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Hawaiki, Ancestral Polynesia
An Essay in Historical Anthropology

The power of an anthropological approach to long-term history lies

in its unique ability to combine diverse evidence, from archaeological
artifacts to ethnographic texts and comparative word lists. In this
innovative book, Kirch and Green explicitly develop the theoretical
underpinnings, as well as the particular methods, for such a historical
anthropology. Drawing upon and integrating the approaches of
archaeology, comparative ethnography, and historical linguistics, they
advance a phylogenetic model for cultural diversi®cation, and apply a
triangulation method for historical reconstruction. They illustrate
their approach through meticulous application to the history of the
Polynesian cultures, and for the ®rst time reconstruct in extensive
detail the Ancestral Polynesian culture that ¯ourished in the
Polynesian homeland ± Hawaiki ± some 2,500 years ago. Of great
signi®cance for Oceanic studies, Kirch and Green's book will be
essential reading for any anthropologist, prehistorian, linguist, or
cultural historian concerned with the theory and method of long-
term history.

patrick vinton kirch is Professor of Anthropology, and Director

of the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum, at the University of California at
Berkeley. A member of the National Academy of Sciences, he has
authored some ten previous books on Paci®c archaeology and
prehistory, including Anahulu: The Anthropology of History in the Kingdom
of Hawaii (1992) (co-authored with Marshall Sahlins), which won the
J. I. Staley Prize in Anthropology.
roger c. green is Emeritus Professor of Prehistory at the Univer-
sity of Auckland, New Zealand. A member of the National Academy
of Sciences and a Fellow of the Royal Society of New Zealand, he is
the author of several important monographs on Paci®c Islands
archaeology and prehistory.
Frontispiece: Mata o Tangaloa (``Face of Tangaloa''), by Fatu Feu'u
Hawaiki, Ancestral Polynesia
An Essay in Historical Anthropology

PAT R I C K V I N TO N K I RC H
University of California, Berkeley

and

RO G ER C . G R E EN
University of Auckland, New Zealand
  
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge  , United Kingdom
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521783095

© Cambridge University Press 2001

This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of

relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published in print format 2001

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-
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-
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-
isbn-10 0-521-78309-7 hardback

-
isbn-13 978-0-521-78879-3 paperback
-  paperback
isbn-10 0-521-78879-X

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of

s for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
To TheÂreÁse and Valerie, for their love and support;
and
to the late Bruce Biggs, preeminent Polynesian linguist
 Contents

List of ®gures page viii

List of tables x
Preface xiii
List of language abbreviations xvi

Prologue: on historical anthropology 1

Part I The phylogenetic model: theory and method

1 The phylogenetic model in historical anthropology 13
2 Methodologies: implementing the phylogenetic model 32
3 Polynesia as a phylogenetic unit 53

Part II Rediscovering Hawaiki

Introductory remarks 95
4 The Ancestral Polynesian world 99
5 Subsistence 120
6 Food preparation and cuisine 143
7 Material culture 163
8 Social and political organization 201
9 Gods, ancestors, seasons and rituals 237
Epilogue: on history, phylogeny, and evolution 277

Notes 285
Glossary of terms 313
References 317
Subject Index 357
Index of Proto Polynesian Reconstructions 369

vii
 Figures

Frontispiece Mata o Tangaloa (``Face of Tangaloa''), page ii

by Fatu Feu`u
1.1 Map of the Polynesian triangle and the Polynesian Outliers 17
1.2 Kirch's 1984 model of phylogenetic differentiation in Polynesia 20
2.1 The higher-level subgrouping of the Austronesian languages,
down to the Oceanic level 39
2.2 The geographic distribution of higher-level subgroups in the
Austronesian phylum 40
3.1 The major subgroups of Oceanic form a ``rake-like''
tree structure 56
3.2 The geographic distribution of major subgroups within the
Oceanic branch of Austronesian languages 57
3.3 The Proto Central Paci®c dialect chain 58
3.4 North±south dialect differentiation within Proto Polynesian 59
3.5 A ``family-tree'' type classi®cation of the Polynesian languages 61
3.6 Islands in the Fiji±Western Polynesian region linked by
voyaging circles of 24 hours or less 62
3.7 The Paci®c region with Near Oceania, Remote Oceania, and
the Andesite Line and ``continental'' type islands indicated 64
3.8 Canoe regions of the Paci®c 67
3.9 The geographic distribution of sibling classi®cation types
in Oceania 68
3.10 Relationships among Polynesian biological populations as
indicated by distance analysis of thirty-eight non-metric
cranial traits 75
3.11 A graphic representation of the ``density'' of available
archaeological information for major Polynesian cultural
sequences 76
3.12 Locations of key archaeological sites dating to the Ancestral
Polynesian phase 84
4.1 The central Paci®c region, showing the location of the Andesite
Line 108
4.2 The hierarchical structure typical of folk biological classi®cations 110
viii
 List of ®gures ix

5.1 Cobbles with ®nger-grips from site FU-11, Futuna, interpreted

as hammers for opening hard-shelled nuts, such as Canarium 124
5.2 Turbo shell ®shhooks from the To`aga site 133
6.1 The earth oven, a central feature of Ancestral Polynesian
cooking, attested by an example at the Lolokoka site (NT-90)
on Niuatoputapu 148
6.2 Ethnographic examples of coconut graters, made up of a stool
or other wooden base to which a shell grater is lashed 153
6.3 Straight-sided pits, lacking evidence of burning, may have been
used as silos for the fermentation and storage of breadfruit paste 161
7.1 Pottery vessel shapes in Ancestral Polynesia 169
7.2 Conceptual terms for Proto Polynesian containers, and their
realization in plainware pottery vessels of the Ancestral
Polynesian culture 174
7.3 Industrial tools: adzes in Ancestral Polynesian culture 179
7.4 Industrial tools: Saw, ®les, whetstones, grinding stones, stone
and coral abraders, drill points and bow drill 181
7.5 Ornaments from archaeological sites of the Ancestral
Polynesian phase 188
7.6 Excavation plan of the Sasoa`a site in the Falefa Valley, Samoa 195
8.1 Social groups and leadership roles in Ancestral Polynesian
societies 236
9.1 Plan of a Tikopia fare house with attached marae 250
9.2 Annual tributary presentation of the ®rst yams on the
ceremonial plaza (malae) at Mu`a, Tongatapu 252
9.3 Perspective renderings of three variants of Tuamotuan marae 253
9.4 The southern sky as it would have appeared an hour before
sunrise on May 16, 500 BC, from an island in Western Polynesia,
showing the heliacal rising of the Pleiades (*Mataliki) 266
9.5 Diagrammatic summary of the reconstructed Ancestral
Polynesian ritual cycle and calendar 274
 Tables

2.1 POLLEX database entry for PPN *waka, `canoe' page 47

3.1 Cultural traits distinguishing Western and Eastern
Polynesian regions 72
3.2 Selected archaeological sites and assemblages associated with
the Ancestral Polynesian period 82
4.1 Selected Proto Polynesian terms for the physical world 103
4.2 Proto Polynesian life-form terms 111
4.3 Proto Polynesian terms for reef and shoreline invertebrates 112
5.1 Proto Polynesian crops 123
5.2 Proto Polynesian terms associated with horticulture 127
5.3 Distribution of ®shing methods in tropical Polynesia 136
5.4 Proto Polynesian terms associated with marine exploitation 138
6.1 Proto Polynesian terms for raw, cooked, and taste 145
6.2 Proto Polynesian terms associated with the cookhouse, earth
oven, and cooking equipment 150
6.3 Proto Polynesian terms for food preparation and cooking
methods 155
6.4 Proto Polynesian terms associated with the pudding complex 158
7.1 Perishable and durable components of Polynesian material
culture inventories 165
7.2 Proto Polynesian terms for things 166
7.3 Proto Polynesian terms for containers 167
7.4 Proto Polynesian terms for industrial tools 176
7.5 The Proto Polynesian bark cloth complex, clothing, ornaments,
and tattooing 186
7.6 Proto Polynesian terms for warfare, sports and games, and
musical instruments 191
7.7 Proto Polynesian terms relating to household units and their
architectural features 194
7.8 The Proto Polynesian canoe complex and cordage 198
8.1 Proto Austronesian (PAN), Proto Malayo-Polynesian (PMP),
and Proto Oceanic (POC) words for settlements and
architecture 206
x
 List of tables xi

8.2 Linguistically indicated changes in architectural forms from

Proto Oceanic to Proto Polynesian interstages 207
8.3 Re¯exes of Proto Polynesian *kainanga, including extra-Polynesian
witnesses 212
8.4 Re¯exes of Proto Polynesian *kaainga 216
8.5 Re¯exes of Proto Polynesian *saqa, `social group' 219
8.6 Proto Polynesian terms relating to exchange or trade 221
8.7 Proto Polynesian terms for persons 222
8.8 Proto Polynesian kinship terms 223
8.9 Re¯exes of Proto Polynesian *qariki 229
8.10 Re¯exes of Proto Polynesian *fatu, leader of the *kaainga 233
9.1 Proto Polynesian terms relating to gods, spirits, and ancestors 240
9.2 Proto Polynesian terms relating to ritual practitioners and spaces 246
9.3 Proto Polynesian terms associated with ritual 258
9.4 Key aspects of Polynesian calendrical systems 262
9.5 Selected Fijian and Polynesian lunar calendrical lists 268
9.6 Reconstructed lunar month names for various Polynesian
proto-languages 270
9.7 Probable reconstruction of the Proto Polynesian lunar calendar,
and its transformations in subsequent Polynesian proto-languages 271
9.8 Some post-Proto Polynesian lexical and semantic innovations
in ritual terminology 275
 Preface

Enchanted by the seductively salubrious atmosphere of California's Napa

Valley, we gazed over sun-drenched vineyards with the 1993 harvest ripening
on the vine, sipping the last of a lush Cabernet while intently arguing the
intricacies of some Proto Polynesian term. Perhaps ± given the blissful
feeling this setting inspired ± we might have been excused our conceit that
we would conspire to write ``a little essay between covers.'' The notion,
naive in retrospect, was to expand slightly on our 1987 article on ``History,
phylogeny, and evolution in Polynesia'' (Kirch and Green 1987), so as to
address certain critiques of the phylogenetic approach to historical anthro-
pology, and to elaborate what we call a ``triangulation method'' for historical
reconstruction. The proposition seemed straightforward enough. Yes, a
``little essay,'' perhaps a hundred pages or so. Over plates of roast Petaluma
duck and grilled sword®sh, our wives had seconded the idea, insisting that
we should keep the essay lean and trim.
Nearly a decade later, our ``essay'' has taken shape as a book, a more
ponderous volume than we at ®rst envisioned. Its writing has occupied far
longer than anticipated, requiring several international trips and much long-
distance collaboration. Yet we do not regret the transformation that our
project has undergone, because out of it we have gained a deeper respect for
the possibilities of a truly integrative historical anthropology.
We were trained (at Penn and Yale, New Mexico and Harvard, respec-
tively) in the classic holistic perspective of Americanist anthropology, and
although we are both primarily archaeologists of the Paci®c, each of us in
our respective careers has endeavored to bring a full spectrum of anthro-
pological evidence and approaches to bear in our research programs. Green
early on incorporated historical linguistics into his models of Polynesian
settlement (e.g., Green 1966), while Kirch integrated ®eld ethnography into
his work on prehistoric ecology and economy (e.g., Kirch 1994a). This book
re¯ects the maturing of those long-standing interests, a statement of our
conviction that anthropology at its best is always holistic and integrating. At a time
when at least one prominent biologist is crying out for ``consilience''
between the social and biological sciences (Wilson 1998), we would point out
that anthropology has always heeded that call.
xiii
xiv Preface

While engaged in drafting several chapters during June of 1997, in

Berkeley, we became overtly conscious of how our respective ethnographic
and linguistic experiences in a diversity of Polynesian venues critically aided
the construction of the arguments we were striving to advance. Comparative
ethnography can, in theory, be carried out by the proverbial ``armchair''
scholar, but there can be no doubting the value of personal ethnographic
experience over a range of Polynesian cultures and societies. The most astute
comparativists in the Oceanic ®eld themselves had the advantage of original
®eldwork in at least two or more locales: Handy, Hiroa, Burrows, Emory,
Oliver, and Sahlins, among them.
As with our predecessors, we likewise have spent much time residing and
working in many Polynesian societies, including: Anuta, Tikopia, Taumako,
Tonga, Futuna, Samoa, `Uvea, Mangaia, Mo`orea, Mangareva, Aotearoa,
Rapa Nui, and Hawai`i. Between us we speak or have made signi®cant
efforts assembling vocabularies of the following Polynesian languages:
Anutan, Tikopian, Taumako, Futunan, Tongan, Samoan, Tahitian, Mangar-
evan, and Hawaiian. This ethnographic and linguistic background, acquired
through a combined total of seven decades of continuous effort in the
Polynesian ®eld, has proved invaluable for the task we set ourselves. All this,
need we say, has been in addition to our primary efforts as archaeologists in
the same islands, where we have endeavored to generate materially docu-
mented historical sequences of cultural change. We underscore this point
here not to assert our authority, but rather to stress the necessity in historical
anthropology of erudition based on broad comparative knowledge. Quite
possibly, the kind of work we would wish to see undertaken and extended is,
in fact, only possible through collaboration, for it is doubtful that any one
individual can command either the necessary depth of methodological and
theoretical expertise, or the range of speci®c knowledge acquired through
®eld or library research.
Writing this book has been a true collaboration. But one of us writes
books, having honed the necessary skills, while the other does not; the order
of authors recognizes that reality. Of course, each of us read, emended,
edited, and critiqued the drafts of the other, so the ®nal book truly re¯ects a
joint effort.

Acknowledgments
Green thanks the Miller Institute for Basic Research in Science, University
of California at Berkeley, for a Visiting Miller Professorship which brought
him to Berkeley in the fall of 1994, and allowed us to begin our collabora-
tion. Kirch gratefully acknowledges the support of the Center for Advanced
Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, California, which provided him
 Preface xv

with ideal working conditions during the ®nal stages of writing and editing.
Kirch also thanks the National Science Foundation, which partially funded
his 1997±98 CASBS Fellowship (Grant No. SBR-9601236).
We owe a great debt to our colleagues in Paci®c historical linguistics,
without whose decades of careful work in lexical reconstruction we would
not have been able to undertake this book. In particular, the late Emeritus
Professor Bruce Biggs of the University of Auckland provided a major
underpinning for our research through his POLLEX database of Proto
Polynesian reconstructions which he has tirelessly compiled since 1965.
Professor Biggs gave us free access to his computerized database, for which
we are immensely grateful. It was with great sadness, as this book was in
®nal proof, that we learned of his passing. Other linguists, especially Andrew
Pawley, Malcolm Ross, Ross Clark, and Bob Blust, have provided us with
information, insights, and helpful critiques over the years.
We are especially grateful to the following colleagues who took the time to
read and critique draft versions of various chapters: Peter Bellwood, Bob
Blust, Janet Davidson, Ward Goodenough, Steve Hooper, John Moore,
Frank Lichtenberk, Andrew Pawley, and Marshall Sahlins. David Tuggle
kindly provided simulated southern hemisphere sky charts for the mid-®rst
millennium BC, including that reproduced as Figure 9.4. Hans Schmidt
kindly provided us with his transcriptions, in English and Rotuman, of
selected excerpts from the manuscript notes of A. M. Hocart, housed in the
Alexander Turnbull Library. Serge TcherkeÂzoff shared with us a copy of his
manuscript paper on Samoan matai. In the ®nal stages of manuscript
preparation, Sara Diamond (Berkeley) and Dorothy Brown (Auckland)
provided invaluable assistance with word processing and bibliography. Joan
Lawrence prepared the illustrations from our rough copy.
It gives us great pleasure to dedicate this book to our wives, TheÂreÁse
Babineau and Valerie Green. They shared our early enthusiasm, encouraged
us through the rough spots, and reminded us of the larger signi®cance of our
project.

Patrick Vinton Kirch

Roger C. Green
 Abbreviations

Language abbreviations
Proto-language abbreviations
PAN Proto Austronesian
PCE Proto Central Eastern Polynesian
PCEMP Proto Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian
PCP Proto Central Paci®c
PEC Proto Ellicean
PEP Proto Eastern Polynesian
PMP Proto Malayo-Polynesian
PMQ Proto Marquesic
PNP Proto Nuclear Polynesian
POC Proto Oceanic
PPN Proto Polynesian
PTA Proto Tahitic
PTO Proto Tongic

Modern language abbreviations, and geographic af®nity

AIT Aitutaki (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
ANU Anuta (Cherry Is.), Outlier
AUS Austral Is. (French Polynesia), Central Eastern Polynesia
EAS Easter Is., Marginal Eastern Polynesia
ECE Tuvalu (Ellice Is.), Western Polynesia
EFU East Futuna (Horne Is.), Western Polynesia
EUV East Uvea (Wallis Is.), Western Polynesia
FIJ Fiji
HAW Hawai`i, Marginal Eastern Polynesia
KAP Kapingamarangi, Outlier
MAE Emae (Vanuatu), Outlier
MAO New Zealand Maori, Marginal Eastern Polynesia
MFA Mele-Fila (Vanuatu), Outlier
MIA Mangaia (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
xvi
 List of language abbreviations xvii

MKI Manihiki (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia

MOR Mooriori (Chatham Is.), Marginal Eastern Polynesia
MQA Marquesas (French Polynesia), Marginal Eastern Polynesia
MQN Northern Marquesan dialect (French Polynesia), Marginal
Eastern Polynesia
MQS Southern Marquesan dialect (French Polynesia), Marginal
Eastern Polynesia
MRA Manihiki/Rakahanga (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
MVA Mangareva (French Polynesia), Central Eastern Polynesia
NIU Niue Is., Western Polynesia
NKO Nukuoro, Outlier
NKR Nukuria (Solomons), Outlier
OJA Luangiua (Ontong-Java, Solomons), Outlier
PEN Penrhyn (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
PIL Pileni (Solomons), Outlier
PUK Pukapuka (Northern Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
RAR Rarotonga (Cook Is.), Central Eastern Polynesia
REN Rennell and Bellona Is. (Solomons), Outlier
ROT Rotuma (Fiji)
RUR Rurutu (French Polynesia), Central Eastern Polynesia
SAM Samoa, Western Polynesia
SIK Sikaiana (Solomons), Outlier
TAH Tahitian (French Polynesia), Central Eastern Polynesia
TAK Takuu (Solomons), Outlier
TIK Tikopia (Solomons), Outlier
TOK Tokelau Is., Western Polynesia
TON Tonga, Western Polynesia
TUA Tuamotu (French Polynesia), Central Eastern Polynesia
WFU West Futuna (Vanuatu), Outlier
WUV or West Uvea (Ouvea, New Caledonia), Outlier
WEV
WYA Waya, Western Fiji
 Prologue: on historical
anthropology

Our problem may be metaphorically de®ned as the translation of a

two-dimensional photographic picture of reality into the three-
dimensional picture which lies back of it . . . The gaining of an
historical perspective will mean the arrangement in as orderly
temporal sequence as possible, within as de®nitely circumscribed
absolute time limits as circumstances will allow, of the processes
studied by our science, the carriers of these processes being generally
de®ned more inclusively than in documentary history.
sapir 1916:2

Polynesians called it Hawaiki (or sometimes, Kahiki, or Pulotu), the distantly

remembered homeland, source of their ancestors, mythical site of the
creation of culture, and spirit realm to which their own souls would voyage
after death.1 They honored this ancestral homeland in chant and song, and
named newly found islands after it: Savai`i in Samoa, and the large island of
Hawai`i, among them. But was there ever in reality such a ``Hawaiki,'' or
does it exist only in the shadowy realms of cosmogonic myth? Archaeologists,
after a half-century of intensive pursuit of the question of Polynesian origins,
would answer af®rmatively. More precisely, they would ®x the coordinates of
this ancestral homeland in time and space: the archipelagos of Tonga and
Samoa (with their immediate smaller neighbors), in the ®rst millennium BC.
Through an unbroken sequence of cultural change that begins with the
arrival of small groups of Early Eastern Lapita peoples around 1100±1000
BC, a distinctive Ancestral Polynesian culture had developed four to ®ve
centuries later.
While archaeologists con®dently point to various settlements and sites of
this period and to their characteristic material assemblages of Polynesian
Plainware pottery and plano-convex adzes, securely ®xed in time by
numerous radiocarbon dates ± what do we really know about this Ancestral
Polynesian world, this Hawaiki? Is it possible to move beyond the strictly
material evidence of potsherds, adzes, and shell ®shhooks, postmolds and
earth ovens? Simply stated, this is the problem that has energized us to write
this book, for we would maintain that twentieth-century anthropology has
1
2 Hawaiki, ancestral Polynesia

indeed developed powerful tools and methods for recovering and writing the
deep history of ``peoples without history.'' Yet we are perturbed that as the
twenty-®rst century dawns, the academic and scholarly rush toward special-
ization and even sub-specialization (not to mention the current postmodern
conceit that ``culture'' or ``history'' are anything other than academic
constructions) threatens to erode the essential strength of a holistic vision of
anthropology as an integrated set of perspectives and methods trained upon
a diversity of evidence.
The founders of the unique Americanist tradition in anthropology ± Boas,
Kroeber, Sapir, and others ± reacted in part to the theoretical excesses of a
generalizing ``evolutionary'' approach, and advocated a more rigorous
``historical particularism.'' They saw the advantage to be gained from
multiple lines of investigation and evidence, and thus bundled ethnography,
archaeology, linguistics, and physical anthropology together in a way that
the European academic world never fully embraced. Eighty years ago
Edward Sapir advanced a charter for historical anthropology in his short
monograph on Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture: A Study in Method
(Sapir 1916). This paper ± once famous but now seldom cited ± laid out the
potential contributions to historical reconstruction to be made by combining
the direct evidence of documentary writings, native testimony, and archaeo-
logical ®nds, with the inferential evidence provided by physical anthropology,
ethnology, and linguistics.2 Sapir envisioned a historical anthropology that ±
as a joint intellectual enterprise ± required contributions from all of these
®elds, each with its own unique evidential sources. The historical goals that
motivated Sapir have waxed and waned in anthropology over the inter-
vening decades, and the paradigms and methods of the ``sub®elds'' (archae-
ology, ethnology, biological anthropology, and linguistics) have also changed
dramatically.3
Despite some interesting proposals in the interim (e.g., Romney 1957;
Vogt 1964, 1994a), few integrated data-rich explorations along the lines
conceived by Sapir have evolved. Nonetheless, in the ®rst decade of the
twenty-®rst century a renewed interest in matters historical may be
discerned in the several sub®elds into which anthropology has been parti-
tioned. These trends lend cautious optimism that our present endeavor ±
fundamentally similar to Sapir's, but here applied to Polynesia ± may be of
more than strictly regional interest.4 Like Sapir, we aim to advance a
historical anthropology, but one that brings to bear the myriad advances in
data, methods, and theory developed throughout the twentieth century.
Sapir devoted most of his attention to linguistics and ethnology; he only
brie¯y mentioned documentary sources, oral history, and physical anthro-
pology, and relegated archaeology to a single page of his monograph. Sapir's
ethnolinguistic bias is understandable, given the embryonic state of New
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