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ENTANGLED EMPIRES
This page intentionally left blank
ENTANGLED
EMPIRES
THE ANGLO -I BERIAN ATLANTIC,
1500–1830
EDITED BY
JORGE CAÑIZARES-E SGUERRA
universit y of pennsylvania press
phil adelphia
Copyright © 2018 University of Pennsylvania Press
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for
purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book
may be reproduced in any form by any means without
written permission from the publisher.
Published by
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4 112
www.upenn.edu/pennpress
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Cañizares-E sguerra, Jorge, editor.
Title: Entangled empires : the Anglo-Iberian Atlantic,
1500–1830 / edited by Jorge Cañizares-E sguerra.
Other titles: Entangled empires (2018)
Description: 1st edition. | Philadelphia : University of
Pennsylvania Press, [2018] | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017027109 | ISBN 9780812249835
(hardcover : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Atlantic Ocean Region—History. | Iberian
Peninsula—History. | Great Britain—Foreign relations—
Spain. | Spain—Foreign relations—Great Britain. |
Great Britain—Foreign relations—Portugal. | Portugal—
Foreign relations—Great Britain. | Civilization, Modern. |
History, Modern.
Classification: LCC D210 .E57 2018 | DDC
303.48/218210903— dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017027109
To Christopher Schmidt-Nowara and his generous,
transoceanic life
This page intentionally left blank
contents
Introduction 1
Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra
PART I. SEVERED HISTORIES 17
Chapter 1. The Anglo-Iberian Atlantic as a Hemispheric System? 19
English Merchants Navigating the Iberian Atlantic
Mark Sheaves
Chapter 2. Agents of Empire: Africans and the Origins of English 42
Colonialism in the Americ as
Michael Guasco
Chapter 3. Empires on Drugs: Pharmaceutical Go-Betweens 63
and the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance
Benjamin Breen
PART II. BROKERS AND TR ANSLATORS 83
Chapter 4. Marrying Utopia: Mary and Philip, Richard Eden, 85
and the English Alchemy of Spanish Peru
Christopher Heaney
Chapter 5. The Pegs of a Wider Frame: Jewish Merchants 105
in Anglo-Iberian Trade
Holly Snyder
viii C o nt ents
Chapter 6. Entangled Irishman: George Dawson Flinter 124
and Anglo-Spanish Imperial Rivalry
Christopher Schmidt-Nowara
Chapter 7. Planters and Powerbrokers: George J. F. Clarke, 142
Interracial Love, and Allegiance in the Revolutionary
Circum-Caribbean
Cameron B. Strang
PART III. POSSESSION, SOVEREIGNTY, 159
AND LEGITIMACY
Chapter 8. The “Iberian” Justifications of Territorial Possession 161
by Pilgrims and Puritans in the Colonization of America
Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra
Chapter 9. “As the Spaniards Always Have Done”: The Legacy of 178
Florida’s Missions for Carolina Indian Relations and the Origins
of the Yamasee War
Bradley Dixon
PART IV. TR ADE AND WAR 195
Chapter 10. Reluctant Petitioners: English Officials 197
and the Spanish Caribbean
April Lee Hatfield
Chapter 11. Enabling, Implementing, Experiencing Entanglement: 217
Empires, Sailors, and Coastal Peoples in the British-Spanish Caribbean
Ernesto Bassi
Chapter 12. The Seven Years’ War and the Globalization 236
of Anglo-Iberian Imperial Entanglement: The View from Manila
Kristie Patricia Flannery
Afterword 255
Eliga H. Gould
C o nt ents ix
Notes 259
List of Contributors 321
Index 323
Acknowledgments 331
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Introduction
jorg e ca ñ i z a res -es gu e r r a
Like Nehemiah, Thomas Dale rebuilt the temple of Jerusalem. As marshal and
then governor of V irginia between 1611 and 1616, Dale brought marshal law
to the disorganized V
irginia plantation, introduced a new regime of private
property to finally put an end to chronic famine, established peace treaties
with the Powhatan and the Chickahominy, and had new cities like Henricus
and Bermuda City built. The secretary of the V irginia Company Ralph Hamor
devoted his 1615 True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia to the successes
of the new Nehemiah in the new Jerusalem that was V irginia. Whereas
Nehemiah had foreign Ammonites and Horonites, like Sanballath and
Tobiah, willing to make pacts with treasonous local Jewish Levites to under-
mine the reconstruction of Jerusalem, Dale had foreign papists and irreligious
merchant adventurers plotting against the success of the plantation. According
to Hamor, success in V irginia meant the conversion of the natives away from
the clutches of both Satan and Spain. Hamor thought that Algonquian
heathens would “be brought to entertain the honour of the name and glory
of Gospel of our Blessed Saviour.” One day, the natives would realize how
lucky they w ere and “shall break out and cry in rapture of so inexplicable
mercie: blessed be the King [James] and Prince [Henry] of England; blessed
be the English Nation; blessed for ever be the most High God . . . that sent
these English as angels to bring such glad tidings to us.”1
Any casual reading of Hamor’s True Discourse shows the importance of
the Spanish colonial experience to the English colonization of the New World.
Like the Spaniards, the English sought to “civilize” and convert the Indians
and subordinate them as tributaries of the crown. To describe this process,
Hamor used the very term the Spaniards deployed, namely, to “reduce” (from
the Latin to lead back): “What more honourable vnto our country, then to
2 j o rg e c a ñiz a res-esg u erra
reduce a farre disiyoned forraingne nation u nder the due obedience of our
dread Soveraingne, the Kings Maistie?”2 The Spaniards appear in Hamor’s
pages explicitly as papist enemies whose caravels and galleons constantly
threaten the survival of the young Virginian plantation.3 But their colonies
also appear implicitly as the reference upon which to measure both failure and
success: plantations with well laid out cities and vibrant private export agri-
culture and mining; colonies org anized around the transformation of the
Indians into tributaries and members of a composite monarchy. Hamor
implicitly holds Hernán Cortés’s Mexico as Virginia’s antithesis and model.
Hamor, for example, presents Dale as a new Joshua-cum-Caleb who, how-
ever, is not bent on destroying the Indian-Canaanites “by force of armes as
the Israelites did then by warrant of God (nor by utterly destroying of them
as some have cruelly done since) as by gentleness, love, amity, and Religion.”4
Hamor organizes his account on the pacification of Chickahominy with the
history of Cortés in mind. The Chickahominy appear as a Tlaxcalan republic
of eight senators that had never had a king and whose e nemy was Powhatan-
Montezuma, an emperor tyrant. To fight Powhatan the Chickahominy will-
ingly declare themselves “English” tributaries and vassals to fight a common
foe.5 The Powhatan, in contrast, appear as Cortés’s Mexica. Dale has Pow-
hatan’s daughter, Pocahontas, kidnapped and seeks to have her exchanged in
lieu of English captives and stolen arms. Along with an armed platoon, Dale
takes Pocahontas upriver, looking for Powhatan. A fter a few skirmishes in
which Dale razes towns, crops, canoes, and fisheries, the natives finally ac-
quiesce. Dale retreats with Pocahontas back to Jamestown and has her bap-
tized as Rebecca. Powhatan considers his d aughter’s marriage to the planter
John Rolfe as a peace treaty. Rolfe, in turn, dismisses the biblical injunction
to the sons of Levi not to marry foreign wives for the sake of the plantation’s
survival.6 In Hamor’s hands, Rebecca becomes the potential founder of a new
mestizo Israel, the m
other of a New World Jacob.7
Spanish America is the unspoken shadow that organizes Hamor’s early
history of Virginia. Hamor goes out of his way to present English V irginia as
the antithesis of Spanish colonization. According to Hamor, Dale is no Span-
ish conquistador who, Joshua-cum-Caleb-like, cruelly strives to enslave and
eliminate all the original inhabitants of the Promised Land. While seeking to
draw distinctions between the colonial experience of north and south, Hamor
silently uses the Spanish model to judge Virginia’s success or lack thereof: the
“reduction” of the natives into Christian tributary status, the establishment
of export mining and agricultural economies, the building of cities, and the
Introduction 3
creation of mestizo kingdoms. The entangled histories of the colonial Ameri
cas, north and south, have long been forgotten because since the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries t here have been those like Hamor who have deliberately
sought to keep the connections between t hese histories hidden. According to
Hamor, the reason the Chickahominy were willing to join the English in the
fight against any potential Spanish intruder was because the tyrannous Pow-
hatan had come to V irginia exiled from the Spanish West Indies. Th
ere was,
however, an easier explanation: Spain first occupied V irginia and established
Jesuit missions that had been destroyed by the Chickahominy thirty years ear-
lier. Acknowledging this would have undermined all claims to English sover-
eignty in Virginia through the title of first “discovery.”8 This book seeks to
make explicit what remains implicit in Hamor’s treatise: the entangled histo-
ries of Iberian and British “Atlantics” and the archival processes that rendered
those interconnected and common histories invisible.
* * *
The many p eoples that lived on the Atlantic basin w ere connected to count-
less other communities outside the formal boundaries of empire. E very region
in the vast Atlantic basin should, in fact, be considered a mosaic of interdigi-
tated Atlantic histories.9 The literature on commodities, piracy, slavery, and
smuggling has made these entanglements transparent. W hether it was cod,
mahogany, cochineal, Madeira wine, brazilwood, sugar, silver, tobacco, choco
late, rhubarb, emeralds, or cowry shells, the production, distribution, and
commercialization of any staple triggered a series of commercial and ethnic
entanglements that rendered the entire Atlantic basin into a large borderland
of porous boundaries.10 Take, for example, the case of tobacco. Cigars for puff-
ing, powders mixed with spices for snuffing, and aromatic cured leaves for
chewing first moved away from the control of Amerindian elites into the in-
formal world of Caribbean Euro-A frican sailors. In Spain, it was Portuguese
conversos who farmed out the tax that sought to regulate the distribution and
consumption of tobacco. This was the entangled world of tobacco: Amerin-
dian Mesoamerican staples moved to British V irginia and Jamaica, where they
were purchased by Portuguese conversos to sustain the fiscal balances of the
Spanish monarchy in Madrid.11
This book, however, studies only the entangled histories of the Iberian
and British Atlantics b ecause it ultimately seeks to bring into focus the cen-
trality of the Iberian-Latino past to the very constitution of the history of this
4 j o rg e c a ñiz a res-esg u erra
nation. A historiography that brings Latinos into the narrative as “minorities,”
whose voices need to be heard, is itself complicit in their marginalization.
Amerindians, Blacks, and Latinos ought not to be considered minorities to
be incorporated into a larger narrative canvas. This book seeks to demon-
strate that without “Latinos” there is no canvas.
The book explores the entangled histories of the Iberian and British worlds
from three distinctly separate perspectives, namely, that of brokers, trade, and
knowledge. Connections happened because t here were people who moved
across linguistic and political boundaries. Willingly or unwillingly, African
slaves and Amerindians facilitated communication across empires. This book
demonstrates how early experiences of Amerindians with the Spanish in
Florida led the Amerindians to understand the workings of justice through
treaties, protections, and legal privileges. Amerindians expected the same
from the English in Georgia and South Carolina. The English authorities
complied. Like the Spaniards, the English considered themselves to be evange-
lizing, tributary, territorial, and just.12
African interactions with the Iberians in Senegal, Gambia, and West Cen-
tral Africa also created a set of expectations on the nature of slavery in the
British Americas. Africans arrived as slaves to Portuguese and Spanish ports
where they enjoyed some rights, including the right to marry, have property,
and purchase their own freedom. Africans eventually became settlers and
vecinos in Portuguese Cape Verde and Gambia and in the Spanish Greater
Caribbean.13 As the British began to smuggle slaves into Spanish America
and to establish alliances with maroon communities to undermine Spanish
colonial power, the British suddenly found themselves forced to follow the
same rules. As this book demonstrates, t hese implicit rules would eventually
disappear as British American urban slavery gave way to the large integrated
plantation in Barbados, Jamaica, V irginia, and South Carolina.14 The book
also sheds light on two other groups that played significant roles in connect-
ing both Atlantics: the Irish and Jewish-converso Portuguese merchants.
Trade was the linchpin that connected these Iberian-British Atlantics. The
British colonies in the Americas began as pirate nests, preying on Spanish trade
and commodities for survival. It was only by the late seventeenth c entury that
the British American economy of raids gave way to commercially v iable and
self-sustaining intercolonial networks.15 Even a fter piracy came to be regarded
as a crime against the monarchy and empire, the British American Atlantic
continued to grow and expand on the back of Spanish American silver ob-
tained through smuggling.16 Almost every chapter in this collection explores
Introduction 5
one or another aspect of the multiple commercial networks that tied these two
Atlantics tightly together.
The same is true for knowledge. This book is part of a larger historiograph-
ical reorientation in intellectual history. Scholars are just now beginning to
realize that the European Renaissance and Enlightenment were not European
inventions but vast encyclopedias of hybrid global knowledge processed and
packaged in Europe.17 Until recently the history of science offered us lone trav-
elers and scientists roaming American and African lands in pursuit of curi-
osities and collections. Under closer scrutiny, however, this world of European
travelers, cosmographers, and naturalists appears far less European and much
more Atlantic and hybrid. Discovery, it turns out, was often nothing more
than disguised translation or piracy. It was typical of Iberian, Dutch, and Brit-
ish crews to force locals to pilot their ships to navigate local currents and
waterways. Europeans struck alliances with locals to set up workshops to trans-
late useful information, which informed European “discoveries.”18 This book
takes many insights and bodies of knowledge long seen as exclusively British
and returns them to their proper context: Iberian Atlantic.
Finally, this book is preoccupied with archives and the role they play in
obscuring and fixing narratives of origin and modernity.19 One of the reasons
why the history of Iberian-British Atlantic entanglements explored in this
book is not well known has to do with both deliberate and unconscious pro
cesses of erasing, misplacing, and misfiling documentation. By and large,
archives were originally set up to elucidate and celebrate the history of single
empires and nations. By definition, therefore, archives do not classify docu-
ments around transimperial and transnational categories. Many of the chap-
ters in this book seek to clarify archival practices that rendered the entangled
histories of t hese two Atlantics invisible.
* * *
Part I of this volume explores how the histories of the two Atlantics slowly
began to be remembered as two entirely separate processes, deliberately ob-
fuscating interconnections and shared events. It shows how similarities, com-
monalities, and entanglements came to be substituted by narratives of opposites
and contrasts. In Chapter 1, Mark Sheaves shows that during the sixteenth
century, hundreds of English merchants lived at the heart of port cities across
the Iberian Atlantic. They commonly changed their names and married into
local families, establishing themselves in t hese societies. From bases in the
6 j o rg e c a ñiz a res-esg u erra
Iberian Peninsula, most significantly Seville, they built transoceanic com-
mercial networks with merchants and venture capitalists from across the
globe, trading legitimately with ports in the Caribbean, Africa, and the Philip-
pines. Some even settled in the New World as part of emerging transnational
communities. Chapter 1 traces the experiences of two merchants of English
origins who produced reports about the Iberian Atlantic. The chapter high-
lights the role of the Inquisition in Spain and of Richard Hakluyt’s Principal
Navigations in England in forcing the two culturally ambidextrous mer-
chants into choosing among sharply differentiated national identities. Sheaves
follows the same individuals through two different archives to demonstrate
that these merchants, who in the sources appeared to be different people,
were the same p eople, with Spanish and Eng lish names. Pressed by the
Inquisition, the merchants chose to define themselves as pious Catholics, mem-
bers of extended Sevillano families. Pressed by Hakluyt, however, they cast
themselves as English patriots. The Anglo-Spanish geopolitical conflict that
followed the Reformation led to the creation of two distinct national ar-
chives. These two archives, in turn, have made it very difficult for historians
to see as one a system of commercial networks that once brought merchants
in England and Spain together into the same communities. They w ere mem-
bers of shared cities and trades, not different nations. It is clear that the Ref-
ormation shaped the historiographies of the Atlantic in radical new ways by
obfuscating the common entangled national origins of the Atlantic imperial
expansion (as well as the African slave trade). The Reformation would lead to
the creation of separate archives that would later constitute the foundation of
differentiated imperial and national historiographies.
In Chapter 2, Michael Guasco argues that Africans enabled the English
to access an Atlantic world s haped, largely, by the Iberian powers. Like Sheaves,
Guasco highlights the importance of the politics of archives in the way the
entangled histories of the Iberian and British Atlantic came to be blurred. The
desire to draw sharp ideological differences between the freedom-loving
English and the tyrannical Iberians has not only obfuscated the role of English-
Iberian merchants in the fifteenth-and sixteenth-c entury origins of the
Atlantic slave trade, but it has also radically altered the early history of Anglo-
African slavery in the Americas. Guasco shows that the English originally
interacted with African traders and slaves within frameworks first established
by the Portuguese. Early Anglo-A frica slavery was not the hereditary racial
regime that it became in the late seventeenth c entury in V irginia, Carolina,
and the Caribbean. Like the Iberians, English traders created mestizo families
Introduction 7
on the African coast and learned that the moral political economy of African
slavery included respecting a set of protections for slaves, namely, the right to
self-manumission and marriage, the right of slaves to seek self-employment
and property (including slaves) of their own, and the right of slaves to create
fictive family ties with their masters as godparents. Marronage was an insti-
tution slaves could use to rectify moral wrongs. The English, in fact, expected
Afro-Iberian maroons in Panama and Jamaica to be allies against a common
Spanish enemy. Late seventeenth-century plantation slavery and the transfor-
mation of Africans into commodities did away with t hese early Afro-Iberian
institutions in the British Atlantic. The growing sharpening of racial ideolo-
gies, in turn, led to the invention of the narrative of an original English re-
luctance to introduce slavery in the Americas and to the cleansing of the
original Afro-Iberian roots of the Anglo-A frican slave trade.
In Chapter 3, Ben Breen traces the roots of the British Empire back to
Portuguese commercial and epistemological networks. The historiography has
long assumed that it was the Dutch who in the second quarter of the seven-
teenth c entury replaced the Portuguese in the tropics, from Brazil to West
Africa, to Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and Japan. Yet Dutch victories proved fleet-
ing. It was the British who truly inherited the Portuguese Empire. The 1662
marriage alliance of Catherine Braganza of Portugal and Charles II of
England best symbolized this process. The alliance included a huge dowry as
well as the transference of the port cities of Bengal and Tangiers. Catherine
also brought with her to E ngland cha from India, a plant the English would
come to know as tea. Breen argues that the British inherited from the Portu-
guese not only lands, capital, and trading networks but also massive amounts
of botanical and anthropological knowledge. Breen describes in detail how
Portuguese empirical encyclopedias of global, tropical materia medica became
rapidly modified as publications of the Royal Society of London by the likes
of Robert Boyle and Robert Hooke. Yet those Luso-tropical experts from whom
the British savants learned were never to appear among the sources the British
acknowledged in print. Again, Breen highlights how the peculiar construction
of British history through the deliberate forgetting of entire archives has
shaped the historiographies on Anglo-Iberian entanglements. It was in the late
seventeenth century the British’s growing racialization of the Portuguese in
the tropics as unreliable inferiors that explains this curious, deliberate erasure
of derivative origins.
* * *
8 j o rg e c a ñiz a res-esg u erra
Part II is devoted to the role of brokers and translators in e ither facilitating or
obscuring Anglo-Iberian entanglements. In Chapter 4, Christopher Heaney
studies the role of print in the entangled histories of the Americas before the
deliberate creation of separate archives. Prior to the beginning of full-scale
colonization at Roanoke, Virginia, in the 1580s, the English consumed and
translated chronicles of Spanish discovery. Heaney demonstrates that as a
manual for f uture English experience it was the Spanish archive on Peru that
most mattered. The English search for a Peru of their own might have first
begun before the arrival of Philip II to England as the consort of Queen Mary.
The English saw with growing envy and concern the rise of a global Catholic
monarchy on the back of the silver riches of Potosí. News of the civil wars in
Peru and of the laws passed by Charles V to quell the conquistadors gener-
ated English plans to take over the Andes with expeditions via the Amazon
and the River Plate. When Philip II arrived in E ngland, however, the plans
for an English Peru became plans of collaboration. Philip landed with Peru-
vian treasure, an entourage of individuals who have served in the Andes, and
chronicles that spoke to the sophistication of the Inca. Heaney shows that
Richard Eden’s Decades of the New Worlde or West India (1555), allegedly just a
translation of the earliest “decades” of Pietro Martire’s De Orbe Novo, was in
fact the first printed text to make an argument for an English Peru while also
seeking to honor the Spanish conquest. Eden’s translation of De Orbe Novo
drew on countless witnesses and chroniclers, including López de Gómara,
Fernández de Oviedo, and Augustín de Zárate, who accompanied Philip II
to London before his chronicle of Peru had been printed. Eden also drew on
his own training as an alchemist and on his reading of Thomas More’s Utopia
as an American text. Heaney argues that Eden’s introduction, marginalia, and
translation in the Decades offered an alchemical vision of Peru as land with gold
to be had, delivered by peaceful, civilized Christian labor. More’s Utopia
did have a location: Peru. Heaney suggests that Eden’s text afterward became
a blueprint for English colonization, no longer as a collaborative Anglo-
Spanish project but as a competitive, rival one. The Elizabethans, as Walter
Raleigh suggested, set out to find in Guyana, Florida, Virginia, and New-
foundland the Inca of Inglaterra.
In Chapter 5, Holly Snyder shows the importance of Iberian conversos to
the British imperial expansion. Historians have explored in great detail the
role of Portuguese Jewish trading networks in the rise of seventeenth-century
Dutch global power. Snyder widens the scope and demonstrates the central-
ity of Spanish “Jews” to the making of the British Atlantic. Not unlike con-
Introduction 9
versos in Iberian Atlantic, “Jews” in the Anglo-Atlantic embraced many forms
of self-identification: Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish, depending on the
contingencies of local political-religious balances. In Elizabethan England,
Iberian conversos preferred Protestant identities but kept Spanish surnames.
Under the Stuarts, t hese same conversos embraced Catholic identities, as
conflict with Spain subsided. It was only in the wake of the English Civil
War and the rise of parliamentary Calvinist millenarian radical politics (a move-
ment that both demonized Iberian Catholics and sought to reassemble Jews
on the eve of the second coming of Christ) that Iberian conversos in E ngland
began to openly embrace a Jewish Sephardic identity. Regardless of their
changing identities, English Iberian conversos remained outsiders, pegged into
professions and trades fitting for individuals of Jewish descent: physicians,
money lenders, merchants. In places like Jamaica and Gibraltar, Anglo-Iberian
conversos embraced Jewish identities and helped smooth the transition from
Spanish to British colonial rule. Their role as brokers allowed t hese Jews not
only to build g reat fortunes but also to become targets of resentment and dis-
crimination. By the early eighteenth century, writers such as Joseph Addison
could declare the history of diaspora and discrimination of British Iberian Jews
the very reason to consider the Jewish “race” the “peg upon which to build
the wider frame” of the British Empire. The history of early modern Jews in
England is the history of the entangled histories of the Iberian and British
empires, from the Mediterranean to the Caribbean and beyond.
In Chapter 6, Christopher Schmidt-Nowara reminds us of the role of the
Irish as members of a polity in between the Iberian Catholic south and the
Anglican Calvinist British north. Schmidt-Nowara focuses on three influen-
tial Irishmen who from the 1760s to the 1820s framed the debate in the Spanish
Atlantic over African slavery. Alejandro O’Reilly, Joseph Blanco White, and
George Flinter each translated British perspectives into Iberian idioms to sup-
port e ither the expansion of slavery or its abolition. O’Reilly grew to become
one of the most important military and economic reformers of the Bourbon
Spanish monarchy as commander of the Hibernian Regiment in the Seven
Years’ War. O’Reilly was responsible for the liberalization of the slave trade
in the Caribbean, helping to dismantle the asiento, so Cuba and Puerto
Rico could rival British Jamaica and Barbados as plantations societies. Blanco
White became the leading liberal Spanish ideologue of the Age of Revolu-
tions via Spanish-language periodicals printed in London. Schmidt-Nowara
presents Blanco White as a particularly effective cultural translator for Span-
ish Catholic audiences of the Protestant abolitionist views of William
10 j o rg e c a ñiz a res-esg u erra
Wilberforce. Schmidt-Nowara, however, devotes most of Chapter 6 to George
Flinter, a contemporary of Blanco White with considerable experience as a
British officer in occupied Dutch Curaçao during the wars of independence
in Venezuela. Flinter’s stint in Curaçao caused him to pin both loyalist and
patriot violence in Venezuela on the unraveling of racial hierarchies. Flinter
would eventually move to Puerto Rico and Spain to become a military officer
of liberal persuasion and a leading promoter of the expansion of slavery in the
Spanish Caribbean, in open defiance of the British naval campaigns to sup-
press the Atlantic slave trade. Schmidt-Nowara demonstrates the importance
of the Irish as cultural brokers in the Anglo-Iberian Atlantic in the Age of
Revolution, an age that witnessed both black emancipation and the expan-
sion of black slavery.
In Chapter 7, Cameron B. Strang argues for the importance of local bro-
kers in the way the entangled Atlantic histories occurred in the borderlands.
George (Jorge) J. F. Clark was born and lived in East Florida. He made a
fortune trading on cattle, timber, cotton, oranges, and indigo in vast slave-
operated ranches he owned on the banks of the St. Mary River, at the border-
land with Georgia. Clarke was born in British Florida right before the province
went back into Spanish control. As a distinguished, baptized Spanish vecino,
Jorge Clarke was to witness the various attempts of Spanish American revolu-
tionaries, French privateers, Georgian slaveholders, and the roaming U.S. army
to seize control of Amelia Island and the city of Fernandina. Clarke remained
loyal to Spain throughout and helped the Spanish governors of St. Augustine
beat back various filibustering republics, first the one led the U.S.-supported
George Mathews (1811–13) and later that of the Spanish American revolution-
aries of Gregor MacGregor and the French privateer Luis Aury (1817). Strang
shows that Clarke and various other wealthy planters such as the powerful
Zephaniah Kingsley adamantly sought to be part of the Spanish Empire
largely because they valued the racial regime Spain had established in the
circum-Caribbean, one in which there w ere manumitted slaves and free blacks
enjoying upward social mobility. Both Clarke and Kingsley set up large
families with their own African female slaves. Th ese planters considered the
Georgian filibusters and the U.S. army a threat to the liberty and future of
their own mulatto children and manumitted wives. By the same token, Clarke
and Kingsley rejected the republics of MacGregor and Aury, for t hese filibus-
ter republics threatened slavery through a commitment to Jacobin abolition-
ism. All outsiders, including the Spanish governors, courted and feared East
Floridian planters because the outsiders understood that access to actual pos-
Introduction 11
session and sovereignty rested on the legitimacy granted by the likes of Clarke
and Kingsley. Amelia fell in late 1817 to a U.S. army led by Andrew Jackson
(in his first campaign to exterminate the Seminoles in Pensacola), and the
whole of East Florida was formally transferred to the United States in 1821.
A fter 1821, the mediating power Clarke had long enjoyed among the many
competing empires began to disappear along with his dreams of a slavehold-
ing society with room for the racially mixed. Strang demonstrates that Anglo-
Iberian entanglements varied widely according to local conditions and that
we should avoid sweeping generalizations. By working outward from Florida
and decentering Spain and the United States, this chapter shows that the con-
struction of imperial power and knowledge depended on incorporating or
challenging planters’ local authority as powerbrokers.
* * *
Part III explores the entangled nature of seemingly antithetical Anglo-Iberian
discourses of sovereignty, legitimacy, and possession to reveal a world of com-
mon assumptions. Chapter 8, by Jorge Cañizares-E sguerra, shows that
Spanish Catholic and English Calvinist discourses of dominium and sover-
eignty in the Americas w
ere remarkably similar, notwithstanding the scholar-
ship that seeks to draw distinctions. A careful reading of the foundational
texts by Pilgrims and Puritans justifying their migration to Virginia and
New E ngland in the 1620s and 1630s reveals religious medieval arguments of
possession that are strikingly similar to those deployed by Spain a century
before. Iberians made a distinction between spiritual and temporal sover-
eignties and claimed that the pope had only the authority of delegating
monarchs with the task of conversion. Monarchs had no temporal rights
whatsoever to the new lands. To justify territorial possession and politic al
dominium became therefore an exercise in justifying “just war” as bridge:
legalese to circumvent the wall of separation between the right of spreading
the gospel and the lack of authority to take land and political authority away
from the rightful native o wners. Pilgrim and Puritan discourses of conquest
and dispossession had no need of separating spiritual and temporal sover-
eignties: the monarch enjoyed both. Paradoxically and despite their alien-
ation from the Stuart monarchs as the heads of the Anglican church, the
English Calvinists (either separatists, Pilgrims, or nonseparatists, Puritans)
simply sought to gain the crown’s legal sanction by securing “commercial
charters.” Unlike that of the Iberians, Calvinist legalese focused on where to
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