Fluctuation Theory Of Solutions

Applications In Chemistry Chemical

Engineering And Biophysics Paul E
Smith

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 23O PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY because
he, either alone or with, or through, others, employs it effectively, is
free to enjoy these gains fully. He owns the calf as well as the cow.
He is free to alienate his property at will. And he is free to determine
who shall inherit it when he dies. D. THREE MAJOR COMPLEXITY
PATTERNS IN HYDRAULIC CIVILIZATIONS 1. Simple, Semicomplex,
and Complex Patterns of Property The holder of weak property may
enjoy only a shadow of these prerogatives, but this does not destroy
his desire to act as freely as he can. He exercises his modest rights
with respect to both mobile and immobile, passive and active
property. In the sphere of mobile and active property they become
institutionally important when the holders of such property employ it
professionally and independently in industry and commerce. Those
who engage in handicraft or trade take a decisive step forward when
they begin to devote themselves to these pursuits professionally,
that is, full time. However, such an advance effects no major societal
change, as long as the professional craftsmen and traders constitute
only a new subsection within the class of government functionaries.
It is only when they use their property to operate professionally and
independently that they appear as a new class. The difference is not
one of the "mode of production" — which may not change at all —
but of the producers' and traders' political (and politically
conditioned societal) position. Land is tilled professionally (that is, by
peasants who spend most of their time farming) as soon as
agriculture becomes an essential basis of subsistence. And elements
of private (independent) landownership emerge relatively early. But
the landowners, who often do not till their soil themselves, are in
many Oriental societies prevented from expanding the sphere of
private agrarian property, since most of the land is, in one way or
another, regulated by the government. It is only when free
(nonregulated) land becomes the dominant form of land tenure that
private landownership becomes a societal phenomenon comparable
to the predominance of independent professional handicraft and
trade. Independent active property advances unevenly in its mobile
and immobile sectors. These developmental differences are
sufficiently clear and regular to permit distinction between at least
three major patterns of proprietary complexity in hydraulic society:
1) When independent active property plays a subordinate role in
both its mobile and immobile forms, we are faced with a relatively
 CHAPTER 7, D 231 simple pattern of property. We shall call
this conformation a simple hydraulic society. 2) When independent
active property develops strongly in industry and commerce but not
in agriculture, we are faced with a semicomplex pattern of property.
We shall call this conformation a semicomplex hydraulic society. 3)
When independent active property develops strongly in industry and
commerce and also in agriculture, we are faced with the most
complex pattern of property to be observed in hydraulic society. We
shall call this conformation a complex hydraulic society. 2.
Supplementary Remarks a. "Simple I" and "Simple 11" How far can
private and independent property advance in industry and
commerce? And when does private ownership in land prevail over all
other forms of land tenure? We shall attempt to answer both
questions when we discuss the peculiarities of semicomplex and
complex configurations of Oriental property. Another question,
however, must be settled first. Are there, within hydraulic society,
conditions under which professional representatives of industry and
commerce are altogether absent or, for all practical purposes, as
good as absent? Such conditions do exist indeed. They occur
essentially in hydraulic tribes, which for this and other reasons
represent the most rudimentary variant of a simple hydraulic society.
We distinguish the tribal type of simple hydraulic society, "Simple I,"
from the state-centered type of simple hydraulic society, "Simple II."
Table 4. Patterns of Proprietary Complexity in Hydraulic Society
(Schematized) PATTERNS OF PROPERTY SPHERES OF PROPRIETARY
DEVELOPMENT Agriculture Pursued: Industry and Commerce
Pursued: Simple I II Semicomplex Complex Professionally e' + + +
Predominantly with Privately Owned Land In the Main ' On Basis of
Private Professionally Property and in the Main ' Independently + ' e
+ e + + Key -J- Feature conspicuous 1. The meaning of the
qualification is explained in the text, p. 233. — Feature
inconspicuous or absent 2. The circle © indicates a developmentally
new feature. ). Farmer-craftsmen and producer- traders.
 232 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY b.
Proprietary Complexity and Hydraulic Density Correlations between
the patterns of proprietary complexity, on the one hand, and
patterns of hydraulic density, on the other, are less easily
established. The rise of property-based enterprise and social classes
is due to several factors, among which hydraulic density is only one,
and one that in a given area tends to change its quality very slowly
and usually only because of changing relations with other areas.
This, however, does not imply the absence of significant correlations
between hydraulic density and proprietary complexity. Of the two
major evolutionary steps that hydraulic property may take, at least
the first — the transition from a simple to a semicomplex pattern —
may be greatly retarded, if not altogether blocked, when the
underlying agrarian order is hydraulically compact. Like the
correlation between the rise of a state-centered simple hydraulic
society and the advance of professional industry and commerce, this
correlation will be clarified when we systematically discuss the
characteristics of simple, semicomplex, and complex patterns of
Oriental property. E. NONSPECIFIC AND SPECIFIC ASPECTS IN THE
PROPRIETARY CONDITIONS OF TRIBAL HYDRAULIC SOCIETIES l.
Nonspecific Aspects Agricultural tribes handle their property in many
different ways; and this is as true for hydraulic as for nonhydraulic
communities.1 In the simpler farming communities of Melanesia,
South America, and Africa "movables are privately owned, but not
land."2 Similar trends are found also among important North
American tribes;0 however, in Melanesia and West Africa a more
differentiated pattern has made its appearance. "As a rule, land was
common property of the village, but in regard to cultivated land we
find the beginnings of sib, family, or individual ownership." 3 Up to a
point conditions of land tenure are similar in hydraulic tribes. Among
the smaller irrigation tribes of equatorial Africa land can be bought
and sold. This is the case among the Suk * and the Endo.6 Among
the En-Jemusi it was originally "marked out by the chief," but now,
when division after the father's death excessively reduces an
allotment, an owner can augment his holdings by pura. The Iroquois
have a saying: "Land cannot be bought and sold, any more than
water and fire can" (Lips, 1938: 516).
 CHAPTER 7, E 233 chase, as do the Suk; or following the
earlier pattern, he may be given additional fields by his chief.6 In the
American Pueblos communal patterns of land tenure prevailed until
modern times. In the Rio Grande area "unused agricultural land
reverts to the town, to be reallotted by Town chief [cacique] or
Governor." 7 Among the hydraulically marginal Hopi a "clan system
of land tenure was universally in vogue"; 8 and the village chief, who
was "the theoretical owner of all the village lands," * asserted his
authority "most frequently ... in the settlement of land disputes." 10
Thus in both nonhydraulic and hydraulic small farming communities
the forms of land tenure vary; and the tendency toward communal
control is strong but not universal. Corresponding resemblances can
be discovered also with respect to mobile property. Weapons as well
as tools that are used in hunting and gathering are usually owned
individually by hydraulic tribesmen; but the objects thus obtained
are so perishable that their passing possession does not favor the
development of class distinctions, whatever the methods of
distribution. Nor, under such conditions, do industry and trade lead
to significant social differentiations. This is eminently clear with
regard to trade. The exchange of privately owned goods is
undertaken privately; but this does not require special training or
full-time handling. As in the small nonhydraulic farming
communities, there is trade in hydraulic tribes, but there are no
professional traders.6 2. Specific Aspects In industry conditions are
not so simple. Property-based crafts are practiced primarily to satisfy
the farmers' personal needs; and those who, because they command
particular skills or have access to particular materials, produce goods
for exchange usually do so on a part-time basis, their major efforts
still being devoted to agriculture. This is the prevailing pattern in
both nonhydraulic and hydraulic tribes, and it is a pattern that is not
fundamentally altered by the presence of a few professional
craftsmen, such as smiths.0 b. Among the Pueblo Indians exchange
between the various villages or with nonPueblo peoples is
maintained by individuals (Parsons, 1939, I: 35; Beaglehole, 1937:
81) or by trading parties (Parsons, 1939, I: 34 ff.). Market-like
gatherings are organized, usually by women (Beaglehole, 1937: 8a
ff.; Parsons, 1939, I: 36 ff.) and, it seems, spontaneously
(Beaglehole, 1937: 81 ff.). For earlier conditions see Espejo, 1916:
183; Bandelier, FR, I: 101, 163; Parsons, 1939, I: 33 ff.; Hackett,
1923, II: 234, 236, 240, 242 ff.; for recent developments, see
Parsons, 1939, I: 34 ff. For the Chagga see Widenmann, 1899: 69;
Gutmann, 1926: 425, 431. c. Beech, 1911: 18. The potters
mentioned by Beech (p. 17) obviously give only part of their time to
their craft.
 234 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY Large-scale
constructions are a different matter. Small farming communities of
the nonhydraulic type usually lack the organizational integration for
the execution of such enterprises; and some hydraulic tribes, such
as the Suk and the Endo, have not applied the organizational
methods they employ in hydraulic work to nonhydraulic objectives,
as the American Pueblo Indians have done with amazing success. To
be sure, the tools of the Pueblo builders were privately owned; but
their building materials were secured under communal leadership,
and the work was done by communal labor. Such arrangements do
not promote a property-based private industry nor the growth of a
group that derives its strength from private industrial property and
enterprise. On the contrary. They clear the way for patterns of
operation that retard the rise of nongovernmental proprietary forces
in industry as well as in other sectors of society. In the sphere of
hydraulic works these antiproprietary forces appear regularly. A
primitive peasant, using his own tools, cultivates land that may or
may not be communally regulated, and the seeds for his crops may
belong to him personally or to his kin group. Under nonhydraulic
conditions this is the whole story. In a hydraulic setting cultivation
proper follows a similar pattern; but the "preparatory" operations do
not. The tools are privately owned, but the raw materials for making
the hydraulic installations (earth, stone, and per haps timber) either
are communal property — that is, owned by nobody or everybody —
or, if they are to be found on land held by a particular individual,
family, or clan, are taken over by the community. And the end
products of the community's coordinated effort, the ditches or
canals, do not become the property of the individual farmers or
farming families that participate in the work, but, like the water
which they carry to the individual fields, they are controlled
("owned") by the community's governing agency.'* This proprietary
peculiarity can be discerned in the incipient hydraulic communities of
the Hill Suk, whose "irrigation ditches are the property of the tribe,
not of the individual." u In the irrigation villages of the En-Jemusi the
irrigation ditches are also the property of the tribe; 12 and this is
equally the case with the larger, communally built, irrigation
installations of the Pueblo Indians. To evaluate these facts properly
we must remember that the communities discussed so far are small
farming societies — that is, communities in which the basic unit of
tribal activity is almost always the village. In a nonhydraulic setting
the headmen of the small units do not, as a rule, have authority over
any substantial communally d. Small ditches that require the labor of
only a few individuals or a kin group are the property of those who
make them.
 CHAPTER 7, E 235 owned and communally managed
property. Such property, however, characterizes the hydraulic village;
and in most cases it is administered by ceremonial and/or
operational leaders/ This proprietary development has another
aspect, which has already been noted but which in the present
context assumes a new significance. In small nonhydraulic farming
societies a headman, who exerts little functional leadership, does not
have his fields tilled for him by the community. Among small
hydraulic tribes the headman, even when his leadership is overtly
recognized, is not always so privileged either/ However, among the
Pueblo Indians, who in most cases combined a compact hydraulic
agriculture with large nonhydraulic constructions, the chiefs fields
were cultivated for him, even in villages that numbered only a few
hundred inhabitants. Among larger hydraulic tribes, such as the
Chagga, the existence of the chief's fields cannot be considered
specific, since such land arrangements occur in large nonhydraulic
communities. But in large hydraulic tribes the chief's fields tend to
be extensive; and work on them (and on the chief's houses) is done
not by a limited number of retainers but by all able-bodied
tribesmen." Another proprietary peculiarity is entirely specific: the
chief's privileged claim on the tribe's irrigation water.13 The
extraordinary concentration of land, water, agricultural and e. For the
Pueblos the directing authority of the cacique and the war chief is
well established. The situation among the Hill Suk is less clear. Beech
(1911: 15) recognized that communal discipline was invoked in
hydraulic work, but he was unable to discover any directing secular
leader, or for that matter any religious leaders: "medicine men"
(ibid.: xiv, n. 1). However, an "Elder" plays a prominent role in two
crucial agricultural ceremonies, one pertaining to the clearing of the
land, the other to the opening of the irrigation ditches (ibid.: 15 ff.).
Sir Charles Eliot doubts the validity of Beech's anarchistic picture
(ibid.: xiv, n. 1); and he does so by citing military requirements. No
doubt the need for military leadership exists in almost all
independent communities, but Eliot's military argument would be
equally valid for the small nonhydraulic farming communities, whose
chiefs rarely have more than a "purely representative position" (Lips,
1938: 515). In the Pueblos tribal leadership is definitely linked to
leadership in communal activities, and among them hydraulic work
ranks first. Expanding Eliot's reservations, we suggest that the germs
of an operational authority were present among the Hill Suk,
particularly in the matter of the tribe's most important property, its
hydraulic installations. /. The chief occupies a conspicuously strong
position among the En-Jemusi (Beech, 1911: 37), but there is no
evidence of any public fields being tilled for him. g. The Chagga
chieftain demands corvee labor from the tribe's adult males, from
the women, and from the adolescent boys. These three groups work
for the chief, in agriculture: cutting the bush (men), burning (men),
hoeing (women), watering the seeds (men), raking and weeding
(women), irrigating (men), and harvesting (women) (Gutmann,
1926: 376); in construction work: cutting and transporting timber
(men), building proper (men), carrying of heavy loads of straw for
the roofs (women), bringing up material for fences, etc. (the "boys")
(ibid.: 376, 368).
 2g6 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY industrial
labor in the hands of the chiefs does not enhance personal, family,
or clan ownership.* It does not benefit the social position of private
craftsmen, who in the larger hydraulic tribes become somewhat
more numerous.4 Nor does it favor private professional merchants.'
Specifically, it hampers the expansion of private property in what is
frequently an important secondary branch of the subsistence
economy: herding. The tribal history of many European civilizations
shows how, in an agrarian economy, growing cattle wealth is a factor
in establishing societal leadership. In East Africa animal wealth is
similarly esteemed; and in a predominantly pastoral community,
such as the Masai, this wealth, which is eagerly displayed,14 is an
essential means of determining the owners' social position.* Not so
among the Chagga. Cattle, which under the peculiar conditions of
the Chagga area were largely stall-fed,16 increased substantially;
and some tribesmen owned as many as eighty head.16 But in
Chagga society the owners of large herds did not necessarily enjoy a
higher social status, although they certainly enjoyed added material
advantages. The Chagga chieftain, thanks to his quasidespotic
powers, easily found a pretext for ach. Until recent colonial times the
bulk of all Chagga land was controlled, first by the clans and
subsequently, and increasingly, by the chieftain. The clans yielded to
the chief some of their authority over the banana lands, which were
probably the first to be cultivated and required some irrigation
(Gutmann, 1926: 303; Dundas, 1924: 300 ff.). The fields of eleusine
millet, which had always required intensive irrigation "are marked
out and allotted by the Chief himself. So are the maize fields in the
plains, and this allotment is one of the important duties of the Chief"
(ibid.: 301). For recent colonial developments in the chieftain-
controlled maize sector see Gutmann, 1926: 307. i*. Among the
Chagga the only professional craftsmen are the smith and perhaps
the tanner (Widenmann, 1899: 84; Gutmann, 1909: ng; Dundas,
1924: 270 ff.). The smiths live in special localities and they may only
marry women from families of smiths (Widenmann, 1899: 84;
Gutmann, 1909: ng; Dundas, 1924: 271). ;'. Among the Chagga,
even more exclusively than in the Pueblos, trade is in the hands of
women (Widenmann, 1899: 69; Gutmann, 1926: 425). k. Merker,
1904: 28. Among the Pastoral Suk, who "rather look down upon
them [the Agricultural (Hill) Suk] on account of their poverty"
(Beech, 1911: 15), cattle wealth seems to be decisive for the
establishment of communal prominence. A certain Karole, who had
the reputation of being the "richest" of the Suk (ibid.: 7, n. 1), rose
as high politically as the undifferentiated conditions of his tribe
permitted; he became his group's "most important advisor" (ibid.).
But the overt authority of the "advisors" was extremely slight; and it
is doubtful whether, among the Pastoral Suk, any of them exerted
more power covertly, since no communal enterprise known to us
provided an opportunity for invoking generally accepted disciplinary
methods. It is probably no accident that the poorer but incipiently
hydraulic Hill Suk prosecuted persons who violated the tribal laws
more severely than did the wealthier plainsmen: "The punishments
for crime in the hills are far stricter than in the plains" (ibid.: 27, n.
,).
 CHAPTER 7, E 237 cusing conspicuous cattle owners of
some malfeasance or other and for confiscating some or all of their
animals." And the Chagga herders, instead of boasting of their
growing cattle wealth, became increasingly secretive and fearful. An
earlier practice of farming out cattle to poorer tribesmen for
foddering 18 became a convenient device for hiding their valuable
but insecure property. The animals were now handed over to their
temporary keepers furtively and by night; 19 and the owners' sons,
who originally had played an important role in the transfer,20 were
at times not even informed as to where the cattle were placed. Says
Dundas: "So secret does he keep the whereabouts of his stock, that
he will not even tell his sons where it is." 21 This trend gained
strength with the growth of chiefly power, which occurred prior to
the establishment of colonial rule. It was further aggravated when,
under this rule, the chief started to raise a general cattje tax.22 In
this setting private wealth does not necessarily, or even primarily,
establish public prominence."* Among the qualities that in the earlier
time favored chieftainship, wealth probably was a desirable but not a
necessary factor; and the chief's property certainly grew not in
proportion to what wealth he or his forefathers may have had
originally but in proportion to his growing agromanagerial and
military power. For his aides the ruler chose men who were
prominent in their locality 23 or — and increasingly — men whose
personal qualifications fitted them for the job.24 In both cases
selection involved a conspicuous improvement in the material
conditions of the chosen, for the chief provided his serving men with
cattle and women.25 In fact, Merker found that only persons in
government positions were rich.26 3. Simple I . . . Manifestly,
hydraulic tribes like nonhydraulic agrarian tribes develop private
property. Both conformations present undifferentiated forms of
property (as in handicraft and trade) and a trend torn. Gutmann
(1909: 7) says that rich tribesmen may withhold irrigation water
from the poor, but in a later and more detailed study he describes
the equalitarian way in which all members of a given hydraulic unit
are provided with water (1926: 418). He also refers to certain
"nobles" who obviously owned cattle and who helped a chieftain
obtain office (ibid.: 462). But no details are given regarding this
incident, which occurred at the beginning of the 19th century (ibid.:
461), that is, before the chief's leadership in communal affairs had
been fully established. And the clan leaders did not owe their rank to
wealth, though, once chosen, some of them probably had
opportunities for improving their economic condition (ibid.: 15). A
clansman became ceremonial leader because he was the oldest male
in the group (ibid.: 13), and the political leader, the "speaker,"
achieved his position on the basis "not of his age, nor of his wealth,
but of his political shrewdness" (ibid.: 14).
 338 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY ward
regulated forms (as in farming with respect to land). At the same
time, however, significant differences may be observed. Under
hydraulic circumstances, political property already emerges in small
hydraulically compact communities (the chiefs land in the Pueblo
villages). In larger tribes political property expands one-sidedly, and
it retards and cripples private property in important spheres of
activity (such as herding). The difference between this one-sided
accumulation of property in the hands of the governing authorities
and the pluralistic patterns of proprietary growth in nonhydraulic
agrarian tribes reflects perfectly the differences in the character and
weight of political authority." In the German tribes observed by
Caesar and Tacitus the chieftain, although recognized as the top-
ranking political leader and expected to devote much of his time to
his governmental duties, was unable to restrict or tax the wealth of
his nobles. Nor did he demand corvee labor or taxes from his
tribesmen, who would have considered such a request an insult and
who, like the nobles, participated in the public discussions of the
tribe's affairs.27 Thus in tribal hydraulic societies property is simple,
but it is simple with a specific tendency toward the predominance of
political, power-based, property. This tendency increases with the
size of the community. It becomes decisive in simple hydraulic
commonwealths that are no longer directed by a primitive (tribal)
government, but by a state. F. PATTERNS OF PROPERTY IN STATE-
CENTERED SIMPLE HYDRAULIC SOCIETIES 1. Statehood versus
Primitive Government Control over a distinct territory has been
considered a basic aspect of statehood. This aspect is indeed
essential; but it has little value in the present context, since it is not
specific. (As a rule, primitive governments also claim control over
their territory.) Nor does the criterion of sovereignty help much.
(Primitive governments also strive to establish sovereignty; and like
states, they are not always able to.) The differences between a
primitive government and a state seem inconsequential so long as
we confine comparison to external relations. They become
significant when we compare internal conditions. n. As elaborated
above, in most nonhydraulic communities tribal coordination is
required mainly for military and ceremonial purposes, whereas the
heads of hydraulic tribes, in addition to exerting military and/or
religious leadership, fulfill specific, vital agromanagerial functions.
 CHAPTER 7, F 239 Primitive governments are operated in
the main by nonprofessionals — that is, by functionaries who devote
the bulk of their time not to the civil, military, or religious affairs of
the community but to their own hunting, fishing, farming, or raiding.
States are operated in the main by professionals — that is, by
functionaries who devote the bulk of their time to "public" affairs.
From the standpoint of human relations a state means government
by professionals. Certain communal functions, such as the
maintenance of internal order and the organization of defense, are
vital for the perpetuation of all types of society. Consequently, man's
political activities are as essential as those involved in the securing of
food and shelter; and the professionalizing of government is as
important an aspect of social differentiation as is the
professionalizing of those economic or intellectual pursuits that
under more primitive conditions are handled only by persons who
are primarily engaged otherwise. It goes without saying that a
statelike government with its fulltime civil and military officials, its
soldiery and police can invest much more time and energy in
administrative and coercive activities than a primitive government. It
is this power potential of the state that makes its control by
responsible and effective nongovernmental forces the only guarantee
against the rise of a totally powerful (and totally corrupt) apparatus
state. Many Marxists, following Marx' and Engels' interpretation of
the Western state and disregarding their stress on the peculiarity of
Oriental despotism, have described "the state" as an institution that
always serves the special interests of a property-based ruling class.
This interpretation, which today, in its Soviet version, is part of an
extremely widespread — and extremely potent — political myth, is
not true even for modern parliamentary governments, whose
plutocratic potential it generalizes and whose capacity for growth
and democratization it denies. Nor does it fit the states of Western
absolutism and feudalism, nor indeed the democratic states of
ancient Greece. And it is completely absurd when it is applied to the
agrarian and industrial apparatus states that are characterized not
by the strong influence of nongovernmental proprietary forces on
the state, but by the abysmal lack of any such influence. 2. Steps in
the Professionalizing of Government a. Chagga Chieftainship and the
State of Ancient Hawaii The difference between primitive
government and statehood becomes unmistakably clear when we
juxtapose the single full-time and
 24O PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY community-
supported leader of a Pueblo village and the large staffs of
government functionaries in Pharaonic Egypt, imperial China, or
Ottoman Turkey. The almost complete predominance of
nonprofessionals in the first case is as manifest as the almost
complete predominance of professional apparatus men in the
second. The difference is less obvious, but perhaps even more
informative, when we compare the regimes of large hydraulic tribes,
such as the Chagga, with the state of a relatively crude neolithic
hydraulic civilization, such as ancient Hawaii. The absolutist acts of a
Chagga chief are impressive: he kills, ° spies, seizes his subjects'
cattle,6 and keeps as many girls as he wishes in his palace." In
addition and more importantly, he is the commander in chief of the
tribe's laboring and fighting force.* Nevertheless, his ability to rule
the lives of his subjects is limited by the small number of his full-
time functionaries. Highest among them is "a person who may best
be described as his prime minister, and on whom much of the
executive work devolves." * Below this tribal version of a vizier are
certain helpers and advisors, akida,2 who "receive the chief's orders,
convey them to the people, using for this purpose special helpers,
and supervise and organize their execution. Such orders pertain, for
instance, to the making and repairing of canals, work for the
chieftain . . . payment of taxes and religious affairs." 3 The akida,
who are expected to spend a considerable part of their time at the
chief's palace,* apparently have one assistant each; B but the
professional officialdom ends here. Clan heads may advise the
chief,8 staying at his palace for this very purpose, and most of the
on-the-spot directing remains in the hands of the clans. The
hornblower, the actual leader of the corve>, is selected by members
of his clan and only confirmed by the chieftain.7 Obviously, he is not
a full-time salaried functionary.8 a. To demonstrate his loyalty a
Chagga dignitary was ready to burn his sister to death when ordered
to do so by his chieftain (Gutmann, 1914: 219). b. As punishment
for an alleged crime, Chieftain Mapfuluke is said to have seized the
cattle of one of his fathers-in-law. Later, and quite unexpectedly, he
returned some part of them (Gutmann, 1914: 231). c. Gutmann
(1926: 388 ft.) estimates that, in one instance, the chieftain
assembled from among rank-and-file families more than 5 per cent
of all girls. These young females were then assigned to his wives;
but the chieftain maintained his sexual rights over all of them: "None
of the girls entered marriage untouched, the chieftain used them as
he pleased." d. The Chagga chieftain makes the supreme decisions
concerning the hydraulic corvee and other large-scale secular
enterprises. He commands his tribesmen in war; he assigns
residences to all; and he fixes the dates for sowing and harvesting
(Gutmann, 1909: 25).
 CHAPTER 7, F 241 Nor does the chieftain have at his
disposal professional guards or policemen. The warriors who protect
his person — and this is particularly demanded at night — are
ordinary members of the tribe who return home after their shifts are
done.9 The supreme head of the Chagga government is occasionally
referred to as a "monarch" or "king." e However, the majority of all
observers designate him as "chieftain." 10 Conversely, the ancient
Hawaiian rulers are sometimes called "chiefs," but in more scholarly
treatises they are designated as "kings." The preferred titles reflect
the general conviction that the Chagga ruler presides over a more
primitive type of government than does his Hawaiian counterpart.
This conviction seems well founded. In the first case we are faced
with a primitive government that has elements of incipient
statehood, in the second with a crude but genuine state. The
Hawaiian kings disposed over a much more differentiated staff of
top-ranking aides than did the Chagga chieftains. In addition to a
chief councilor, the Hawaiian ruler had a chief war leader, a chief
steward, a treasurer, and "land experts." X1 There is no evidence
that clan heads acted as his advisors or that his guards served part
time. Besides a "body guard," the king had at his beck and call a
detachment of armed men headed by an executioner — official
terrorizes who were always ready in the king's name to accuse,
arrest, and kill.12 In the Hawaiian government the professionals
were not confined to the top echelon. Below the leading officials
there were primarily and most importantly the konohiki. In contrast
to the Chagga akida, who spent much of their time near their
chieftain, the konohiki seem to have resided and officiated for the
most part in the regions of their jurisdiction, directing the regime's
constructional, organizational, and acquisitive operations. They kept
count of the population; 13 they mobilized the corvee; " they
directed the hydraulic enterprises; 15 they supervised agriculture; 16
they gathered the tax,17 retaining some of it for their own use and
for the use of their underlings, but passing on most of it to the
higher authorities, and eventually to the king.18 Manifestly, the
konohiki and their aides were government-supported full-time
functionaries. The organizational and acquisitive network that they
spread over the countryside probably contributed more than any
other political institution to making the government of ancient
Hawaii a crude, agrobureaucratic hydraulic state. e. Gutmann, 1909:
10 ff. Lowie (1938: 30s) calls him the head of a "monarchical
system."
 242 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY b.
Proprietary Consequences Controlling a much more fertile territory
and a much larger population — the largest Hawaiian kingdom had
five times the population of the largest Chagga tribe ' — the
Hawaiian rulers were in a better position to establish and maintain a
permanent officialdom. And this larger officialdom in turn enabled
them to control their subjects' property more completely. In Hawaii
the government's jurisdiction over the land was not restricted by any
clan rights, as was the case among the Chagga.19 Nor did a clan
head stand between tax-collecting officials and individual taxpayers,
as in Chaggaland.20 Indeed the Hawaiian regime functioned so well
that the masters of the apparatus state were able to syphon off over
half of the entire rural produce. According to one estimate, "the
common laborers did not receive on an average more than one third
of the avails of their industry." g On a smaller scale the difference
between the two types of government appear also in the sphere of
circulation. The Chagga markets were policed by the chief's wives
and regional officials; 21 but a market tax on agricultural products
and salt was collected by a member of one particular clan." In
Hawaii we find no trace of such divided authority. The functionaries
who sanctioned the transactions and taxed the goods were toll
collectors — that is, government officials.22 Thus the kings of Hawaii
exerted a much more formidable power /. In the 18th century some
300,000 Hawaiians were organized in a few sovereignties, the
largest of which, Hawaii proper, numbered more than 85,000 people
(Lind, 1938: 60). Lind's figure harmonizes well with an estimate
made by Ellis in 1826 (Ellis, 1826: 8). Ellis considered the total of
400,000 inhabitants suggested by the earliest observers "somewhat
above the actual population of that time, though traces of deserted
villages, and numerous enclosures formerly cultivated, but now lying
waste, are everywhere to be met with." In 1826 there were between
130,000 to 150,000 people on the archipelago (Ellis, 1826: 8).
Fornander, although suggesting smaller figures than Cook and King,
sees "no valid reasons for assuming a greater or more rapid
depopulation between 1778 and 1832, when the first regular census
taken gave an approximately correct enumeration of 130,000 than
between the latter year and 1878, when the census gave only
44,088, exclusive of foreigners" (Fornander, PR, II: 165). At the
beginning of the 19th century Bali had a population of about
760,000 persons, with some of the island's major kingdoms
accounting for more than 100,000 persons each (Lauts, 1848: 104-
5). Tlie largest Chagga tribes numbered less than 20,000, 10,000, or
5,000 persons respectively (Gutmann, 1926: 1). g. Alexander, 1899:
28 n. Blackman (1899: 26) presents this estimate as "the opinion of
careful observers." h, Gutmann, 1926: 426 ff. The clan functionary
grasps a handful of taxable goods. The trading women have the
right to kick him once; but they cannot prevent him from seizing the
fee, which "at a well attended market amounts to fairly sizable
loads" (ibid.: 427).
 CHAPTER 7, F 843 over their subjects' life and property
than did the Chagga chieftains. Difference in the form of reverence
strikingly expresses the difference in autocratic power. As already
mentioned, the Chagga tribesmen hold their ruler in great esteem,
but unlike the Hawaiians they do not perform before him the
classical gesture of total submission: prostration. 3. Simple Patterns
of Property in Land, Industry, and Commerce In the early phases of
state-centered hydraulic societies, private property in land is not
necessarily lacking; its origins go back much further than was
assumed by the pioneer institutionalists of the 19th century. But the
greater part of all cultivable land is regulated, and thus kept from
being privately owned, even after private and independent property
emerged notably in industry and commerce. For this reason, we
shall discuss the problems of hydraulic land tenure later. With
respect to the simple patterns of hydraulic property we need only
state here that, within the framework of these patterns, the forms of
land tenure are many but that regulated land always prevails (and
generally by a substantial margin) over privately owned ("free")
land. Property-based and independent handicraft and commerce,
however, must be examined immediately, for their occurrence
makes, as we see it, a change in the patterns of property and
society. This development is not uniform. It advances unevenly in
the spheres of A. Industry, in 1. The extractive industries (mining,
quarrying, certain forms of salt production) 2. The processing
industries a. Constructions b. Others and also in B. Commerce, in 1.
Foreign trade 2. Domestic trade, dealing with a. Easily supervised
goods (such as salt, iron, tea, wine, oil, etc.) b. Others. In all
hydraulic societies proper and in most marginal hydraulic societies,
the government engaged in comprehensive constructions. Employing
a large labor force, the agrarian apparatus state enjoys what
amounts to a monopoly of all large-scale construction work.
 244 PATTERNS OF PROPRIETARY COMPLEXITY Often it also
manages those extractive operations which provide the bulk of all
raw materials for the large government constructions. Other
extractive industries, such as mining and certain forms of salt
production, may either be directly managed by the government or,
and particularly under the conditions of a money economy, they may
be controlled through monopolistic licensing. Thus property-based
and independent action cannot hope to prevail in the most important
sector of hydraulic industry: large-scale constructions. Nor can it
hope to operate freely in the large extractive enterprises. Only in the
nonconstructional sector of the processing industries is there a
chance for property-based free handicraft to become significant.
Indeed, apart from the making of coins, only a few manufacturing
pursuits, such as the production of weapons and certain luxury
goods, may be directly managed by the government, while most
other crafts are handled entirely by private and independent
entrepreneurs. Free private enterprise, however, does not
necessarily mean large enterprise. Large-scale industries are
extremely vulnerable on the fiscal level, and except for government-
protected units do not prosper under the shadow of total power. The
many private and independent crafts which have emerged in certain
hydraulic societies are essentially confined to small shops and small-
scale operations. The development of private big trade may be
retarded under conditions of great hydraulic and bureaucratic density
(compactness), but it is not blocked by the state's managerial
predominance, which, with regard to the construction industries,
appears in all hydraulic societies proper and also in many marginal
hydraulic societies. Above the level of the producer-trader,
commercial business is transacted over significant distances, either
overland or oversea. This favors large-scale action, particularly since
the merchandise so handled is less conspicuous and therefore less
vulnerable fiscally than a fixed and conspicuous industrial plant.
When the law of diminishing administrative returns induces a state
to limit its own commercial operations, independent merchants tend
to appear both in foreign and domestic trade; and governmental
attempts to maintain direct and indirect controls in both sectors at a
particular level or to restore them to an earlier level are based for
the most part on short-range considerations.* i. This is why
government policy in this regard in China, India, and the Near East
oscillated so considerably. The student of Chinese history will recall
the discussions which Han administrators conducted concerning the
way in which the sale of salt and iron should be handled. The
problem arose in pre-Han days, and different solutions were found at
different times. The administrative history of India is not
 CHAPTER 7, F 245 Hydraulic society outgrows the simple
patterns of property, when private and independent handicraft
becomes prominent in the processing industries (excluding, of
course, large-scale construction) and when big and independent
merchants handle as much or more business than all government-
managed and government-controlled commerce taken together. The
almost complete absence of pertinent statistical data compels us to
formulate our criteria broadly. In some branches the relative
proportions are evident. In others we can at least establish
prevailing trends. 4. Variants of Simple Patterns of Hydraulic Property
and Society a. Hawaii The Hawaiian archipelago is so distant from
the more southerly regions of the Polynesian world that after an
early period of daring expeditions, "all intercourse with the southern
groups seems to have ceased, for there is no further evidence of it
in any of the ancient legends, songs, or genealogies for five hundred
years." 23 Nor were the relations between the various Hawaiian
kingdoms sufficient to stimulate the development of commerce
above the producer-trader level.21 Internal circulation consisted in
the main in the transfer of rural surpluses from the peasant and
fishermen producers to the local and central representatives of the
government. Exchange between individuals occurred either in the
form of "gifts" 25 or barter; 26 and in both instances without the aid
of professional middlemen. Markets and fairs provided ample
opportunity for such activity. Ellis' descriptions of what was then
considered the most famous fair makes no reference at all to any
professional merchants. The only professional person noted by the
observer was the government official who supervised and taxed the
transactions between the barterers.27 When, in the early 19th
century, contact with the outside world opened up a new outlet for
sandalwood, it was the king and his lieutenants and not independent
private so well documented as that of China, but what we know
about Indian fiscal policy suggests similar oscillations. The history of
state and private commerce in the great hydraulic countries of the
Near East is still in its infancy; and attempts, such as that made
recently by Leemans, reveal the institutional importance of this
phenomenon as well as the difficulties of investigating it. The Near
Eastern data show again that in contrast to the great hydraulic
works and the big nonhydraulic constructions, large-scale commerce
can readily be handled by private and independent merchants.
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