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Spaces of Global Cultures

In Spaces of Global Cultures, Anthony King brings together a series of contem-

porary and historical case studies to show how different phases of globalization
are transforming the built environment. Taking a broad, interdisciplinary approach
the author draws on sociology, geography, cultural and postcolonial studies to
provide a critical account of the development of three key contemporary concepts
that provide the theoretical framework for the book: global culture, post-
colonialism, modernity. Subsequent case studies examine how global economic,
political and cultural forces shape the forms of architectural and urban modernity
in the ‘globurbs’ (i.e. globalized suburbs) and spaces of ‘villafication’ in major
cities worldwide: Beijing, Washington DC, Delhi, Jakarta, and also in Britain. As
a key sign of economic and political power and a symbol for states making claims
to modernity, the high rise tower (and ‘tallest building in the world’) forms the
subject of the opening chapter. Other themes include the writing of transnational
planning histories and the contradictory relationship between imperialism and
the ideology of Arts and Crafts architecture in Britain. The author’s concluding
memoir provides clues into how and why the book came to be written.

The first book to combine global and postcolonial theoretical approaches to the
built environment, and to illustrate these with concrete examples, Spaces of
Global Cultures argues for a more historical, differentiated and interdisciplinary
understanding of globalization: one that places material space and the built
environment at the center and calls for innovative concepts to address new
contemporary conditions.

Anthony D. King is Bartle Professor of Art History and of Sociology, State

University of New York at Binghamton. He has been Visiting Professor in
Architecture, University of California, Berkeley and, for five years, Professor,
Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi.
THE ARCHITEXT SERIES

Edited by Thomas A. Markus and Anthony D. King

Architectural discourse has traditionally represented buildings as art objects or

technical objects. Yet buildings are also social objects in that they are invested
with social meaning and shape social relations. Recognizing these assumptions,
the Architext series aims to bring together recent debates in social and cultural
theory and the study and practice of architecture and urban design. Critical,
comparative and interdisciplinary, the books in the series will, by theorizing archi-
tecture, bring the space of the built environment centrally into the social sciences
and humanities, as well as bringing the theoretical insights of the latter into the
discourses of architecture and urban design. Particular attention will be paid to
issues of gender, race, sexuality, and the body, to questions of identity and place,
to the cultural politics of representation and language, and to the global and
postcolonial contexts in which these are addressed.

Already published:

Framing Places Writing Spaces

Mediating power in built form Discourses of architecture, urbanism,
Kim Dovey and the built environment, 1960–2000
C. Greig Crysler
Gender Space Architecture
An interdisciplinary introduction Drifting: Migrancy and Architecture
Edited by Jane Rendell, Barbara Edited by Stephen Cairns
Penner and Iain Borden
Beyond Description
Behind the Postcolonial Singapore space historicity
Architecture, urban space and political Edited by Ryan Bishop, John Phillips,
cultures in Indonesia and Wei-Wei Yeo
Abidin Kusno
Spaces of Global Cultures
The Architecture of Oppression Architecture urbanism identity
The SS, forced labor and the Nazi Anthony D. King
monumental building economy
Paul Jaskot
Forthcoming titles:
Words between the Spaces
Building and language Moderns Abroad
Thomas A. Markus and Deborah Architecture, cities and Italian
Cameron imperialism
Mia Fuller
Embodied Utopias
Gender, social change and the Sustaining Design
modern metropolis Interpreting green architecture
Rebeccah Zorach, Lise Sanders and Edited by Simon Guy and
Amy Bingaman Graham Farmer
Anthony D. King 111
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Spaces of Global Cultures 13
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Architecture Urbanism Identity 6
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First published 2004
by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2004.

© 2004 Anthony D. King

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

King, Anthony D.
Spaces of global cultures: architecture, urbanism, identity/
Anthony Douglas King.
p. cm. – (Architext series)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Architecture and globalization. 2. Architecture and society.
3. Architecture, British colonial. 4. City planning – Asia – Case studies.
5. Postcolonialism – Asia – Case studies.
I. Title. II. Series.
NA2543.G46K55 2004
720′.1′03–dc22 2003025771

ISBN 0-203-48312-X Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-67425-1 (Adobe eReader Format)

ISBN 0–415–19619–1 (hb)
ISBN 0–415–19620–5 (pb)
 111
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TO URSULA 13
FOR YEARS APART 4
TOGETHER 5
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Contents 111
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List of illustrations ix 13
Illustration acknowledgments xi 4
Preface and introduction xiii 5
Acknowledgments xvii 6
7
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Part One THEORIES 1 9
201
1 WORLDS IN THE CITY: FROM WONDERS OF MODERN 1
DESIGN TO WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION 3 2
3
2 INTERROGATING GLOBAL CULTURE(S) 23 4
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3 CULTURES AND SPACES OF POSTCOLONIAL KNOWLEDGES 45
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4 THE TIMES AND SPACES OF MODERNITY 65
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5 WRITING TRANSNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORIES:
1
THE DIALECTICS OF DUAL DEVELOPMENT 82
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Part Two HISTORIES 95
5
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6 SUBURB/ETHNOBURB/GLOBURB: THE MAKING OF 7
CONTEMPORARY MODERNITIES 97 8
9
7 VILLAFICATION: THE TRANSFORMATION OF CHINESE CITIES 111 40
41
8 IMAGINING THE WORLD AT HOME: THE DISTANT SPACES 42
OF THE INDIAN CITY 127 43
44
9 TRANSNATIONAL DELHI REVISITED: THE SPATIAL 45
LANGUAGE OF THREE MODERNITIES 141 46
47
10 IMPERIALISM, COLONIALISM AND ARCHITECTS OF THE 48
ARTS AND CRAFTS IN BRITAIN 161 491

vii 
 Contents 

Part Three PASTS/PRESENTS/FUTURES 187

11 WAYS OF SEEING: SERENDIPITY, VISUALITY, EXPERIENCE 189

AFTERWORD 223

References 225
Name index 244
Subject index 253

viii 
Illustrations 111
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1.1 ‘Principal High Buildings of the Old World’ 1889: The People’s 13
Illustrative and Descriptive Family Atlas of the World 1889 8 4
1.2 Postcard view of Ankara’s tallest building, Ankara, Turkey, 5
c.1990 13 6
1.3 Petronas Building, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 2002 18 7
6.1 ‘Villa in the Italian Style’, US (Downing 1850) 102 8
6.2 Saigon East store, Eden Center/Plaza 7, Fairfax County, 9
Virginia, US 104 201
6.3 ‘White House’, Suburban housing design, Jakarta, Indonesia 1
(Wisata Legenda) 108 2
7.1 Hutong, Beijing, China, 2000 116 3
7.2 ‘Beijing Dragon Villas’. Advertisement, China Daily, April 1994 118 4
7.3 ‘Beijing Dragon Villas’, China, August 2000 120 5
7.4 ‘Global Villas’, Guang Dong, China, 2000 (Guan and Zhu) 121 6
7.5 ‘Longisland Villas’, Shanghai, 2000 (Guan and Zhu) 122 7
7.6 ‘Rose Garden Villas’, Shanghai, 2000 (Guan and Zhu) 122 8
7.7 ‘Fontainebleu Villas’, Shanghai, 2000 (Guan and Zhu) 123 9
7.8 ‘Fontainebleu Villas’, Entrance, Shanghai, 2000 (Guan and Zhu) 123 30
7.9 ‘Beijing Dragon Villas’, Beijing, China, 2002 124 1
8.1 ‘Oxford Impero’, Bangalore, India. Advertisement, India Today 2
1997 (Corporate Leisure Resorts and Hotels Pvt. Ltd, Bangalore) 134 3
8.2 ‘Dollar Hills’, Hyderabad. Advertisement, India Today, 1997 4
(Dream Valley Resorts Pvt. Ltd, Hyderabad) 136 5
9.1 Map: Location of DLF City in relation to Old and New Delhi, 6
India (DLF Newsletter, 2001) 143 7
9.2 DLF City: Towers. Gurgaon, National Capital Territory, India, 2002 150 8
9.3 DLF City: Apartments, 2001 (DLF Newsletter) 150 9
9.4 DLF City: Gateway Tower, March 2002 152 40
9.5 DLF City: Country Club, 2002 (DLF Newsletter) 153 41
10.1 ‘Rev. T. F. Cole’s Bungalow’, India. Late nineteenth century 42
(British Library: India Office collection) 172 43
10.2 Anglo-Indian bungalow, India. Late nineteenth century. 44
(British Library: India Office collection) 172 45
10.3 Design for a ‘Bungalow’, UK (R. A. Briggs 1891) 174 46
10.4 Design for a ‘Bungalow-House’ (R. A. Briggs 1897) 174 47
10.5 ‘Design for a Bungalow at Bellagio’, C. F. A. Voysey 1889 48
(The British Architect, June 10, 1899) 176 491

ix 
 Illustrations 

10.6 ‘Design for an Artist’s House’, C. F. A. Voysey, c.1889

(The British Architect, February 1, 1889) 177
10.7 ‘A House at Swanage’, 1898. C. F. A.Voysey, 1898, (The British
Architect, vol. 45: 42) 177
10.8 ‘Dr Emerson’s Bungalow at Southbourne’, c.1905. G. H. Brewerton
(‘Home Counties’ 1905) 178
10.9 Moorcrag, Lake Windermere, 1898. C. F. A. Voysey.
(Private collection) 178
10.10 ‘A Countryside Bungalow’, ‘MLISS’, Building News, 7 July, 1893 179
10.11 ‘A Hill-side Bungalow . . . for a Gentleman’, ‘Centaur’, Building
News, May 20, 1898 180
10.12 Bungalow design for the suburbs, ‘lately built in Sussex’
(R. A. Briggs 1897) 181
10.13 ‘Proposed bungalow at Tunbridge Wells, Kent. Architect A. Jessop
Hardwick', Builders’ Journal, 1903 181
10.14 The Bungalow, Oakwood, Roundhay, Leeds (built 1900) 182
10.15 ‘Small bungalow’ (R. A. Briggs 1897). Lodge for a Manchester
suburb, 1890. C. F. A. Voysey, The British Architect, March 28,
1890 185
11.1 ‘Colonial Budget Rooms’, Vestal, NY, USA. c.1992 193
11.2 ‘Binghamton Colonials’ banner, SUNY Binghamton, c.1992 193
11.3 Binghamton, NY. Central area (DeLorme’s New York Atlas
and Gazetteer. Copyright © DeLorme, Yarmouth, ME 1988) 194
11.4 Road sign. Southern Tier Expressway. New York State, c.1993 195
11.5 Binghamton, West Side. Arts and Crafts domestic architecture.
c.1992 196
11.6 Binghamton, West Side. Porches, Lincoln Avenue 197
11.7 Binghamton. Window view, 68 Lincoln Avenue 197
11.8 Greek Revival architecture. Upstate New York 198
11.9 ‘Colonial Hotel’, Watkins Glen, NY 199
11.10 Ceiling painting. Ethel M Parsons 1936. Federal Building,
Albany, NY 200
11.11 California bungalow, Binghamton, NY 201
11.12 Karnac Road, Harehills, Leeds, UK, c.1993 209
11.13 ‘Free Kashmir’, Karnac Road, Harehills, Leeds, c.1996 209
11.14 Wills Hall, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK 210
11.15 Wills Memorial Tower, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK 210
11.16 Mumbai, Victoria Terminus Station, Churchgate. Interior 211
11.17 Mumbai, Advertisement hoardings 211
11.18 Mumbai, Ashok Leyland truck 212
11.19 Darwen, Borough Coat-of-Arms (J. Pomfret, Borough of
Darwen 1878–1928/Jubilee Souvenir, 1928) 213
11.20 India Mill and Darwen, c.1877. (Darwen in Retrospect. Darwen:
The Darwen News, 1930) 214–15
11.21 Mahatma Gandhi visiting Springfield Mill, Darwen 216
11.22 Mahatma Gandhi with mill operatives, Springfield Mill, Darwen 216

x 
Illustration Acknowledgments 111
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I am grateful to the following individuals and/or institutions for permission to 13
reproduce the illustrations indicated: Wisata Legenda Development Company, 4
Jakarta (6.3), Guan Ming and Zhu Ping (7.4 to 7.8), Corporate Leisure Resorts 5
and Hotels Pvt. Ltd, Bangalore (8.1), Dream Valley Resorts Pvt. Ltd, Hyderabad 6
(8.2), Delhi Land and Finance Pvt (9.1, 9.3, 9.5), The British Library (India Office 7
Collection) (10.1, 10.2), private collection (10.9), DeLorme’s New York Atlas and 8
Gazetteer™, Yarmouth, Maine (11.3), Sumati Morarjee and Vithalbhai K. Jhaveri 9
(11.21), James Hunt (11.22). 201
While the author and publisher have made every effort to contact copy- 1
right holders of material used in this volume, they would be grateful to hear 2
from any they were unable to contact. All photographs not credited are by the 3
author. 4
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Preface and Introduction 111
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One day in May 1983, when visiting the United States from Britain, I was sitting, 13
waiting for lunch, in a restaurant in Cambridge, Massachusetts, having finished 4
the lecture I had come over to give. I was thinking of the book manuscript I had 5
recently sent off to the publishers just before leaving the UK. Though the manu- 6
script was finished, I was not happy with the subtitle. My intention there was 7
to suggest that, in what had over time increasingly become a capitalist world 8
economy, a particular type of individual and consumer-oriented form of outer 9
suburbanization, as well as occasional leisure space, represented by a distinctive 201
(though varying) form of one storey dwelling (everywhere referred to by the same 1
term, ‘bungalow’), had developed in ‘advanced’ and especially postindustrial 2
societies. This had first occurred in the colonial and postcolonial countries of the 3
English-speaking ecumene, but by the late twentieth century could be found in 4
all five continents of the world (King 1984). More indirectly, I was also using this 5
as a metaphor for an increasingly architecturally homogenized world. The book 6
was about the various historical, economic, social, political and cultural condi- 7
tions which had been instrumental in the production of both. Just before the 8
waiter arrived, and quite innocent of the logical, epistemological, let alone histor- 9
ical or conceptual problems I was laying ahead for myself, the subtitle I was 30
searching for suddenly came into my head: ‘The Production of a Global Culture’. 1
Since that time, over the last twenty years I have been both intrigued and 2
mystified by the way the phrase ‘global culture’ has crept into the language, not 3
only in the academy but also in the public domain. As with one’s name, a word 4
or phrase we’re familiar with invariably jumps off the page. Others must certainly 5
have used this phrase before 1983 but, with the ability to do keyword searches 6
in computer databases, I have, to date, not discovered the term either in a book 7
or journal title prior to 1984. 8
Like globality, globalism, or globe-wide, ‘global culture’ is just one of the 9
many terms and phrases introduced into the now widespread discourses on 40
globalization and globalism which, as others have pointed out, are words that 41
were included neither in the Oxford English Dictionary nor Webster’s Dictionary 42
prior to 1960. The first book with ‘global culture’ as the main title, a collection 43
of essays edited by sociologist of culture Mike Featherstone appeared in 1990. 44
Since then, the phrase has become established in the academy, penetrated parts 45
of the media and no doubt will soon be heard on the street. (In 2003, it could 46
be found in the titles of at least forty books and articles. See Chapter 2.) 47
This might all, of course, be part of the general ‘global babble’ (Abu- 48
Lughod 1991) which has massively increased since the 1990s.1 We might naively 491

xiii 
 Preface and Introduction 

think that there really is some phenomenon/phenomena out there which ‘global
culture’ refers to. And a book entitled ‘Spaces of Global Cultures’ would suggest
the spaces in which these global cultures exist, or which they produce, in which
they are contained, resisted, or even imagined. We might, in fact, think – not
least in the way that I have introduced the term and idea here in this Preface
– that the concept is unimportant, trivial or misleading. Nothing could be further
from the truth.
If global culture, as some authors have maintained, refers primarily to
‘American cultural imperialism’ (Patterson 1994: 103), a global consumerist
culture as represented, for example, by the US, based on the unbridled spread of
capitalism, erasing local difference into a ‘larger Americanization of the world’
(Rieff 1993: 77), threatening the sacred space of other beliefs and other world
views, the events of September 11, 2001 will, for some people in the world, have
a very different meaning from that which they have in the location where they
happened. The empty space on which New York’s World Trade Center once stood
is perhaps the most powerful, and also poignant, space of that particular version
of global culture. Yet there are other versions and interpretations of this term and
it is these that I discuss in Chapter 2.
I first heard of what was to become known as the attack on the World
Trade Center on National Public Radio at about 8.55 am on the morning of
September 11, 2001. Later that day, NPR decided to relay reports on the
events from the BBC World Service. The correspondent (whose remarks, but not
name, I noted) spoke of an attack ‘on the key symbols of American economic
and political power’ and later, making specific reference to the World Trade
Center’s twin towers and the Pentagon, referred to ‘the key symbols of America’s
financial power’ and ‘a symbol of America’s might’. Quite apart from the horror
at learning of these events there was also, for me, an uncanny feeling of
prescience. Some five years earlier, following the first attack on the World Trade
Center (1993), I had written an article on the symbolic function of tall buildings,
particularly the phenomenon of ‘the tallest building in the world’, drawing
attention to the fact that, in the contemporary post-Cold War era, the site
of growing international conflict had been displaced from the traditional terri-
torial frontiers of the nation-state to the space of large symbolic buildings in the
city. My intention was to show not only how the signifiying function of build-
ings was a neglected topic in social and cultural theory but also how buildings,
whether blown up or knocked down, were increasingly becoming the instru-
ments for political protest. A year before 9/11 I had written elsewhere ‘Now
. . . that Manhattan was itself largely a heap of ruins . . .’ (King 2000b). It is this
theme, therefore, concerning the use made by nations, cities, corporations and
others, of high rise towers as signifiers of economic, political and cultural power,
with which I begin the book. I start with this chapter not only because of the
continuing topicality of the subject but also because, in a book about ‘global
cultures’, it also explores how particular ‘worlds’ are produced through the
construction of spectacular buildings and the discourses that are generated to
accompany them. And as a chapter that is only lightly theorized, it provides a
reader-friendly entry into the text.

xiv 
 Preface and Introduction 

THE SHAPE OF THE BOOK 111

2
A central aim of the Architext series in which this book is published is to bring 3
together ‘debates in social and cultural theory and the study and practice of 4
architecture and urban design’. In the first part of the book (Chapters 2–4) 5
I address some of these recent theoretical debates, specifically, on the topics of 6
global culture(s), postcolonial knowledges and ideas about modernity. The aim 7
of these chapters is to provide theoretical resources on which to draw (or alter- 8
natively, theoretical generalizations which can be interrogated) when discussing 9
the more empirical and historical chapters in the second part. These chapters 10
(6 through 10) can be treated as case studies of the way different kinds of 1
contemporary modernity are being produced in architectural and urban form in 2
the suburbs of various cities worldwide, including: India, particularly Delhi; China, 13
particularly Beijing; the US, particularly Washington DC; Indonesia, particularly 4
Jakarta; and historically, Britain; and how these forms are being influenced by 5
transnational processes. 6
In the first of these, Chapter 6, which addresses features which, in certain 7
ways, can be found in all the cases, I introduce the concept of the supraurb (or 8
suprurb) or globurb. In contradistinction to the suburb, which refers to spatial, 9
cultural and architectural developments arising from and dependent on an 201
adjoining city, the suprurb or globurb manifests spatial, cultural and architectural 1
developments originating from locations not only outside or away from the ‘indi- 2
genous’ city but often, from outside the country itself. 3
In writing about ‘global culture’ and ‘globalization’ interdisciplinarity has 4
to be taken for granted. Chapter 2, on the topic of global culture(s) draws largely 5
on a literature from sociology, anthropology and cultural studies; Chapter 3, on 6
postcolonial knowledges, from interdisciplinary postcolonial studies, though also 7
from cultural geography and architecture; Chapter 4, on modernity, from soci- 8
9
ology, art history and anthropology. In Chapter 5, I make use of some of these
30
ideas to discuss their relevance in providing frameworks for studying the history
1
of transnational urban planning.
2
Compared to the earlier chapters in Part Two, Chapter 10 is more specific-
3
ally historical and empirical. In this, I make use of a more conventional architec-
4
tural history to explore the apparent contradictions between the practices of
5
specific early twentieth century architects sympathetic to the ‘Arts and Crafts’
6
movement, which is generally represented as a manifestation of a distinctive
7
‘national English culture’, and the world of high imperialism in which some of 8
them actually worked. In contrast to the more theoretical and generalized themes 9
in earlier chapters, in this I discuss specific historical places, subjects and events in 40
the late nineteenth and early twentieth century world created by the overlapping 41
spaces of imperialism, culture and architecture. 42
Part Three consists of one chapter. Academic work is often seen as 43
‘scientific’, where the author, as subject, is removed from the text. Yet writing is 44
essentially a personal experience, even though that fact is rarely, if ever, acknow- 45
ledged. And personal experience is informed, amongst other things, by our work, 46
homes, travel, ways of seeing and knowing, a variety of social networks, memory 47
and, not least, serendipity. Here, I put the author back in the text in order to 48
provide the reader with some insights into how, why, as well as where and when, 491

xv 
 Preface and Introduction 

I became interested in the themes of this book and possibly why the argument
follows the shape that it does.
While the chapters can be read sequentially, they can also be read at
random as each was originally written to be complete in itself. For readers less
interested in theoretical issues, or others who might find them heavy going, they
may start with the case studies and, if interested, return to those in Part One
later. For readers tempted to take a more ‘personal’ approach, they might start
with the semi-autobiographical essay of Chapter 11, though as this picks up on
ideas and issues discussed earlier, they may find a conventional ‘beginning-to-
end’ reading more satisfactory. As should be clear from the first paragraph in
this Preface, the origins of this book came out of a ‘straightforward’ historical
study. Only subsequently was I lead into investigating some of the theoretical
issues it posed.
The book has a number of themes which are set out at the beginning of
each chapter. A central theme in the case studies, however, is the examination
of architectural and building cultures as they are affected by transnational
processes. What are the social and cultural effects of transplanting particular
architecture cultures (including particular building typologies and their exterior as
well as interior design) from one cultural location to another? What are the larger
political, social and economic forces within which this happens? How are these
different invasive practices accepted, resisted, rejected, indigenized and hybrid-
ized? Mostly, my case studies are concerned, first, with describing what is
happening in specific places, and second, with speculating about the social and
cultural effects on the multiple identities of subjects or larger social formations.
In general, much of the book addresses buildings as embodying social institu-
tions, their physical exteriors and the effects of the image of these buildings in
transmitting – under particular conditions – certain symbolic messages. Unlike in
some of my earlier books (and in other works published in the Architext series),
I give less attention here to their internal spatial structure, not least because, as
I indicate elsewhere, the interpretation of the social and cultural aspects of the
changes being introduced would require a different type of research. I am more
concerned here with how built form, urban space and, in cases, architectural
style, convey, under certain conditions, social and political meanings of power,
status and identity.

Binghamton
October 2003

NOTE
1 In January 1990, the database in my own university library listed a mere 254 entries
under ‘global’. By June 1996, this number had increased almost ninefold to some
2,200 entries. Six years later (June 2002), it stood at just over 5,900, suggesting that
it was the first half of the 1990s when the initial surge of scholarly interest in ‘the
global’ took place. By June 2004, the figure was just over 7,000.

xvi 
Acknowledgments 111
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1
2
I would especially like to thank four people for help of various kinds. Abidin 13
Kusno’s insightful and perceptive comments on all the chapters, including 4
earlier versions, have been invaluable throughout the writing of the book. 5
Architext co-editor, Tom Markus, in addition to sharing many fruitful exchanges 6
over the last few years, has also read the entire manuscript and provided many 7
pertinent and insightful suggestions. Deryck Holdsworth’s comments on Chapters 8
1, 10 and 11 (as well as his generally wise and sound counsel) have added 9
greatly to the final product. Ursula King was instrumental in enabling the field- 201
work undertaken for Chapter 7, provided valuable input for Chapters 4 and 11, 1
kept me supplied with innumerable newspaper cuttings over the years and, 2
in other ways far too numerous to mention, has contributed immeasurably to 3
the completion of the book. 4
Most of the chapters that follow began as conference papers or invited 5
talks, some of which were subsequently published in less accessible journals 6
and formats. In bringing them together I have, with two exceptions (Chapters 7
3, 8) totally rewritten, updated and developed these earlier versions, taking into 8
account new research and publications. Earlier versions of Chapter 1 were 9
presented at the second Theory, Culture and Society conference, Berlin, in August 30
1995, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 1995, and the Graduate 1
Institute of Building and Planning, National Taiwan University, Taipei, January 2
1996. Many thanks to Ping Hui Liao, Stephen Chan and Chu-joe Hsia for their 3
kind invitations and hospitality. The paper was also read in the graduate 4
class (‘Imaging the World as One: Pre-Modern Representations of the Global’) of 5
my colleague, Charles Burroughs. For his invitation, his bibliographic assistance, 6
and many conversations over the years, my many thanks to Charles on this 7
occasion. The present chapter is a greatly revised and developed version of a 8
paper published in Planning Perspectives 11, 1996. Chapter 2 began as a short 9
essay (translated in German) in E. Barlosius, E. Kursat-Ahlers and H.-P. Walhoff 40
(eds) Distanzierte Verstrickungen: Die ambivalente Bindung sociologisch 41
Forschender an ihren Gegenstand, Berlin 1997, a festschrift for Professor Peter 42
Gleichmann. Extensively revised, this was given as a paper to our departmental 43
seminar, VizCult, in Fall 2002 at the invitation of my colleague, Tom McDonough. 44
I would like to thank Tom and all my departmental colleagues and also graduate 45
students (and many others over the years) for their contributions and especially, 46
the members of my Fall 2002 graduate class, ‘Writing Transnational Space’, with 47
whom most of these ideas were discussed. Chapter 3 began as a short com- 48
mentary in a special issue of Historical Geography 29, 1999 on ‘Colonial 491

xvii 
 Acknowledgments 

Geographies’, subsequently re-written and developed for the Handbook of

Cultural Geography (2003). Apart from minor changes, it appears here in the
same form. I am particularly grateful to Jane Jacobs, and editors Steve Pile and
Nigel Thrift for their useful suggestions in writing this. Chapter 4 was given as
a paper to the first Theory, Culture and Society conference (Silver Springs,
Pennsylvania) and revised (with helpful suggestions from Roland Robertson) for
publication in M. Featherstone, S. Lash and R. Robertson (eds) Global Moderni-
ties (1995). While there has been a narrowing of the gap between ‘humanities’
and ‘social science’ interpretations of ideas of ‘modernity’ in recent years, I believe
the arguments in this (much revised and updated) version of that paper are
still sufficiently valid to be worth including. The paper also includes parts from
an invited lecture given to the Biennial Conference of the German Social Anthro-
pological Association, Göttingen (Fall 2001), subsequently published (in German)
in B. Hauser-Schaublin and U. Brankamper (eds) Ethnologie der Globalisierung:
Perspektiven Kultureller Verflechtungen (2002). I would like to express my
thanks to the organizers for their invitation and to Georg Elwert, Verena Stolke
and other conferees for their comments. Chapter 5 developed from a talk for
a conference on ‘Imported and Exported Urbanism’, at the American University
of Beirut, December 1998. Parts of the chapter draw on an introduction to
five papers from that conference published in City and Society 12, 1, 2000 and
also from an essay in J. Nasr and M. Volait (eds) Urbanism: Imported or Exported?
Native Aspirations and Foreign Plans (2003). I am much indebted to Joe Nasr
and Mercedes Volait for their invitation and for their many helpful comments on
my paper.
Chapter 6 began as a paper for a conference in Istanbul, ‘Global Flows/
Local Fissures: Urban Antagonisms Revisited’ in 1998 and subsequently published
in WP: Working Papers in Local Government and Democracy 2, 1999; my thanks
are due to Caglar Keyder and Ayşe Öncü for the invitation to that conference.
Other parts of the chapter are adapted from the Gordon Cherry Memorial Lecture
at the 9th International Planning History Conference in Helsinki, 2000 and
published in Planning History 22, 3, 2001. I would like to extend my thanks to
the organizers of that conference. Chapter 7 is based partly on material gath-
ered in Beijing during a visit in Summer 2000. For arranging visits to various
‘luxury’ housing developments in Beijing, I am greatly indebted to Virginia Wang
and for additional material on villa developments in Shanghai and Guang Dong,
and also for comments on my chapter, I owe my thanks to Yunxiang (Sam) Liang.
I am also grateful to Hugh Raffles and Lisa Rofel, Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Santa Cruz, and the Center for Cultural Studies there
for the opportunity to present some of this research at their workshop, ‘Place,
Locality and Globalization’ in October 2000. An earlier version of Chapter 8 was
given at the ‘Cities, Space, Globalization’ conference, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor, and published in H. Dandekar (ed.) City, Space and Globalization (1998).
It was subsequently extensively revised for a talk in the Global Affairs Institute,
Syracuse University and published in R. Grant and J. S. Short (eds) Globalization
and the Margins (2002). Many thanks to Hemalata Dandekar and also John Short
for their invitations on these occasions (and for permission to republish this), and
also David Page and Colonel C. B. Ramesh of Bangalore for their helpful
comments on this paper. Chapter 9 was first given as a paper at a conference,
‘City One: The Urban Experience in South Asia’, at SARAI, Delhi, in January 2003,

xviii 
 Acknowledgments 

and subsequently at the Global Affairs Institute, Syracuse University and the 111
Department of Sociology’s Workshop, ‘Understanding Transnational Dynamics’, 2
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, in Spring 2003. For their invitations to 3
these events and helpful insights, I am indebted to Ravi Sundaram, Deborah 4
Pellow, Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Narayani Gupta and Michael Goldman, and for 5
their thoughtful comments on the paper, Jyoti Hosagrahar, Deborah Pellow, Vini 6
Gupta and Anjuli Gupta. Faizan Ahmed was an outstanding guide round Old 7
Delhi. Chapter 10 was prompted by a visit to the University of British Columbia’s 8
Green College, Vancouver, in March 2003, including reading about the archi- 9
tecture of one of the College’s original houses, designed by Cecil Fox, a pupil of 10
the British Arts and Crafts architect, C. F. A. Voysey, and an early twentieth 1
century emigrant to Vancouver. I am very grateful to Penny Gurstein for this 2
invitation. The later part of the essay, revised and expanded, is developed from 13
a chapter in Roger Silverstone (ed.) Visions of Suburbia (1997). At the risk of 4
some repetition, my aim here has been to re-locate this essentially local material 5
(including some illustrations I have published before) within the larger global 6
context provided by the Indian, Chinese and other case studies discussed in the 7
previous chapters and the theoretical arguments developed earlier. Many thanks 8
both to Roger and also Greig Crysler for their comments on an earlier draft of 9
this (and to Greig, for innumerable stimulating conversations during his time 201
at Binghamton and subsequently) and especially, to Alan Crawford, for his 1
comments and suggestions on earlier and later versions of this chapter. Thanks 2
also to Wendy Hitchmough and Helen Brandon-Jones for help with illustrations. 3
The inspiration for Chapter 11 came from an essay by Janet Wolff whom I thank 4
for her helpful comments on this essay. Chris Focht, as always, has provided 5
outstanding photographic services and Bülent Batuman proved to be an expert 6
and indispensable computer consultant. My many thanks to both. I am also 7
grateful to the American Council of Learned Societies for a Fellowship in the mid 8
1990s enabling me to develop the foundations for this project. 9
In writing the book, I have been greatly helped by the always friendly, 30
expert and willing service at Binghamton University’s excellent library and also by 1
the admirably inter-disciplinary atmosphere on the campus. Though the names 2
of many friends and colleagues who, in different ways, have added to the intel- 3
lectual as well as practical completion of this project are too numerous to list, 4
I should particularly like to mention those at the Fernand Braudel Center and 5
the many graduate students who have participated in my classes over the years. 6
At Routledge, Caroline Mallinder and, especially, Helen Ibbotson, have provided 7
ready, willing and expert assistance. I am also much indebted to the editorial 8
department at Florence Production Ltd, in particular Claire Machin for some 9
meticulous proofreading. Finally, the continuous love and support (of many 40
different kinds) of all the members of our growing family have, with the benefit 41
of email, snail mail, telephone and transatlantic flights, been of immeasurable 42
importance in the completion of the book. The responsibility for what follows 43
is, needless to say, entirely my own. 44
45
46
47
48
491

xix 
PART ONE 111
2
3
Theories 4
5
6
7
8
9
10
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2
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5
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7
8
9
201
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491

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