’s designs on North Africa, Ethiopia, and
parts farther east.
That left Germany, not by default, but because there were links to
Germany that went back to the turn of the twentieth century, associ-
ations which, despite Germany’s later adoption of National Social-
ism, were reactivated in the s. To be sure, there were pro-Nazi
Iraqis, but the army officers who turned to Germany were not Nazis.
Indeed, they tended to overlook the racial ideology that placed them
one step above the Jews and looked instead to those areas of compat-
ibility they had formed with the Germany of Wilhelm II when Ger-
man ideas, especially cultural nationalism, reached them in Istanbul,
at the military schools where the Iraqi officers received their first taste
of Westernization at the hands of German military officers.
There, they imbibed the burgeoning nationalist philosophies
while studying military maneuvers and tactics. A non-Turkish
minority in the new Young Turk exclusively Turkish state, the Arab
officers in the Ottoman army adapted the German example of unifi-
cation of diverse elements into a nation based on a common language
and history. When they returned home, to a newly created Iraqi state,
this was the world view they transmitted through the schools and, as
military officers, through the army, finally turning to Germany for
arms and advice in an abortive first step to evict the occupier and
reunite the Arab nation.
Education, therefore, as the means for the transmission of cultural
values and political ideas, is the key to analyzing the reasons for the
German-Iraqi link in , which, in essence, is the culmination of a
process that began before World War I, continued during the turbu-
lence in Iraq in the s, and ended with the defeat in May . This
story of the creation of a political ideology, of how it was imple-
 Introduction xiii

mented and inculcated in Iraq, and how the realization of those polit-
ical goals was attempted in  is also the prelude to a political con-
tinuum that ultimately led to the imposition of the Ba‘th regime and
the rule of Saddam Hussein.
It has long been a given in studies in political development that in
developing countries, the educated become the political elite.1 In pre-
war Iraq, this elite tended to consist of graduates of the law and mil-
itary schools of the Ottoman Empire, with a preponderance of Arab
Sunni military officers. In the new state, the role of transmitting these
new ideas was taken over by the schools (and the army)—state insti-
tutions, because other cultural or civic agencies either did not exist or
could not compete in the secular socialization process. Separated
from their natural environment for long periods during the day or at
boarding school, peers at school became comrades for life. The gap
between the Western educated elite and the traditional culture
widened and the Westernized students came to depend on their
newly acquired Weltanschauung and comrades in arms with whom
they had more in common than their families. The education
received during the formative years extending through young adult-
hood and the developing social relationships formed during that
period had a lasting impact 2
The question that arises, therefore, is not whether or not the
transmission of cultural values through education is a real factor in
the socialization process, but to what degree does the content received
during the education process influence a person later in life? All soci-
eties use education to inculcate or indoctrinate either indirectly or
through direct methods such as citizenship training, teaching history
from a particular vantage point, or the organization of youngsters in
paramilitary youth movements in the schools. After World War II, the
Allies deemed the situation so acute in Japan, for example, that the
curriculum was completely revised and democratized by the Ameri-
can occupation forces.3 The British, reoccupying Iraq after the
abortive war in , tried to do the same, for by that time the British
realized that the two areas they had neglected, education and the
army, were being used by the Iraqi nationalists to implement the
nationalist ideology they had instituted in Iraq.
The answer to the question initially posed is linked to the role that
xiv Introduction

education played in the creation and inculcation of nationalism in

Iraq; first as a legacy of the Ottoman education the Iraqi officers who
had returned to Iraq to rule had received in Istanbul; next, by the kind
of political education they transmitted to Iraqi youth; and then, with
the means they used to put these theoretical ideas into practice on the
political stage.
Chapter  assesses the situation that faced the Iraqi officers return-
ing to Iraq after World War I. Chapter  discusses the relationships
forged between the Iraqis and Germany before World War I, analyzes
the legacies of military training and the German example of cultural
nationalism as it related to Arab nationalism, and describes the reac-
tivization of the Iraqi-German relationship in the s. Chapter 
explores the political maneuverings that brought the officers to polit-
ical power in Iraq and chapters  and  discuss the means they used
to inculcate Arab nationalism—first, through education and then,
the army. Once the army seized power in  (chapter ), it used the
opportunity to put into play the tenets of political Arab nationalism,
which the officers attempted through the Rashid ‘Ali coup and the
war with Britain in May . The legacy of these events and how they
led to the regime of Saddam Hussein will conclude the discussion
(chapter ).
Iraqi history during this period between World War I and World
War II should not be seen as merely the assimilation of the Iraqi offi-
cers into the existing social elite. The officers became a new elite,
albeit one which took advantage of the existing social and religious
milieu and Iraq’s economic system to ensure its own financial secu-
rity and social status. And in this sense the officers were “co-opted”
into an oligarchic society fostered by the British. But the officers
implemented their own policy, in this case pan-Arabism, after seizing
control from the indigenous nationalist groups in Iraq. Liberal
groups were outmaneuvered and Shi‘i nationalists were depoliticized,
subsumed into a pan-Arab cultural identity that would last through
the rule of Saddam Hussein. The kind of education these officers
received and how their world view was played out on the Iraqi stage
is what this book is about.
Note: A number of important studies on Iraqi history and society
have been published since this book first appeared and are included
 Introduction xv

in the revised bibliography. These have examined the role of the mil-
itary, the significance of tribes, the Shi‘i, and the Kurds in the forma-
tion of modern Iraq. Scholars have looked at issues of labor and land
reform, class, ethnic identity, and social groups, and they have ana-
lyzed the nature of Iraq’s Arab/Mesopotamian identity. These have
been noted.
 CHAPTER

The Creation of a State

They were all there, the “Forty Thieves” as Winston Churchill called
them. Actually, their number was thirty-eight including one woman,
Gertrude Bell, and two Iraqis—the best experts on the Middle East.
Churchill, newly appointed minister at the Colonial Office, had sum-
moned them to I. Cairo during the second week of March  to
reorganize the administration of British Middle East interests.
While Churchill sat at his easel sketching pictures of the Pyramids
in the shadow of an armored car during his frequent absences from
committee meetings,1 the specialists at the Cairo Conference, as it was
to be known, sketched from three provinces of the former Ottoman
empire—Baghdad, Basra, and Mosul—what would become the king-
dom of Iraq. And they provided a king: Faysal, second son of the
Sharif of Mecca,2 newly exiled from a temporary throne in Syria, who,
after some persuasion by his former comrade-in-arms T. E. Lawrence
and by Sir Kinahan Cornwallis of the Colonial Office, reluctantly
agreed to take on the task of ruling the new country. Gertrude Bell,
Oriental Secretary to the British High Commissioner, Sir Percy Cox,
found the creation of the kingdom a satisfying but exhausting job.
“You may rely on one thing,” she wrote to her father on July , ,
“I’ll never engage in creating kings again;”“it’s too great a strain.”3 By
August, Faysal was crowned king and the process of governing began.
Faysal brought his own entourage to Iraq. Also known as the Shar-
ifians, these were former Ottoman army officers, most of Iraqi origin,
who had been the military backbone of the Arab revolt which Faysal
had led during World War I and who would now serve as the officers
and administrators of Iraq until the end of the monarchy in . They
2 ❘ The Creation of a State

“have risked their lives and their futures and those of their families, in
volunteering their services during the war,” Faysal told the British,
“and at every period of the struggle they have served me loyally . . .

to those who say that it is impossible to constitute such a

[national] government owing to the lack of trained men, I will
say that until now not the slightest effort has been made to col-
lect them, for most of the highest posts in the Eastern Zone of
the O.E.T. are filled by Baghdadis today. Doubtless among the
tribes a great deal of assistance will be necessary and the Bagh-
dadis would all be only too glad to undertake it.4

They were young men; their average age in  was in the low thir-
ties. Most were lower-middle-class Sunni Arabs from Baghdad and
the north who were products of Ottoman military and bureaucratic
education which had become available to provincial Arabs during the
last half of the previous century and many of them were related to
one another by blood and marriage. But they had neither a local fol-
lowing nor a power base in Iraq and so were dependent upon the gov-
ernment for position and livelihood, unlike the indigenous politically
and socially prominent groups.
They came to rule a country whose literate population as late as
 numbered only some , of about  million people.5 Most
of them pastoralists, farmers, and villagers, organized by tribe, village,
or faith. The capital city, Baghdad, which in essence represented Iraqi
political history after , had a population of , before World
War II.
They returned to an artificially created entity, a mandate entrusted
to Britain at the San Remo Conference in  by the World War I vic-
tors. Britain had occupied Iraq during the war in order to safeguard
the route to British India, blocking German encroachments from the
north and Russian penetration from the east through Iran. Although
the British did manage eventually to secure Mosul and its oil for Iraq,
outmaneuvering both the Turks and the French who claimed the for-
mer Ottoman province, Iraq was but a piece of the territory that
Faysal and the Sharifians believed promised to them during the war.
France now controlled Syria, and Britain governed Palestine which
was also declared to be a Jewish homeland.
 The Creation of a State ❘ 3

As Sunni Arabs, the Sharifians were part of a minority compared

with the Shi‘is who comprised over  percent of the population.
Their country was composed of relatively discrete areas of ethnic and
religious diversification, exemplified by the provinces into which the
Ottomans had divided the territory. Baghdad and the northwest were
primarily Sunni Arab; Basra with a significant Sunni population was
the largest city in the predominately Shi‘i south; and Mosul, although
Sunni, contained a large Turkman population. In the mountains to
the northeast of Mosul lay Kurdistan, an area of Kurdish speaking
non-Arab Sunni tribesmen divided among Iraq, Turkey, and Iran
which aspired to autonomy or independence. There were also Yazidis,
the center of whose religion, which combined elements of paganism,
Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Islam, lay in the mountains to the
west of Mosul, and Sabians who practiced their baptismal rites in the
marsh areas in the south. Christians and Jews lived for the most part
in the cities, except for a large number of Assyrian (Nestorian) Chris-
tians brought to Iraq from north of Mosul to help the Allies. After the
war the British resettled the refugees in Iraqi territory.
The three provinces had different orientations. Basra, which at one
time had applied for autonomous rule, looked to the Gulf and to
India for commerce and was separated from Baghdad by the virtually
ungovernable marsh areas of the Shatt al-‘Arab; Mosul lay on the
trade route to Syria and Turkey; and Baghdad had been on the fron-
tier between the Sunni Ottoman Empire and the Shi‘i Safavid state of
Iran. There was a constant population flow at the Iranian border
because the Shi‘i Holy Cities of al-Najaf and Karbala lay just to the
south of Baghdad and pilgrims and students traveled there in large
numbers.
Needless to say, there was no focus of nationalist identification at
the time of Iraq’s creation. As late as  Faysal was to despair:

In Iraq there is still—and I say this with a heart full of sorrow—

no Iraqi people but unimaginable masses of human beings,
devoid of any patriotic ideal, imbued with religious traditions
and absurdities, connected by no common tie, giving ear to evil,
prone to anarchy, and perpetually ready to rise against any gov-
ernment whatsoever. Out of these masses we want to fashion a
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