John the Blind Audelay: Poems and Carols - Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 302 (Middle English Texts Series) Susanna Greer Fein Kindle & PDF Formats
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John the Blind Audelay
Poems and Carols
(Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 302)
p Middle English Texts Series p
General Editor
Russell A. Peck, University of Rochester
Associate Editor
Alan Lupack, University of Rochester
Assistant Editor
John H. Chandler, University of Rochester
Advisory Board
Theresa Coletti Michael Livingston
University of Maryland The Citadel
Rita Copeland R. A. Shoaf
University of Pennsylvania University of Florida
Susanna Fein Lynn Staley
Kent State University Colgate University
Thomas G. Hahn Paul E. Szarmach
University of Rochester The Medieval Academy of America
David A. Lawton Bonnie Wheeler
Washington University in St. Louis Southern Methodist University
The Middle English Texts Series is designed for classroom use. Its goal is to make available to teachers
and students texts that occupy an important place in the literary and cultural canon but have not
been readily available in student editions. The series does not include those authors, such as Chaucer,
Langland, or Malory, whose English works are normally in print in good student editions. The focus
is, instead, upon Middle English literature adjacent to those authors that teachers need in compiling the
syllabuses they wish to teach. The editions maintain the linguistic integrity of the original work but
within the parameters of modern reading conventions. The texts are printed in the modern alphabet
and follow the practices of modern capitalization, word formation, and punctuation. Manuscript
abbreviations are silently expanded, and u/v and j/i spellings are regularized according to modern
orthography. Yogh (h) is transcribed as g, gh, y, or s, according to the sound in Modern English
spelling to which it corresponds; thorn (þ) and eth (ð) are transcribed as th. Distinction between the
second person pronoun and the definite article is made by spelling the one thee and the other the,
and final -e that receives full syllabic value is accented (e.g., charité). Hard words, difficult phrases,
and unusual idioms are glossed on the page, either in the right margin or at the foot of the page.
Explanatory and textual notes appear at the end of the text, often along with a glossary. The editions
include short introductions on the history of the work, its merits and points of topical interest, and
brief working bibliographies.
Edited by
Susanna Fein
ISBN 978-1-58044-131-5
eISBN 978-1-58044-444-6
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix
INTRODUCTION 1
SALUTATIONS
XXVIII. DEVOTIONS TO JESUS AND MARY HIS MOTHER 147
Salutation to Jesus for Mary’s Love 147
Prayer Rubric 151
Prayer on the Joys of the Virgin 151
Instructions for Prayer 8 151
XXIX. OTHER DEVOTIONS TO MARY 152
Salutation to Mary 152
Gabriel’s Salutation to the Virgin 155
XXX. SONG OF THE MAGNIFICAT 156
XXXI. SALUTATION TO SAINT BRIDGET 159
XXXII. DEVOTIONS TO SAINT WINIFRED 164
Saint Winifred Carol 164
Salutation to Saint Winifred 169
Latin Verse Prayer Virgo pia Wynfryda 171
Latin Prose Prayer Deus qui beatam virginem tuam Wenfrydam 171
XXXIII. DEVOTIONS TO SAINT ANNE 171
Salutation to Saint Anne 171
Latin Prose Prayer Deus qui beatam Annam 172
XXXIIII. MEDITATION ON THE HOLY FACE 173
Latin Instructions Quicumque hanc salutacionem 173
Drawing of the Holy Face on the Vernicle 173
Salutation to the Holy Face 173
Latin Prose Prayer Deus qui nobis signatum vultis 174
CAROLS
XXXV. CAROL SEQUENCE 175
Instructions for Reading 3 175
Carol 1. Ten Commandments 175
Carol 2. Seven Deadly Sins 176
Carol 3. Seven Works of Mercy 177
Carol 4. Five Wits 178
Carol 5. Seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost 179
Carol 6. Day of the Nativity 180
Carol 7. Day of Saint Stephen 181
Carol 8. Day of Saint John the Evangelist 182
Carol 9. Day of the Holy Innocents 184
Carol 10. Saint Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury 185
Carol 11. Day of the Lord’s Circumcision 186
Carol 12. King Henry VI 188
Carol 13. Four Estates 190
Carol 14. Childhood 192
Carol 15. Day of Epiphany 193
Carol 16. Saint Anne Mother of Mary 195
Carol 17. Jesus Flower of Jesse’s Tree 196
Carol 18. Joys of Mary 198
Carol 19. Mary Flower of Women 200
Carol 20. Chastity for Mary’s Love 201
Carol 21. Virginity of Maids 202
Carol 22. Chastity of Wives 203
Carol 23. Love of God 204
Carol 24. Dread of Death 206
Carol 25. Saint Francis 208
MEDITATIVE CLOSE
XXXVI. DEVOTIONAL PROSE 211
Instructions for Reading 4 211
The Sins of the Heart 211
Over-Hippers and Skippers 213
An Honest Bed 213
XXXVII. PATERNOSTER 216
XXXVIII. THREE DEAD KINGS 218
LATIN POEM CUR MUNDUS MILITAT SUB VANA GLORIA 222
AUDELAY’S CONCLUSION 224
BIBLIOGRAPHY 373
GLOSSARY 383
This page intentionally left blank
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This edition, the first to present John Audelay’s book in its entirety, owes its existence
to the support and encouragement of many colleagues. My first debt is to Russell Peck and
Derek Pearsall, who urged me to undertake it. Familiar as I was with Audelay, it had not
occurred to me to edit his book until I was told it had to be done. Eventually I saw that they
were right.
Audelay’s opus is both rich and complex, and I find it necessary to sort these
acknowledgments in accordance with the chaplain’s own varied design. I have benefited
often from the wisdom of those who know individual texts well, and I remain deeply grateful
to have had ready access to the generosity and profound learning that typifies the
community of medievalists. Concerning the fascinating Piers-type poem Marcolf and Solomon,
I have had several rewarding discussions with Richard Firth Green, Derek Pearsall, and
James Simpson, and I am grateful to Fiona Somerset, Emily Steiner, and Lawrence Warner
for the welcome my work received at the 2007 Piers Plowman Conference in Philadelphia.
More broadly, regarding the multiple contents of The Counsel of Conscience, my knowledge
was enhanced by conversations and correspondences with Ann Astell, Robert Easting,
Robert Meyer-Lee, Ann Nichols, Veronica O’Mara, Oliver Pickering, Sue Powell, and
Martha Rust. In working on Audelay’s salutations section, I received valuable feedback from
Martha Driver, Sr. Mary Clemente Davlin, Ann Hutchinson, Melissa Jones, Miri Rubin, and
Christina von Nolcken, and I was honored to present portions of my findings at the
Devotion before Print Conference, University of Chicago, in April 2006. For Audelay’s carol
collection, I have gained much in conversations with Julia Boffey and John Hirsh. For the
devotional prose, I am indebted most of all to Ian Doyle, who generously answered my first
letters to him about the Audelay manuscript and its scribes more than a decade ago.
Regarding Three Dead Kings and its companion Paternoster, my debts are more widespread
than can be recounted here, but they include support and advice from Larry Benson, the
late Morton Bloomfield, Hoyt Duggan, Ruth Kennedy, Ashby Kinch, Sophie Oosterwijk, Ad
Putter, Eric Stanley, Thorlac Turville-Petre, and Kathryn Vulic. In sharing with me a desire
to see Audelay situated in his times, I must mention Michael Bennett, whose historical
investigations have given literary scholars a better sense of where to begin.
Other medievalists who have made a difference in my thinking about Audelay include
Tony Edwards, Alan Fletcher, Maureen Jurkowski, Michael Kuczynski, Linne Mooney,
Glending Olson, Helen Phillips, and Edward Wheatley, as well as several others with whom
I work in near proximity at Kent State University: Radd Ehrman, Elizabeth Howard, Kristen
Figg, John Block Friedman, Catherine Rock, and Isolde Thyret. To Radd I owe special
gratitude and respect as a resourceful, ever-cheerful comrade in securing accurate
translations and sources of Audelay’s Latin. It is his translation of Cur mundus militat that
ix
x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
appears in this edition, and his learning graces the Latin translations throughout; any errors
that remain are wholly my own responsibility. I also thank my student Daryl Green.
I have been blessed with generous institutional support for this project. The Kent State
Research Council has granted me research release time as well as funds for travel to libraries
in the United Kingdom. The Institute for Bibliography and Editing along with the English
Department have given me moral and material support. The Middle English Texts Series
staff in Rochester — particularly John H. Chandler, Valerie Johnson, Michael Livingston, and
Russell Peck — have offered expert assistance and advice at every turn. I am also indebted to
Alan Lupack, who served as another editorial reader. I thank the helpful librarians at the
Bodleian Library (particularly Greg Colley and Tricia Buckingham), British Library, Kent
State University Library, Oberlin College Library (particularly Ed Vermue), Ohio State
University Library, and Stonyhurst College Library. I am grateful, too, to the National
Endowment for the Humanities for its generous support of the TEAMS editions, and to
editor Patricia Hollahan and the staff of Medieval Institute Publications, who are always a
pleasure to work with.
A personal note of gratitude goes to my family: to Carolyn, who typed carols into the
computer at an early phase of the project; to Elizabeth, who provided me with visuals for
an Audelay presentation on short notice; to Jonathan, who likes to suggest that the chaplain-
poet’s surname is oddly apt; and a profound thank you, as ever, to David.
INTRODUCTION
The book is finished. Praise and glory be to Christ. The book is called The Counsel of Conscience, thus
is it named, or The Ladder of Heaven and the Life of Eternal Salvation. This book was composed by
John Audelay, chaplain, who was blind and deaf in his affliction, to the honor of our Lord Jesus Christ
and to serve as a model for others in the monastery of Haughmond. In the year 1426 A.D. May God
be propitious to his soul. (Finito libro colophon; MS Douce 302, fol. 22vb; translated from
Latin.)
Whose end is good, is himself entirely good. The book is finished. Praise and glory be to Christ. No
man remove this book, nor cut out any leaf, for I tell you, sirs, it would be a sacrilege! Be
accursed in this deed, truly! If you wish to have any copy, ask permission, and you shall have
[it], to pray for him especially who made it to save your souls, John the Blind Audelay. He
was the first priest of Lord Lestrange [assigned] to this chantry, here in this place, who made
this book by God’s grace — deaf, sick, blind, as he lay. May God be propitious to his soul.
(Audelay’s Conclusion, lines 40–52, MS Douce 302, fol. 34ra–b; translated from Latin and Mid-
dle English.)
Almost everything known about John the Blind Audelay, capellanus, is contained in the
medieval book edited here, Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Douce 302. The passages quoted
above conclude two of its sections. They highlight a prominent feature of the book, that is,
how often it is stamped with the name of Audelay, as if to preserve his worldly memory and
ensure prayers for his soul’s salvation. But such recurrent passages, taken as contemporary
comments, are not without ambiguity. Does the closing benediction — “Cuius anime
propicietur Deus” (May God be propitious to his soul) — indicate that Audelay was already
dead when the scribe wrote it? Or is Audelay himself directing the scribe’s actions and
overseeing this commemorative performance on his own behalf? The answer would seem
to be the latter, that Audelay is still alive and close at hand, because the Middle English
portion of the second passage (rendered above in roman font) is composed in Audelay’s
favored 13-line stanza and dotted with his distinctive tags of moral admonition (“I tell you,
sirs, . . . truly!”). At the same time, the portrait of John the Blind Audelay drawn in this
stanza is set eerily in past tense, as if the poet were imagining himself as already a dead man
lying supine on his deathbed (“He was . . . he lay”).
The persistent naming of John the Blind Audelay in MS Douce 302 works overall to
make the book identifiable as an anthology of the collected works of an early fifteenth-cen-
tury poet. Poets in medieval England were virtually never broadcast by name in the way seen
here. This aspect of the Audelay manuscript represents something different and novel, and
it begs for an explanation, especially since most poetry of the period comes wrapped in blank
papers, that is, without any degree of scribal attribution or authorial self-naming. The creator
of the Audelay manuscript clearly relishes self-ascription. Audelay’s name appears sixteen
times on thirty-five vellum leaves, fourteen of those instances in Middle English verse and
1
2 POEMS AND CAROLS
two in Latin prose (in the colophon cited at the head of this introduction and the incipit of
a poem honoring Saint Bridget). The instances in Latin might have been provided by a
scribe, but, considering the general manner of the book, we may safely assume that they too
belong with the poet’s overt agenda of declaring his name from the leaves of a book.
The development of what has been called “the author collection” is a subject of some
interest as literary scholars seek to know how the sense of an “author” as an entity of author-
ized authority — that is, as a named writer whose works would merit an anthology — grad-
ually came into being in England sometime during the late fourteenth or early fifteenth cen-
tury. The evidence varies, of course, as one examines the various manuscripts containing
the attributed and nonattributed works of different writers — Chaucer, Hoccleve, Lydgate,
Gower, Langland, the anonymous works of Cotton Nero A.x. — and it differs according to
the criteria one chooses. One may, for example, examine an author’s own statements. When
in the lyric “Adam Scriveyn” Chaucer puts a curse upon the scribe who would miswrite his
words, he asserts as an author that his precise words do matter.1 In Troilus and Criseyde Chau-
cer pens another plea that his words not be altered:
Ralph Hanna calls Chaucer’s “awareness of the ways he might be misunderstood” both “fas-
tidious” and “prescient,”2 for it little agrees with the way medieval texts were typically repro-
duced with some indifference to textual variation.
The question of ascription may also be approached from the other end; that is, instead
of thinking about authorial authentication before the accidents of production, one may ex-
amine manuscripts for clues as to how an “anthologizing” impulse came to be exhibited by
compilers or scribes, with works variously attached to the names of their creators. From this
angle, the concept of Chaucer as an author to be named and collected in one place was not
as transparently simple as one might think. In the first decades after Chaucer’s death, the
idea does not seem, in A. S. G. Edwards’s wry phrase, “to have commended itself readily to
posterity.”3 Given the scarcity of direct attributions to Chaucer and the frequent mixing in
of Chaucerian and non-Chaucerian texts, Edwards concludes that “closed authorial collec-
tions of Chaucer’s works seem atypical: the more general anthologizing tendency was to
1
See especially Hanna’s chapter “Presenting Chaucer as Author,” pp. 174–94, in Pursuing History.
For other statements on medieval authorship and authority, see Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship;
and Machan’s chapter “Authority,” pp. 93–135, in Textual Criticism. Our view of Chaucer’s relation
to his scribe — perhaps identifiable as Adam Pinkhurst — is now much more historically nuanced as
a result of the exacting paleographical research of Mooney, “Chaucer’s Scribe.”
2
Hanna, Pursuing History, p. 175.
3
Edwards, “Fifteenth-Century Middle English Verse Author Collections,” p. 102; for Edwards’
discussion of Audelay, see p. 105. Attention has been paid in recent years to clarifying how medieval
anthologies differ from miscellanies. On this question, see, e.g., S. Nichols and Wenzel, Whole Book;
Lerer, “Medieval English Literature and the Idea of the Anthology”; and Fein, Studies in the Harley
Manuscript.
INTRODUCTION 3
mingle his own works with those of the emergent Chaucerian tradition, linking him with
Hoccleve, Clanvowe, Ros, and particularly Lydgate.”4
Against the backdrop of an emergent English literary tradition, the contents of MS
Douce 302, the Audelay manuscript, might seem inconsequential. Yet, in assessing how liter-
ary authorship was perceived and how books contributed to a budding culture of vernacular
canonicity, one must acknowledge the exceptional status that MS Douce 302 holds among
author collections of its day. Produced at a time when the authority of English writers was
still in flux, the Audelay manuscript stands at counterpoint to the prevailing trend to treat
attributions casually. As a book that ascribes texts with insistence to a contemporary English
author, it becomes a living account of what authority and authorship meant in a localized,
datable setting in medieval England.
There are, moreover, many other reasons for scholars of medieval English poetry to
read John Audelay’s book. His idiosyncratic devotional tastes, interesting personal life
history, and declared political affiliations — loyalty to king, upholder of estates, anxiety over
heresy — make him worthy of careful study beside his better-known contemporaries, for
example, John Lydgate, Thomas Hoccleve, and Margery Kempe, all of whom are objects
of recent renewed attention.5 Of particular note: MS Douce 302 preserves Audelay’s own
alliterative Marcolf and Solomon, a poem thought to be descended from Langland’s Piers
Plowman, though the nature of that relationship still requires better definition and better
historical-geographical situating. The Audelay manuscript also contains unique copies of
other alliterative poems of the ornate style seen in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and The
Pistel of Swete Susan. These pieces are Paternoster and Three Dead Kings, both set at the end
of the book. Whether or not they are Audelay’s own compositions, they seem certain to be
his own selections, arranged in his anthology at a deliberate point for a decisive purpose,
that is, a sober meditation upon endings and death. Furthermore, to judge from the range
of verse styles in his book, Audelay was an aficionado of metrical variety and musical form.
In this regard, Audelay deserves keener recognition for his ordered collection of twenty-five
carols — not only because a sequence of this kind is rare but also because several individual
carols rank high among all medieval verse of this type. Audelay displays a persistent habit
of sequencing materials in generic and devotionally affective ways. His is a pious sensibility
delicately honed by reverence for liturgy and by an awe of God (and his saints) worshipped
by ritual. This aesthetic is perhaps most evident in Audelay’s salutations sequence, where he
is working in a genre little recognized for its artistic capabilities, and never before noted for
its sequential possibilities. That Audelay’s poetry can awaken us to new poetic sensitivities
in medieval devotional verse is reason enough to bring him into the ambit of canonical
fifteenth-century English poets.
The autobiographical element in many MS Douce 302 items is most poignantly featured
in the important poems Audelay’s Epilogue to The Counsel of Conscience and Audelay’s Conclusion.
These works provide revealing hints of a contrition-wracked soul moved to make open
declarations of himself as penitent chaplain, instructor of soulehele, and divinely inspired
4
Edwards, “Fifteenth-Century Middle English Verse Author Collections,” p. 103.
5
See Fein, “John Audelay and His Book.”
4 POEMS AND CAROLS
author. In signing his verse, Audelay patents a trademark stanza that blends penitential
modesty with egotistical assertion.6 A typical version appears in Our Lord’s Epistle on Sunday:
In this stanza Audelay denies that he is the true maker of the content. It is instead derived
from an inspired source — God, or (in other versions) Anselm, Paul, or the Holy Spirit.
Nonetheless, the stanza always ends with an emphasis upon the poetic maker’s name, “the
Blynd Awdlay,” after a statement that he, Audelay (with an emphatic “I”), did make the
verse with “good entent.”
The passages naming John the Blind Audelay are copied by both of Audelay’s two
scribes, indicating that they were knowledgeable accomplices in a program to preserve the
chaplain-poet’s name for posterity. Taking close notice of their shared labor helps to eluci-
date another ambiguity that hovers about the book’s biographical passages. How can it be
that Audelay “made” this book if he was, as he often attests, deaf and blind? Scholars agree
that this book, MS Douce 302, is the very codex referred to by Audelay when he writes that
he “made this bok by Goddus grace, / Deeff, sick, blynd” (Audelay’s Conclusion, line 51). Thus
the book itself serves as witness to the conditions of authorial production, and it may even
betray signs of the writing process itself. Although Audelay tells readers repeatedly that he
suffers disabilities of hearing and sight, it is inconceivable that he was both wholly blind and
wholly deaf during the process of making the book. He would have been, however, very
much dependent on his two scribes, and completion of the project probably required a
blended process of copying from exemplars, reading aloud, and correcting both by dictation
and by reference to written papers. Ultimately, then, the codicological side of the Audelay
manuscript is about observing the joint operations of three men who transformed Audelay’s
collected works into a physical book. They are:
First, Audelay himself, a secular chaplain retired to a chantry priesthood at Haughmond Ab-
bey in Shropshire, who planned and directed production of an anthology consisting of texts
he had authored in the broadest medieval sense of authorship — that is, created from
6
He follows this template five times in The Counsel of Conscience. The other instances are The Rem-
edy of Nine Virtues, lines 77–89, Visiting the Sick and Consoling the Needy, lines 378–90, The Vision of Saint
Paul, lines 353–65, and Audelay’s Epilogue to The Counsel of Conscience, lines 495–507, and he crafts
variations of it elsewhere.
INTRODUCTION 5
Second, Scribe A, probably a monk at Haughmond, who executed Audelay’s basic plan,
copying all but the last two texts in Audelay’s prescribed order, but leaving spaces for most
of the titles (incipits) and endings (explicits), and occasionally leaving gaps where his copy
was defective. Scribe A copied virtually all the signatures that occur within Audelay’s verse
compositions, so we know that he had direct access to Audelay’s conceptual plan (that is, the
living poet) and Audelay’s papers.
Third, Scribe B, probably another monk at Haughmond, who had the subsequent oversight
task of putting in the finishing touches. He added — in red ink — incipits, explicits, textual
pointers, small initials, and instructional couplets composed in tones that sound exactly like
Audelay. He also added — in blue and red ink — large initials and top-of-column numerals,
providing a visual ordinatio. Scribe B completed several texts left in a tentative state by Scribe
A, proofread and corrected the entire book, and extended the length of the book by adding
the two final items. He redacted the biographical passages cited above and put in other pas-
sages featuring Audelay’s name. Thus Scribe B also had direct access to Audelay and his
papers.7
7
For delineation of the division of scribal labor, see the explanatory notes on each text.
8
Fein, “Good Ends,” p. 98n3.
9
Lines 1–5, my translation. See Peacock, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, p. 1.
6 POEMS AND CAROLS
Ending upon another note evocative of Mirk’s Instructions for Parish Priests, the poet then asks
for prayers on his behalf and bequeaths the book to future readers for their spiritual benefit.10
Almost all of what we know about John the Blind Audelay is contained within the boards
of MS Douce 302. We are fortunate, though, to have one life-record for Audelay that is
external to the manuscript. A court document from London, dated April 1417, enumerates
the members of Lord Richard Lestrange’s retinue and includes the name of his chaplain,
John Audelay.11 This detail matches the information found in Audelay’s Conclusion. From the
circumstances of this record, we gain a glimpse of Audelay’s earlier life as a secular cleric who
traveled routinely to the capital in company with his patron. In this instance, the London
stay had a tragic outcome, with Lestrange committing and being arraigned for a high crime:
inciting a violent brawl in a London parish church, St. Dunstan’s-in-the-East, on Easter
Sunday, with a knight severely wounded and an innocent parishioner killed. For this
violation of God’s house on its most sacred day, Lestrange was jailed in the Tower and then
ordered to do penance in the streets of London, walking barefoot and in a plain shift with
his wife beside him, and followed by his retinue — including, presumably, his chaplain —
from St. Dunstan’s to St. Paul’s Cathedral. The notoriety and shame of this public spectacle
certainly dealt a blow to Lestrange, whose reputation in posterity rests on little else, and it
must also have set an indelible blot upon the conscience of John Audelay, Lestrange’s
spiritual advisor. Since the discovery in 1982 of Audelay’s part in this well-known scandal,
most scholars accept that Audelay’s penitential cast bears the scars of this episode of spiritual
and social trauma. Its effect on Audelay seems evident in his incessant expressions of contri-
tion and penance, as well as in his oft-repeated conviction that his ailments are visitations
from God, signs of divine punishment now and hoped-for mercy later.
The known facts about the life of John the Blind Audelay may be set out in brief space.
In the 1410s and 1420s he was chaplain to Lord Lestrange of Knockin, Shropshire, and
after a secular career in service to his patron, dishonorably marked by the shame of 1417,
he was appointed priest of the family chantry at nearby Haughmond Abbey, an Augustinian
house. Audelay calls himself the “furst prest” of the chantry, so his appointment would seem
to have been part of its initial endowment by Lestrange. Audelay need not have taken orders
as a monk to have been made one of the Haughmond community. His residence there would
have been a means by which Lestrange could provide him with a secure retirement after years
of active service. At the same time, Lestrange was purchasing the ongoing strength of the
chaplain’s prayers for the welfare of his own soul and those of family members, living and
deceased. Audelay’s role as chantry priest would have been to pray a specified number of
times for certain individuals, by name, on an ongoing quotidian basis. In this regard, the
preoccupation with naming that occurs in the Audelay manuscript is exceptionally pertinent
to Audelay’s daily existence.12
The making of the Audelay manuscript occurred during this period of Audelay’s life,
but parts of its contents, perhaps whole sections, were probably composed years before,
when Audelay’s vocation was as the master of religious instruction and devout entertainment
(that is, the singing of pious songs) within a secular household. One can see such materials
in each of its four parts — the quasi-liturgical sequences of prayers and indulgences in the
10
Peacock, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, pp. 59–60.
11
Bennett, “John Audley: Some New Evidence” and “John Audelay: Life Records.”
12
See Meyer-Lee, “Vatic Penitent.”
INTRODUCTION 7
acephalous penitential The Counsel of Conscience; the veneration of female saints and an in-
terest in their vitae in the Salutations; the convivial Carols, some of which are directed to wo-
men and seem meant for singing in a hall; and the Meditative Close, the part most congruent
with the codicological project of making a multi-section book that ends well, which is com-
prised of narrative, instructional, and allegorical texts that seem to target those in secular
life. Even as we may perceive the shades of this original audience, the book that survives de-
clares another group of readers. The Finito libro colophon asserts that the first section was
compiled “to serve as a model for others in the monastery of Haughmond.” So to under-
stand the reception of Audelay’s works, we must imagine different audiences in different
phases of Audelay’s life: the secular nobles of Audelay’s active career with Lord Lestrange;
the monks who surround him in his later life, when he devotes himself to the anthologizing
project; and perhaps, too, an ongoing reception by laity (such as Lestrange) who visit the
chantry and know about Audelay by past association, present reputation, or both.13
The year 1426, the only exact date found written in the folios of MS Douce 302, appears
in the Finito libro colophon, at a point two-thirds of the way into the manuscript, and it refers
only to The Counsel of Conscience. The date does not necessarily designate, therefore, the year
of the making of the whole manuscript or its textual elements. The copying of texts into MS
Douce 302, during which The Counsel of Conscience was teamed with other works, could have
occurred later than 1426. For example, it is plausible that Audelay’s King Henry VI was
written after 1426; if it was composed in celebration of the young king’s coronation, as
Rossell Hope Robbins assumes, then its date would be 1429 or 1431.14 On the other hand,
Marcolf and Solomon (the second work found in the manuscript) is usually ascribed a much
earlier date, that is, probably before 1414, because it seems to reflect the political climate
prior to the Oldcastle uprising.15 Numerous poems by Audelay, especially the carols, contain
borrowings from True Living (the first piece in MS Douce 302), so it may be that this item is
the oldest work in the book, and that the lost works copied before it were older still.16 The in-
ternal dating questions are thus complex, and the best we may do at this point in our knowl-
edge is assign an approximate range for the manuscript itself, c. 1426–31, because the colo-
phon date tells us neither the date of the book’s creation nor the year of Audelay’s death.
There is, moreover, evidence that the process for ending the book was a drawn-out one, oc-
curring three separate times: first, when Scribe A finished his copy; then later, when Scribe
B appended a Latin moral poem; and finally, when Scribe B inscribed the last poem — the
poet’s address to the reader. This sequence of endings suggests a poet who, living beyond
the book’s original conception, takes a continuing interest in its closing formulation.17
13
It is impossible to say how far Audelay’s influence or fame extended beyond the abbey walls.
Evidence in the book suggests that Audelay cultivated a persona as blind prophet and public penitent.
See Fein, “Good Ends,” pp. 101–03.
14
Robbins, Historical Poems of the XIVth and XVth Centuries, p. 108. See also the explanatory note
for King Henry VI, lines 63–64. A later date for this carol would also pertain to the entire carol
collection, for it is a composed set.
15
See explanatory notes to Marcolf and Solomon, lines 242, 501, and 503.
16
This possibility is suggested by Pickering in “Make-Up,” pp. 120, 131–32.
17
Fein, “Death and the Colophon in the Audelay Manuscript.”
8 POEMS AND CAROLS
The long colophon on fol. 22v gives the first section of Audelay’s anthology a dual title:
The Counsel of Conscience or The Ladder of Heaven and the Life of Eternal Salvation. These two
titles suggest the purpose of this first Audelay “book.” The chaplain Audelay urges readers
to cleanse their souls through contrition and confession, to submit humbly to priestly coun-
sel based in the teachings of Holy Church, and to advance steadily toward heaven through
a well-governed life of good deeds. The two titles (the second one abridged to The Ladder
of Heaven) also appear in the last work of The Counsel of Conscience, Audelay’s Epilogue to The
Counsel of Conscience (lines 417–18). While we thus know exactly where The Counsel of Con-
science ends, we cannot be sure, as Oliver Pickering has pointed out, just where it begins.18
The dual title does, however, characterize all the contents that survive before the colophon,
with an explicit theme of soulehele being raised as early as Marcolf and Solomon (lines 526,
798) and mentioned again in Audelay’s Epilogue to The Counsel of Conscience (line 105).19
The Counsel of Conscience seems a miscellaneous mix of texts because the genres con-
tained in it vary a good deal: prayer and Passion meditation, instructions on the mass and
tenets of the faith, salutation, pious exhortation, truth-telling voiced by God himself, and
even a semi-satiric admonition of the ecclesiastical orders. The poem of the last type is
Audelay’s Marcolf and Solomon, which is famously written in an alliterative style evocative of
Piers Plowman. Yet all works found in The Counsel of Conscience commonly preach with insist-
ence about penance, and they deliver this message in Audelay’s distinctive tones. Many texts
are based on models (Latin or English) that exist elsewhere, but still they are transmuted into
Audelay’s idiosyncratic voice. Taken together, the works in The Counsel of Conscience provide
a representative sampling of the variety of texts of popular devotion promulgated for lay
use in fifteenth-century England, and they are far too centered on the veneration of saints,
belief in indulgences, and orthodox pastoral practice to invite any sustainable charge of Lol-
lardy, which Audelay nonetheless earnestly denies.20
Audelay’s Counsel of Conscience contains, furthermore, several internal symmetries and
recurrent interests, which are evident particularly in its frequent evocations of Passion imagery
to be paired with thoughts of reverent things grouped by mystical number, especially the
number seven: seven bleedings, seven words on the cross, seven hours of the cross, often to
be blended penitentially with thoughts of the seven deadly sins, seven works of mercy, and
so on. Many prayers and devotions are grouped in quasi-liturgical sequences, with Audelay
poised as the chaplain who leads a congregation or an individual congregant. Study of the
many analogues and sources, as well as manuscript indicators, show that he ranged un-self-
consciously among a variety of compositional methods: translation from Latin to foster lay
understanding; free borrowings from other works and free elaborations; imaginative
metrical restylings, with a real preference for a distinctive 13-line stanza; knowledge of
many literary types, such as refrain poems and dream visions; original sequencings that mix
18
Pickering, “Make-Up,” p. 114.
19
See also Virtues of the Mass, line 3 (and explanatory note). “Sawlehele” is the title applied to the
Vernon MS by its compiler; see explanatory note to Audelay’s Epilogue to The Counsel of Conscience, line
105.
20
See explanatory notes to Marcolf and Solomon, lines 131–43, 501, 678–88, and to Audelay’s
Epilogue to The Counsel of Conscience, lines 248–60; and Fein, “Good Ends,” p. 100n9.
INTRODUCTION 9
old hymns and devotions with fresh instructions and prayers; authorial signposts and
marginal asides to readers; and so on.21
The unity of The Counsel of Conscience rests in its persistent method of instruction on how
to gain indulgence for one’s sin. The book is in essence a handbook for the remission of
sins, with sinfulness understood as a specific quantity of willfully evil deeds and thoughts
counted against one’s soul. Thus, penitential acts are needed to reduce the tally, which will
come to account when God affixes to each soul its final judgment. Audelay offers ways to
avoid hell, where there is no respite from pain other than the mercy offered on Sundays, as
explained in The Vision of Saint Paul. Hopeful that his readers will heed his warning and
escape hell’s tortures, Audelay offers additional advice on how, in this life, one may reduce
one’s term of agony in purgatory and thus hasten the way to heaven. Audelay’s guidelines
are literal and detailed, and they are based not only on Church teaching but on the author-
ity of exemplary churchmen who have offered such counsel through pious writings or specif-
ic prayers that would smooth the way. Thus Audelay’s emphasis upon words and authority
comes about not for the same reason that Chaucer asks readers and scribes to respect his
exact text, but because one is to pray certain words in certain ways in order to receive a spe-
cific quantity of remission. Sometimes the instructions are general, sometimes particularized,
but they are ever-present in the collected texts of The Counsel of Conscience, and always the
goal is clear and literal. In the first two works — the acephalous True Living (line 122) and
the alliterative Marcolf and Solomon (line 39) — we are told to please God and to keep his
commandments (i.e., follow his Word) to receive remission of sins.22 Then in the third work,
The Remedy of Nine Virtues, the ventriloquized voice of Christ counsels us to use our free will
wisely and to depend upon the assembled saints of heaven to pray for us:
Mary and the heavenly body of saints live in Audelay’s poem, and they await the call to pray
effectively to save souls.
The remaining texts of The Counsel of Conscience assert by authority of a named holy
presence that such-and-such action or prayer will grant him who is truly penitent an indul-
gence, which is said to be offered by ultimate authority of God. The first is a prayer on
Christ’s blood, requesting remission of sins: the reader is told to say this prayer every day
and worship every wound of Christ in order to gain a place in heaven; should he teach it to
another, his salvation will be secure (Seven Bleedings of Christ, lines 110–39). Next is the
Prayer on Christ’s Passion; he who says this prayer every day will gain remission of sins (lines
21
Two other manuscripts that appear to contain pastoral agendas similar to Audelay’s The Counsel
of Conscience are London, British Library MS Harley 3954 and Cambridge University Library MS Ii.4.9.
22
The interesting poem Marcolf and Solomon has often been seen as belonging to the Piers
Plowman tradition because of, for example, the appearance of Mede the Maiden and some apparent
verbal echoes; see the explanatory notes to Marcolf and Solomon, lines 490–95, 705, and 937–43. On
the Langland and Audelay connection, see especially Green, “Marcolf the Fool and Blind John
Audelay”; Simpson, “Saving Satire after Arundel’s Constitutions”; Pearsall, “Audelay’s Marcolf and
Solomon and the Langlandian Tradition”; and Green, “Langland and Audelay.”
10 POEMS AND CAROLS
37–42). Then appears The Psalter of the Passion, a sequence of Latin prayers with English in-
structions that explain how its recitation brings remission of sins. The first of these prayers,
the Latin hymn Anima Christi sanctifica me, was indulgenced at Avignon in 1330 by Pope John
XXII.23 The pious reader is told to follow this petition with another prayer, then an Ave, and
then a third prayer recited with one’s rosary beads, followed by the Creed and a last prayer
in Latin prose provided by Audelay.
After the prayer sequence Audelay asks a devout reader to commemorate the seven
words uttered by Christ on the cross, which serve mystically to allow the seven deadly sins to
be remitted (Seven Words of Christ on the Cross, lines 1–12). Each holy utterance becomes the
focal point for a two-stanza meditation, in which, after it is cited, it is then appended to a pe-
tition on behalf of the reader. For example, Christ’s words “Father, forgive them, for they
know not what they do” (Luke 23:34) lead to a petition that God forgive the petitioner’s ene-
mies (lines 13–24). Finally, in order to worship properly these seven words, the petitioner
is to say seven Paternosters and seven Aves (lines 99–100). And, just as Christ granted
remission to his tormentors, Audelay tells us, “Well is he who will worship devoutly these
words every day, for he shall have plain remission” (lines 109–14).
Audelay’s overriding concern for remission of sins based in God’s authoritative grace
continues to dictate the next sequence, Devotions at the Levation of Christ’s Body, which con-
tains instructions, a salutation, and prayers in English and Latin. This text prepares a wor-
shipper to venerate appropriately, in mind and gesture, the moment at which the host is
raised in the mass. Upon the enactment of this holy event, an early reader (not one of the
scribes) highlights the word “assencion” by drawing in the right margin a sleeved hand
pointing upward at the word, which also marks the center of Audelay’s poem (Salutation to
Christ’s Body, line 26). The next of Audelay’s texts is a verse sermon, Virtues of the Mass, which
follows logically the Levation sequence. In Virtues of the Mass Audelay names Saints Bernard,
Bede, Augustine, and Gregory as authorities on the mass, and he offers an amusing, well-
disseminated exemplum — here told as an anecdote of Augustine and Gregory — on the
evils of gossip during the holy service (lines 298–342). To this lengthy poem on the benefits
of the mass, which is also found in variant form in the Vernon Manuscript, Audelay adds his
own ending, in which he tells the reader how to gain protection throughout the work week
by praying during the service in a specific manner: pray for oneself, for one’s parents and
kin, for the weather, and for peace; then say three Paternosters to Christ, five to God, and
seven to the Holy Ghost for one’s seven deadly sins; then say ten more for the breaking of
the Ten Commandments; and, finally, for having heard this sermon, the reader will gain,
according to Saint Gregory, one hundred days of pardon (lines 352–414).
From this point on in The Counsel of Conscience, the ascriptions to the authority of holy
men multiply. In the prayer sequence For Remission of Sins, Audelay prefaces the Prayer of
General Confession (given in English) with an explanation of how it is part of an indulgence
granted by Saint Gregory, for which one is granted 14,000 years of pardon, with more years
added by other bishops (Saint Gregory’s Indulgence, lines 1–10). Here Audelay instructs one
to say five Paternosters and five Aves, and then to say the prayer kneeling where it is painted
on the wall. The next work, Visiting the Sick and Consoling the Needy, which Audelay attributes
to Saint Anselm as he renders it in his own idiomatic 13-line stanza, is a consolation for
those afflicted by God for their sins, preaching that Peter, Mary Magdalene, and Thomas
23
Ker, Facsimile of British Museum MS. Harley 2253, p. x.
INTRODUCTION 11
are exemplars of God’s mercy extended to sinners. Its basic message is to prepare for “soden
deth” (line 395). Next comes a sequence that Audelay calls, interestingly, Blind Audelay’s
English Passion, in which the central work is Pope John’s Passion of Our Lord, which offers three
hundred days of remission (line 5). According to Audelay, Pope John made this meditation
three days before he died. After reading it devoutly, one should say five Paternosters in
worship of the Passion, then five Aves kneeling in reverence of the five wounds, and finally
the Creed, to order to obtain the promised remission (line 119). After meditation upon the
Passion comes (as with Seven Words of Christ on the Cross following The Psalter of the Passion)
a meditation on a mnemonic seven holy things. This time the focus is upon the Seven Hours
of the Cross, which offers a prayer that the reader’s sins be remitted should he keep this text
devoutly in mind (lines 77–90).
The next two works, Our Lord’s Epistle on Sunday and The Vision of Saint Paul, are trans-
lations by Audelay of Latin texts that are frequently paired in other manuscripts. Audelay
also juxtaposes them purposefully, rendering both in his favored 13-line stanza. In a rubric
supplied by Scribe A, Our Lord’s Epistle on Sunday is said to be originally transmitted through
Saint Peter, bishop of Gaza. The Sunday Letter reveals a truth sworn to by all the saints,
written as it was by Christ’s own fingers, and it grants remission (line 172). This item
connects readily to the one that follows it, The Vision of Saint Paul, where the opening lines
declare that it was on a Sunday that Paul and the Archangel Michael traveled together to
view the pains of souls in hell (lines 1–6). Although Christ declares that there is no remission
in hell, this dictum will be mercifully alleviated after the visit of Saint Paul: the souls of hell
are now to be offered relief on Sundays (lines 296–300). This highly visual narrative poem,
which paints starkly the sufferings of sinners in hell as viewed by an astonished Paul, closes
with one of Audelay’s many signature stanzas. Here Audelay attributes authorship of the
poem to God, through the witness of Paul:
And now comes the closing movement of The Counsel of Conscience. Audelay ends this
long book at the front of MS Douce 302 with a last sequence of two poems and a colophon,
to which his second scribe assigns the heading The Lord’s Mercy (“De misericordia Domini”).
The topic of God’s grace allows a smooth transition out of the visionary climax featured in
the last poem, closing the book with the hoped-for soulehele. The first poem in this final se-
quence, God’s Address to Sinful Men, returns the authorial voice to God, as in The Remedy of
Nine Virtues and Our Lord’s Epistle on Sunday. In 8-line stanzas with a Latin refrain,24 God
24
“Nolo mortem peccatoris” (“I desire not the death of the wicked,” Ezechiel 33:11). On Audelay’s
frequent use of this biblical passage, compare True Living, line 128; Marcolf and Solomon, line 790; Our
Lord’s Epistle on Sunday, line 115; and the explicit to The Vision of Saint Paul. It may hold a contemporary
resonance in regard to correction of Lollards, for it occurs in a confession of heresy made by a Suffolk
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