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D 161 .3 ,N8 [Copy 1 THE SPEECH OF POPE URBAN II AT

CLERMONT, 1095 DANA CARLETON MUNRO REPRINTED FROM THE
^mxwm iistotical §mm VOL. XI NO.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 7.67%
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1 Gift n
 [Reprinted from The American Historical Review, Vol. XI.,
No. 2, January, 1906.] THE SPEECH OF POPE URBAN II. AT
CLERMONT, ioqs THE belief that Peter the Hermit was the instigator
of the first crusade has long been abandoned. To Pope Urban II.
belongs the credit, or the responsibility, for the movement. On
November 27, 1095,^ at the Council of Clermont, he delivered the
address which led so many thousands to take the cross. ^ There are
several versions of this speech, but it cannot be proved that any one
of them was written until a number of years after the Council. As
these differ decidedly in their expressions, it has been assumed^
that it is impossible to determine what the pope actually said. It is
the purpose of this, paper to show by an examination of the various
versions that, in spite of the verbal differences, there is a remarkable
agreement among the contemporary reporters,* and consequently
that it is possible to ascertain the subjects which the pope discussed.
1 See Hagenmeyer, Chronologie, No. 9, in Revue de I'Orient Latin,
VI. 222. ^Ekkehard, MGSS., VI. 213, says that one hundred
thousand took the cross at Clermont. For the results of his speech,
cf. Wilken, Kreussiige, I. 52. 3 Sybel, Geschichte des Ersten
Kreuzeugs (2d ed.), 185: " Dem rechten Historiker, wenn er nicht auf
die Darstellung der umgebenden Thatsachen und auf eine bereite
Phantasie seines Lesers vertrauen will, bleibt hier nichts iibrig, als
eine selbstandige Schopfung, eine erdichtete Wahrheit zu
versuchen." * Almost all modern historians of the crusades have
given a summary of Urban's speech. Generally they have been
content to take one version (those given by William of Tyre, Robert,
and Fulcher have been most frequently selected) and follow it.
Others have combined arbitrarily statements from different versions.
The best and latest summary is by Rohricht, in his Geschichte des
Ersten Kreuszuges, 20 : " Die Rede Urbans ist uns vielfach
iiberliefert, aber nicht genau. Ohne Frage bildete den Inhalt ein
Klageruf iiber die von den Unglaubigen gegen die Christen im
heiligeu Lande veriibten Gewaltthaten, ein Kriegsruf an die
gesammte Christenheit es Abendlandes, die Feinde aus dem Lande
der Verheissung hinauszutreiben und es wieder den Christen
zuriickzugeben, ein Trostruf, dass Christus den Seinen helfen und
Sieg verleihen werde." The best discussion is also by Rohricht, ibid.
235-239. AM. HIST. REV., VOL. XI. — 16. (231)
 232 D. C. Munro The important versions are given by
Fulcher of Chartres/ Robert the Monk,^ Baldric of Dol,' Guibert of
Nogent,* and WilHam of Malmesbury." Those of William of Tyre,
Ordericus Vitalis, Roger of Wendover, and others are, as will be
noted later, of little importance. Fulcher of Chartres, in his Historia
Iherosolymitana, gives a very brief account of Urban's exhortation.®
But he prefaces it by a summary of the pope's speech relative to the
evil conditions in the West.'^ This was an address to the clergy who
were at the Council. At its close the Truce of God was proclaimed
and all who were present promised to observe it. Then Urban began
his exhortation. This is the portion of Fulcher's account which must
be compared with the versions given by the others. It is accepted as
the most trustworthy of all by Hagenmeyer^ and Rohricht." They
state that Fulcher was present at the Council.^" Hagenmeyer thinks
that his account was written down within a short time, surely not
later than about iioo." The date usually given for the completion of
the iirst part of his history is 1105.'^ Robert the Monk, in his Historia
Iherosolymitana, gives a somewhat longer account. He states in his
preface that he was commissioned to write the history because he
was at Clermont. ^^ It is not possible to determine the time when
he wrote ; certainly it was not before iioi— 1102"; probably it was a
few years later.^* He does not have the first speech of Urban to the
clergy, but he does give a summary of the pope's second speech to
the clergy,'^ after ^ Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens
Occidentaux, III. 322-324. (Hereafter this series will be cited as
Recueil.) ^ Recueil, III. 727-730. ^ Ibid., IV. 12-15. ^Ibid., IV. 137-
140. ^De Gestis Regum Anglorum, edited by Stubbs, Rolls Series, II.
393-398. 6 Ch. 3. ■< Ch. 2. 8 Ekkehard's Hierosolymita, p. 90.
(Hereafter quoted as HE.) 9 Op. cit., p. 239. '"In 1877, Hagentneyer
wrote (HE, p. 90), " Ohne Zweifel war er selbst auch auf dem Concil
anwesend." In 1879, in Peter der Eremite, p. 72, he referred to him
as an " Ohrenzeuge ", and he has used the same term in his later
writings. Rohricht, op. cit., also called him an "Ohrenzeuge".
(Molinier, Les Sources de I'Histoire de France, No. 2123, says he was
present.) They give no reference and I have not been able to find in
his writings any proof that he was present. Whether present or not,
he was well informed, as will be apparent later. 11 HE, p. 90. 12
Molinier, Sources, No. 2123. 13 " Praecipit igitur mihi ut qui Clari
Montis Concilio interfui," Recueil, III. 721. 1* Riant, Ale.vii Comneni
Epistola ad Robertum Flandrensem, p. xli. 15 C/. Molinier, Sources,
No. 2118. -6 The pope made three speeches. First he addressed the
clergy, urging a reform. (Fulcher, bk. i., ch. 2. Baldric, " quae ad
fidem pertinebant praemissis," Recueil, IV. 12F. Cf. William of
Malmesbury's opening sentences, § 347.) This speech was probably
made on the same day as, and just before, the exhortation
 speech of Urban II. at Clerino7tt 233 the completion of the
exhortation.^ This portion of his account should be omitted in
comparing it with the other versions. His version has frequently been
preferred by later historians. Baldric of Bourgueil, archbishop of Dol,
probably wrote his H'istoria Jerosolimitana soon after 1107.^ He
states in two different passages that he was at the Council. He does
not give the first speech of Urban to the clergy, but has a brief
summary of the second. His account was regarded by Ranke as the
best.* Guibert, abbot of Nogent, wrote the first portion of his Gesta
Dei per Francos not later than 1108.® Sybel,^ Hagenmeyer/ and
Rohricht * state that he was present at Clermont.^ Guibert knew
Fulcher's Historia and used it for the later portions of his work, but
he did not copy Fulcher's version of the speech. His report dififers
decidedly from those given by the others. He makes no mention of
either address to the clergy. William of Malmesbury, although a
contemporary, did not write his version until thirty or more years
after the Council.'" It has been regarded as of little value.
Hagenmeyer and Rohricht^^ state that it is based upon Fulcher's
account. This is true for portions but not for the whole of William's
version. He has some points that he could not have drawn from
Fulcher. He says that his to take the cross. The third speech was to
the clergy (cf. Baldric and Robert), probably on the following day, the
last day of the Council (Histoire Generate de Languedoc, ed. Privat,
III. 480). It consisted of practical directions to insure the success of
the undertaking. 1 Recueil, III. 729 to end of chapter. The two
speeches, however, are represented by Robert as continuous. 2
Molinier, Sources, No. 2120. ■* 3 " Inter omnes autem in eodem
concilio, nobis videntibus," in RectieiT,. IV. 15G. " Solutum est
concilium, et nos unus quisque properantes redivimus ad propria,"
ibid., 16D. * Weltgeschichte, VIII. 82. 5 See Thurot, in Revue
Historique, pp. 104-111, and in Recueil, IV. xv-xx. 6 Geschichte des
Ersten Kreuzzugs (2d ed.), p. 33. ' HE, p. 89 ; Peter der Eremite, p.
72. 8 Op. cit., p. 235. ^ They cite no reference, and I have not been
able to find any proof of his presence. Some passages in his work
would indicate that he was not present : (i) He gives the date for the
Council as 1097 and the thirty-seventh year of Philip's reign ; of
course, this error may have been due to a copyist. Bongars
corrected it in his edition of Guibert. (2) He apologized for his
ignorance of the name of the bishop of Puy, who was appointed
papal legate at Clermont. " De nomine autem Podiensis episcopi diu
haesi, . . . non enim in meo habebatur exemplari." Preface, Recueil,
IV. 121. "Podiensis urbis episcopo (cujus nomen doleo, quia neque
usquam repperi nee audivi)." Bk. ii., ch. 5, ibid., 140. "Stubbs's
preface to Vol. I., R. S., p. xliii. 11 HE, p. 89 ; Rohricht, op. cit., p.
239. The latter, however, quotes William's own statement as to his
sources.
 234 D. C. Miinro informants were persons who had heard
the speech.^ There seems to be no more reason for doubting this
than any other uncorroborated statement, and his version ought
certainly to be considered. The other reports of the speech are
obviously copied^ or fictitious. To the latter class belongs the speech
in William of Tyre,^ which has so often been regarded as the most
correct version. It has no independent value.* The reconstruction of
the exhortation must be based upon the versions of Robert and
Baldric, who say that they were at Clermont ; of Fulcher and
Guibert, who may have been present ; and of William of
Malmesbury, who says that his information was derived from persons
who were present. All, except Fulcher, state that they do not
reproduce the exact words of the pope.® All that can be attempted,
therefore, is a reconstruction of the outline of the exhortation. This
reconstruction is somewhat difficult inasmuch as the three separate
speeches^ of the pope have been confused to some extent in the
different versions. The task of reconstruction seems to be further
complicated by the existence of points of resemblance between
some versions of the speech and passages in the famotts letter of
the Emperor Alexius to Count Robert of Flanders.'' The genuineness
and date of the letter have long been subjects of controversy.* To
quote only a few of the more important opinions: Riant thought the
letter was based in part upon sermons of Urban IL and was the work
of a forger in 1098-1099.^ Chalandon believes the letter was forged
in 1098-1099, but was based in part upon a genuine letter of 1088-
1089.^" Hagenmeyer dates it 1088; 1 R. S., II. 393, " quern, sicut
ab auditoribus accepi, placuit postens transmittere integro verborum
sensu custodito." 2 E. g., Ordericus Vitalis, Roger of Wendover,
Breviarium passagii in Terrain Sanctam. 3 Rohricht, op. cit., p. 239, "
eine freie Erfindung, allerdings ein Meisterstuck seiner Art ". ^
Among the subjects which he inserts in the speech is the letter
which Pecer the Hermit had brought from the East. 5 Robert, " Haec
et id genus plurima peroravit." Recueil, III. 729C. Baldric, " His vel
hujus modi aliis a domino," ibid., IV. 15G. Guibert, " His ergo, etsi
non verbis, tamen intentionibus usus est," ibid., 137E. Cf. William of
Malmesbury, as cited in note i, above. 6 See note 16, p. 232. ' Best
editions in Riant, Alexii Comneni Epistola ad Robertum Flandrensem
; and in Hagenmeyer, Kreuzzugshriefe, pp. 130-136. 8 See ibid., 10-
42; Riant, op. cit., preface; and " Inventaire critique des lettres
historiques ", in Archives de I'Orient Latin, I. 71-89; Chalandon,
Rdgne d' Alexis I"^ Comnene, pp. 325-336. 9 Inventaire, A. O. L., I.
74. "^^ Alexis, p. 335.
 speech of Urban II. at Clei^inont 235 G. Paris, about 1090;
Vasiljevski, about 1091.' Chalandon says: " On ne peut savoir si ce
sont les sermons d'Urbain qui ont servi de source a I'epistola ou si,
au contraire, ce ne sont pas les redacteurs de ces pretendus
sermons qui ont utilise cette derniere."^ There is too great a
resemblance between portions of the letter and passages in some of
the versions for both to be original ; e. g., the account of the
cruelties and the pollution of the holy places in Robert and in the
letter. It is to be noted, however, that if the letter was a source, no
one in his version used it for more than a few points,^ and in each
case other accounts of the speech mention these same points in a
manner that shows no influence of the letter. Consequently " it
seems almost certain that these subjects were mentioned by the
pope, and hence the letter need not be considered in the analysis. It
is not necessary, either, to discuss the question whether Urban was
influenced by the letter or whether, on the other hand, the letter was
based upon Urban's speech.* It seems probable that the letter,
whichever date is taken for its composition, was in existence before
any of the versions which have parallel passages ; and that the
writers of these used it. Believing that Urban discussed a subject, it
would be the most natural thing for Robert or Baldric or William to
borrow from any source at hand either a pertinent account or a
phrase which struck his fancy. This was such a common practice in
the middle ages that it would have been remarkable if they had not
done it. The letter, therefore, probably influenced the mode of
expression in some versions, but not the general outline. In order to
ascertain what Pope Urban actually said it is now necessary to
analyze each version of the speech, and to ascertain the separate
facts given in each. It is to be expected a priori that the ideas will be
expressed in dififerent words and that each writer will dwell upon
the portions of greatest interest to him, passing lightly over other
portions. After such an analysis, it will be possible to select the facts
which seem to be well vouched for and thus to determine the main
outline of the pope's remarks. Accordingly the separate facts will
now be taken up ; those given in Fulcher's version will be used first ;
and in each case it will be noted 1 Hagenmeyer, Krenssiigshriefe, pp.
10-24. 2 p_ 330. 3 In addition to the example above, only a single
point in Baldric, possibly one in Guibert, several in William. But each
one, if he did use the letter, took a different part. * It would be an
easy but unprofitable task to builJ up an ingenious argument for
either point of view.
 236 D. C. Munro when the same fact is cited by any of the
others. Then the other speeches will be analyzed in the same
manner, and in the following order: Robert, Baldric, Guibert, William
of Malmesbury. Necessity of aiding the brethren in the East. Found in
all.^ Appeals for aid from the East. Found in Fulcher,^ Robert,-^
and possibly in Baldric* Guibert does not mention these appeals in
his account of the speech, but refers, in the preceding chapter, to
the gifts and prayqrs of the emperor by which Urban was moved. ^
This point is not referred to by William of Malmesbury. Victorious
advance of the Turks. Mentioned by Fulcher" and Robert.'' Baldric ^
and Guibert have no such explicit mention, but all the earlier portion
in each of their speeches presupposes the knowledge of such a
conquest. On the other hand, William of Malmesbury has a long list
of the provinces which the Turks had conquered.^ Sufferings of the
Christians in the East. Mentioned very 1 Fulcher, ch. 3 : " Quoniam,
o filii Dei, si pacem apud vos tenendam et Ecclesiae jura
conservanda fideliter sustentare virilius solito polliciti Deo estis,
exstat operae pretium ut insuper ad quoddam aliud Dei negotium et
vestrum, emendatione deifica nuper vegetati, probitatis vestrae
valitudinem versetis. Necesse est enim, quatinus confratribus vestris
in Orientali plaga conversantibus, auxilio vestro jam saepe acclamato
indigis, accelerate itinere succurratis." Recueil, III. 323. " O quanta
improperia vobis ab ipso Domino imputabuntur, si eos non juveritis
qui professione Christiana censentur, sicut et vos ! " Ibid., 324. It is
not necessary to quote special passages from the other speeches, as
in each case this is the main purport. 2 " Auxilio vestro jam saepe
acclamato." Ibid., 323F. 3 " Ab Iherosolimorum finibus et urbe
Constantinopolitana relatio gravis emersit et saepissime jam ad
auresi nostras pervenit." Ibid., 727C-D. * " Audivimus, fratres
dilectissimi, et audistis, . . . quantis calamitatibus, quantis
incommoditatibus, quam diris contritionibus, in Jerusalem et in
Antiochia et in ceteris Orientalis plagae civitatibus. Christian! . . .
flagellantur, opprimuntur, injuriantur. Germani fratres vestri, . . . aut
inter nos mendicant." Ibid., IV. 12-13. ^ " Ab Alexi Graecorum
principe magnis honoraretur exequiis et precibus . . . pulsaretur."
Ibid., 135 C-D. Note also his mention of Constantinople near the
beginning of the speech. s " Invaserunt enim eos, sicuti plerisque
vestrum jam dictum est, usque mare Mediterraneum, ad illud scilicet
quod dicUnt Brachium Sancti Georgii, Turci, gens Persica, qui, apud
Romaniae fines, terras Christianorum magis magisque occupando,
lite bellica jam septuplicata victos superaverunt," pp. 323-324. ' "
Gens regni Persarum . . . terras illorum Christianorum invaserit," p.
727D. " Regnum Graecorum jam ab eis ita emutilatum est et suis
usibus emancipatum quod transmeari non potest itinere duorum
mensium," p. 728A. s " Nequam homines sanctas praeoccupavere
civitates : Turci spurii et immundi nostris fratribus dominantur," p.
13B. Also the possession of Antioch and Jerusalem by the Turks is
mentioned. 8 " Syriam, Armeniam, omnem postremo Asiam
Minorem, cujus provinciae sunt Bithinia, Frigia, Galatia, Lidia, Caria,
Pamphilia, Isauria, Licia, Cilicia, occt:paverunt," p. 394. This may
have been derived from the letter of Alexius.
 speech of Urban II. at Clermont 237 briefly by Fulcher/
dwelt upon at great length by Robert,^ to a lesser degree by
Baldric^ and William.* Guibert does not mention this subject, but
does dwell upon the sufferings of the pilgrims.^ Desecration or
destruction of the churches and holy places. Mentioned by Fulcher,"
by Robert/ at great length by Baldric,* and slightly by William."
Guibert also mentions this, but treats it under the special sanctity of
Jerusalem. ^° This is God's zvork. Mentioned explicitly by Flucher^^
; it is, in fact, the underlying thought in all the versions. Robert
expresses this idea in his preface, " Hoc enim non fuit humanum
opus, sed divinum." In his account of Urban's second speech to the
clergy, the pope refers their unanimity to God's direct agency. ^^
Other heads of the speech, to be noted later, bring out this idea
forcibly.^* Rich and poor alike ought to go. Mentioned by Fulcher,'''
but not explicitly by the others. It seems probable that Urban
aroused even greater enthusiasm than he desired. In his second
address to the clergy'^ he stated that he did not desire old men, or
those unfitted for war, or women without guardians. Clerks were not
to go without the permission of their bishop, nor laymen without the
blessing of their priest. These same limitations are brought out later
in the letter of Urban to the inhabitants of Bologna.'** But the
pope'" eloquence had been too persuasive, the project was too
i"Multas occidendo vel captivando," p. 324A. 2 P. 727D to p. 728B.
This may, however, be borrowed from the letter of Alexius. "P. IJ2A-
B. Note especially, " Siqui adhuc ibi latitant Christiani inauditis
exquiruntur tormetitis." Cf. note 4, p. 236. * P- 395, 1- 12 to 1. 15. 3
See note 13, p. 240. 6 " Ecclesias subvertendo, regnum Dei
vastando," p. 324A. ' " Ecclesiasque Dei aut funditus everterit aut
suorum ritui sacrorum mancipaverit," p. 727E. 8 P. 13. Note
especially, " Ecclesiae in quibus olim divina celebrata sunt mysteria,
proh dolor ! ecce animalibus eorum stabula praeparantur." ^ P- 395,
II- 10-11. But compare all the context for proof that this was in
William's mind. 1" See note 10, p. 240. 11 " Qua de re supplici prece
hortor, non ego, sed Dominus . . . vos, Christi praecones, . . .
Praesentibus dico, absentibus mando, Christus autem imperat," p.
324A-B, '2 " Nisi Dominus Deus mentibus vestris affuisset, una
omnium vestrum vox non fuisset," p. 729D. '3 William, p. 396, 11.
15-16, "Praesentibus ex Dei nomine praecipio, absentibus mando," is
evidently influenced by Fulcher. See note 11, above. >♦ " Ut cunctis
cujuslibet ordinis tam equitibus quam peditibus, tam divitibus quam
pauperibus . . . suadeatis," p. 324A-B. '■^ Robert, ch. 2, p. 729E. 16
Riant, Inventaire, A. O. L., I. 121; cf. p. 115, note 8. '^^
 238 DC. Munro attractive. Men and women of all classes,
even children, started on the crusade. Occasionally some were
restrained by the wisdom of their clerical advisers.^ All who went on
the crusade zvere to receive plenary indulgence or full remission of
sins.- This is clear from the canon of the Council,^ from the
statement of Pope Eugene III.,* and from the letters of Urban to the
princes of Flanders' and to the people of Bologna.'^ It was reported
in various forms by the contemporaries. Flucher limits it to those
who died on the expedition'^ ; Robert applies it to all who went.^
Baldric inserts a rather indefinite statement concerning it in Urban's
address to the clergy.® Guibert does not mention it in his account of
the speech. William applies it to all.^" It is interesting to compare
with these brief statements the very careful exposition of William of
Tyre.^^ Expressions of contempt for the Turks. The terms used by
Fulcher,^^ Robert,'^ and Baldric" are commonplace enough. Guibert
mildly calls them nefandi. William of Malmesbury,'^ on the other
hand, has a long passage describing the cowardice and degeneracy
of the Turks. His account accords with the general belief of the
times. ^" If Urban used contemptuous expressions it would probably
have been so much in agreement with their own ideas that his
hearers would have paid little heed to this portion of his address.
The crusaders were surprised at the bravery of the Turks when they
met the latter in battle.'" ' See Histoire Generale de Languedoc (ed.
Privat), III. 484. * These terms are used in their technical sense. 3 "
Quicumque, pro sola devotione, non pro honoris vel pecuniae
adeptione, ad liberandam ecclesiam Dei Jerusalem profectus fuerit,
iter illud pro omni poenitentia reputetur." Migne, Pair. Lat., CLXII.
717. * " Illam peccatorum remissionem, quam prefatus predecessor
noster papa Urbanus instituit." Ottonis Fris. Gesta Fr., MGSS., XX.
371. 5 Riant, Inventaire, No. XLIX, A. O. L., I., p. 113 and p. 220.
This letter also confirms several of the other points. 6 Ibid., No. LVII.
' " Cunctis autem illuc euntibus, si aut gradiendo aut transfretando,
sive contra paganos dimicando, vitam morte praepeditam finierint,
remissio peccatorum praesens aderit," p. 324B. 8 " Arripite igitur
viam banc in remissionem peccatorum vestrorum," p. 729B. 9 P. 15F.
'" " Ituri . . . omnium absolutionem criminum," p. 396. " Recueil, I.
42, 11. 11-16. 12 " Gens tarn spreta, degener, et daemonum
ancilla," p. 324C. ^3 " Gens prorsus a Deo aliena," p. 727D ; "
nefariae genti," p. 728F. •* " Turci spurii et immundi," p. 13B. 15 P.
395, 1. 31, to p. 396, 1. 5. IS Cf. Prutz, Kulturgeschichfe der
Kreuzziige, p. 73, and the contemptuous expressions in the Gesta
Francontm, passim. " Hagenmeyer, Gesta Francorum, IX. 206-208. ^
 speech of Urban II, at Clermont 239 Fight righteous wars
instead of the iniq,uitoiis combats in which you have been engaged.
Mentioned at some length by all/ Promise of eternal rezvards.
Mentioned by all.^ Promise of temporal rewards. Indefinite in
F^ilcher,' but not in Robert* or in Baldric.® Guibert^ and William of
Malmesbury^ have no parallel passages, but the same idea of the
acquisition of the enemy's country is assumed. The participants are
not to let anything hinder them. Fulcher barely mentions this.*
Robert gives a much fuller statement,^ that they are not to be
hindered by ties of affection or care for property. Baldric has a
passage of the same import.'" Guibert has no mention of this, but
William dwells upon it." Time of departure. Mentioned only by
Fulcher.'^ It seems probable that this was not mentioned in the
exhortation but was fixed later. The time actually set for the
departure was August 15, 1096.'^ God zvill be your leader.
Mentioned by Fulcher, " Domino praevio",'* as the last point in the
pope's exhortation. Robert does not have this, but he may have had
it in mind when he gave as the concluding sentence of the pope's
second address to the clergy, " He that taketh not his cross and
followeth after me is not worthy of me." Baldric expressed it, " sub
Jesu Christo, duce nostro, acies 1 Fulcher, " contra infideles ad
pugnam . . . dignam . . . qui abusive . . . contra fideles . . .
consuescebant distendere," p. 324D. Robert, p. 728F. Baldric, p. isA-
B. Guibert, " Indebita hactenus bella gessistis . . . Nunc vobis bella
proponimus quae in se habent gloriosum martyrii munus," etc.,p.
138E. William, especially p. 396, 11. 25, 26, " illam fortudinem,
prudentiam illam, quam in civili conflictu habere consuestis, justiori
effundentes, proelio." 2 Fulcher, "aeterna praemia nanciscantur," p.
324D,; Robert, " immarcescibili gloria sequi coelorum," 729B ;
Baldric, " sanguine vestis purpurati, perenne bravium adipiscimini,"
p. isC; Guibert, "gloriosum martyrii munus . . . aeternae laudis
titulus," p. 138E. William, " perpetuae salutis statio," p. 394, 1. 11;
cf. p. 396, 1. 22. 3 " Pro honore duplici laborent, qui ad detrimentum
corporis et animae se fatigabant," p. 324D-E. * " Eamque vobis
subjicite, terra ilia . . . quae lacte et melle fiuit," etc., p. 728F. This is
contrasted with their poverty at home. 5 " Facultates etiam
inimicorum vestrae erunt : quoniam et illorum thesauros
expoliabitis," p. 15C. 6 But see p. 240, note 17, and corresponding
text. ' When William urges them not to be detained by their
patrimony becausa more ample ones are promised, the context sems
to show that eternal rewards are referred to. 8 " Ituris autem mora
non differat iter, sed propriis locatis, sumptibusque collectis . . .
transitem acriter intrent," p. 324E. 9 P. 728E. 1" " Non vos
demulceant illecebrosa blandimenta mulierum nee rerum
vestrarum," p. 15E. 1' P. 378, 11. 4-10. 12 " Cessante bruma
vernoque sequente," p. 324E. 1' Riant, Inventaire, A. O. L., I. 114,
220. >« P. 324E.
 240 D. C. Munro Christiana ", etc.^ Guibert has " Deo vos
praeeunte, Deo pro vobis proeHante"^; and at the end of the
exhortation "Christum fore signiferum . . . et praecursorem
individuum." William's phrase is, " aderit Deus euntibus."^ Praise of
the Franks. Robert begins his version with a reference to the Franks
as the chosen people beloved by God. His statement does not carry
very great weight because this is a favorite thought of his.* While a
natural beginning under ordinary circumstances, it may not have
seemed appropriate after the references to the evil conduct of the
people in the previous address. This may have caused Fulcher* and
Baldric to omit it even if it was a part of the pope's speech. Guibert
has no mention of it in the speech, but uses similar language in a
preceding chapter. *' William refers to the " famosa Francorum
virtus."^ Special sanctity of Jerusalem. Mentioned by Robert,^
Baldric,® and Guibert^" at great length. The Holy Sepulchre, in
particular, and its profanation are cited. Evil conditions at home.
Mentioned by all but Fulcher." The latter may have omitted it
because he had already given the pope's first speech, in which the
evil conditions were discussed at length. ^^ Sufferings of the
pilgrims. Mentioned by Baldric''' and at great length by Guibert.'*
The task zvill be easy. Mentioned slightly by Baldric,'' and by
William.'" Necessity of contending against Antichrist. This is
mentioned only by Guibert."' His argument is interesting. It may be
summarized baldly : The coming of Antichrist is at hand. According
to the prophets he will have his dwelling on the Mount of Olives and
will destroy the three Christian kings of Egypt, Africa, and Ethiopia.
But these countries are now pagan and there are 'P. 15A. 2 P. 138C.
140D. 3 p. 398, 1. 17. * In addition to four places in the exhortation
where he mentions this. Cf. prologue and Historia, passim. 5 But
note p. 324C, " gentem omnipotentes Dei fide praeditam, et Christi
nomine fulgidam." 6Bk. II., ch. I. ■'P. 396, 11. 28-29. 8 Ch. 2 at the
beginning, and. p. 728C. 9 p. j^. ^"Passim. A large portion of his
version is devoted to this theme. " Robert, " quoniam terra haec
quam inhabitatis . . . numerositate vestra coangustatos . . . et vi sola
alimenta suis cultoribus administrat," etc., p. 728E. Baldric, p. I4F;
Guibert, p. 138E; William, pp. 393, 394; this passage may be, in part
at least, a reminiscence of the pope's first speech. 12 Cf., however,
p. 324D. 13 " Quantis afBictationibus vos, qui adestis, qui redestis,
injuriaverint," etc., p. 14A. !•> P. 139H to 140C. '5 " Via brevis est,
labor permodicus est," p. 15D. 16 P. 394, 1. 10. Cf. pp. 395, 396 on
the ease of defeating the cowardly Turks. I'P. 138H to p. 139C. 1
 f speech of Urban II. at Clermont 241 no Christian kings.
Therefore, it is necessary, for the fulfilment of the prophecy, for -the
Christians to conquer these countries so that there may be Christian
kings to be destroyed. Possibly this was Guibert's way of stating the
temporal rewards mentioned by the others. Reference to Spain}
Mentioned by William, but by no one else. Guibert, however, does
give in the preceding chapter, as one of the causes of the pope's
preaching the crusade, that he had very often heard of the Saracens'
attack upon Spain.- Cross to he worn. Mentioned by William.^
Robert mentions this in the second address to the clergy."* The
others mention it later but not as a part of the pope's speech. In
addition to the subjects already mentioned there is a subtle appeal
to the ascetic spirit of the times, in the versions by Baldric, Guibert,
and William; and an exhortation to follow the example of the Old
Testament heroes, in the versions by Baldric and Guibert. It is
probable that both subjects were referred to by Urban, but the
vague and divergent references may be merely the work of the
reporters. The references are of too slight weight to be used here.
Urban may have mentioned all these subjects, as well as some
which have not been reported. Undoubtedly, his exhortation was
much longer than any of the brief reports which have been
preserved. But, judging from the material in existence, the following
conclusions seem justified. In addition to the points about which
there can be no reasonable doubt, rich and poor may have been
urged to go. If this was not expressly mentioned, it seems to have
been taken for granted by the auditors. The evil conditions at home
were probably dwelt upon. The only doubt in this case arises from a
possible confusion of the first and second speeches in the various
reports. Some mention of this subject would, however, naturally
accompany the exhortation to fight just wars in place of unjust. The
sufferings of the pilgrims were probably mentioned. There may have
been some reference to Spain, as this might have been suggested
by the conquests of the Turks. The valor of the Franks may have
been praised by the pope. It is a matter of doubt whether Urban
used any but cdmmonplace expressions of contempt in describing
the '\ 1 " Jamque U trecentis annis Hispania et Balearibus insulis
subjugatis," p. 395. 2 Bk. II., ch\i. It was chiefly on these statements
by William and Guibert that Riant basedVhis argument that the pope
was influenced principally by the danger to Spain, ^iant, Alexii
Epistola, p. xxiv. 3 P. 396, 1. 17. * P. 730A. i
 242 D. C. Mtmro Turks or in regard to the easiness of the
task. He probably did not refer to the time of departure, to the need
of contending against Antichrist/ or to the wearing of the cross. The
outHne of the pope's speech, therefore, seems to have been as
follows^: [Praise of the valor of the Franks] ; necessity of aiding the
brethren in the East; appeals for aid from the East; victorious
advance of the Turks; [reference to Spain] ; sufferings of the
Christians in the East; (sufferings of the pilgrims) ; desecration of
the churches and holy places ; [expressions of contempt concerning
the Turks] ; special sanctity of Jerusalem ; this is God's work; (rich
and poor to go) ; grant of plenary indulgence; fight righteous wars
instead of iniquitous combats; (evil conditions at home) ; promise of
eternal and temporal rewards; let nothing hinder you ; God will be
your leader. Dana Carleton Munro. 1 Antichrist is mentioned in the
letter of Alexius. A priori it seems probable that the pope would have
mentioned Antichrist. On the other hand, if such a mention had been
made, it seems probable that more than one of the five versions
would have preserved it. 2 The subjects concerning which there
seems to be no doubt are printed without inclosures ; those which
the pope probably used are in parentheses ; those which he may
have used are in brackets; the other subjects are, of course,
omitted. The order is determined by a comparison of the different
versions. It is only hypothetical, and the purpose of this paper would
not be affected by a change in order. ^X
The text on this page is estimated to be only 0.00%
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