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REBUILDING
BRAND
AMERICA
This page intentionally left blank
 REBUILDING
BRAND
AMERICA
★
What We Must Do to Restore Our Reputation and
Safeguard the Future of American Business Abroad

DICK MARTIN

A M E R I C A N M A N AG E M E N T A S S O C I AT I O N
New York ★ Atlanta ★ Brussels ★ Chicago ★ Mexico City ★ San Francisco
Shanghai ★ Tokyo ★ Toronto ★ Washington, D.C.
 Special discounts on bulk quantities of AMACOM books are
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AMACOM, a division of American Management Association,
1601 Broadway, New York, NY 10019.
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This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative

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the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering
legal, accounting, or other professional service. If legal advice or
other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent
professional person should be sought.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Martin, Dick, 1946–
Rebuilding brand America : what we must do to restore our reputation and
safeguard the future of American business abroad / Dick Martin.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-10: 0–8144–7333–4 (hardcover)
ISBN-13: 978–0–8144–7333–7 (hardcover)
1. Brand name products—United States. 2. International economic
relations. 3. Anti-Americanism. 4. Anti-Americanism—Arab countries.
5. United States—Relations—Foreign countries. I. Title.
HD69.B7M375 2007
658.8⬘27—dc22
2006026851
䉷 2007 Dick Martin
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America.
This publication may not be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in whole or in part,
in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of AMACOM,
a division of American Management Association,
1601 Broadway, New York, NY 10019.
Printing number
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Head over to https://ebookgate.com for exclusive deals on
test banks and solution guides.
For my parents and my brother,
who never had the opportunities I had.

Laura Brisette Martin (1919–2003)

Lucien Henri Martin (1916–1991)
David Martin (1952–2005)
This page intentionally left blank
 CONTENTS
★
I N T R O D U C T I O N The Anti-American Century 1

PAR T O N E

CHAPTER 1 Tilting at Windmills 15

CHAPTER 2 The Queen of Branding 24

CHAPTER 3 Charlotte in Wonderland 34

CHAPTER 4 The Prince of Pollsters 43

CHAPTER 5 Measuring Distance in Kilograms 51

PAR T T W O

CHAPTER 6 Why Do They Hate Us? 63

CHAPTER 7 The Pictures in Their Heads 72

CHAPTER 8 The Business of America 84

CHAPTER 9 The Power of Brands 95

C H A P T E R 1 0 Brand America 105

C H A P T E R 1 1 CEOs in Handcuffs 115

C H A P T E R 1 2 Plague or Paranoia? 125

PAR T T H RE E

C H A P T E R 1 3 In Search of Anti-Anti-Americans 141

C H A P T E R 1 4 The Path to Happy 150

CHAPTER 15 Sink Roots, Don’t Just Spread Branches 162

CHAPTER 16 Go Glocal 175

CHAPTER 17 Share Your Customers’ Cares 187

CHAPTER 18 Stiff-Necked, Tree-Hugging Critics 201

CHAPTER 19 Share Your Customers’ Dreams 213

CHAPTER 20 Myth America 223

CHAPTER 21 A Lever to Move the World 233

CHAPTER 22 Waging Peace 246

CODA The Last Three Feet 257

A NOTE ABOUT THE ENDNOTES 262

NOTES 263

AC KNOWLEDGMENTS 289

INDEX 291
 INTRODUCTION:
THE ANTI-AMERICAN CENTURY

“The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 sharply punctuated

the end of the American century. Indeed, the era we are now
entering may well come to be recalled as ‘the anti-American
century.’ ”1
—Ivan Krastev, research director, Remarque Institute, New York University

T HE WORLD, WE’RE TOLD, IS FL AT. IT’S ALSO TIPPING, AND NOT

in America’s favor. Pollsters tell us that United States’ foreign policy—
especially in the Middle East—accounts for 35 percent of anti-American
feelings around the world.2 Whether the true proportion is 35 percent
or 75 percent is small comfort for U.S.-headquartered businesses,
which once happily rode on America’s coattails but have grown tired
of recent bumps. The question businesses should be asking is how
much blame they share for the balance of the ill feeling and whether
they are somehow contributing to the tilt.
Those are the issues explored in this book, along with best practices
in dealing with them. But first, I should make it clear that I am neither
a foreign policy expert nor an economist; I spent most of my career in
the worlds of advertising, public relations, and brand management.
This book starts from the premise that America is a “brand,” not in
the sense that the name itself has commercial value (though it does),
but because the notion of America occupies a special place in the
hearts and minds of people around the world. American businesses
share that space and, if it has become a bit shabby and less welcoming
Visit https://ebookgate.com to uncover helpful test banks
and detailed solutions.
2 • REBUILDING BRAND AMERICA

lately, they share responsibility for restoring it. In fact, the deteriora-
tion of Brand America is due in no small part to foreign perceptions
that U.S.-based companies are so obsessed with their stock price that
they will mistreat employees, mislead customers, and bend the ac-
counting rules to wring an extra penny a share out of their financial
results. Executive compensation that verges on corporate looting rein-
forces perceptions of America as a materialistic, narcissistic society in
which the powerful exploit the weak. The reputations of U.S. compa-
nies and the country itself are so intertwined that rebuilding Brand
America must be a joint undertaking of government and business.
Both have a lot to learn from each other and, in the end, they will only
succeed if they share the burden because they already share the same
brand.

DREAMS, DAYDREAMS, A ND NIGHTMARES

The notion of America is both rational and emotional. Among some

people, it is a sort of daydream constructed from bits and pieces of
information, some of it relatively fanciful. So many people immigrated
to the United States from Italy at the turn of the twentieth century, for
example, that good wishes are sometimes expressed as trovare l’Amer-
ica (literally, “find America,” i.e., “find happiness”).3 On the other
hand, bits of information can also lead to less pleasant fantasies, akin
to wakeful nightmares. These days, you need a multilingual scorecard
to keep up with the varieties of anti-Americanism. To much of the
Muslim world, America is the Great Satan, irreligious and immoral.
To many Europeans, it practices “savage capitalism” and takes plea-
sure from cultural drivel. Many South Americans denounce it for
“neocolonialism” and economic oppression. In Asia, it’s a unilateral-
ist, militarist bully. In Africa, as economist Julianne Malveaux put it
so neatly, America is like “the preacher who came to Sunday dinner,
ate all of the bird, save the wings and the back, and wondered why
everyone is glaring at [him].”4
Of course, there are good explanations for some of the behavior
behind these perceptions. For example, what many people see as
America’s unilateralism grew from the vulnerability and fear that fol-
lowed the attacks of September 11, 2001. And while America’s inten-
tions may be pure, as Kishore Mahbubani, the former ambassador
 INTRODUCTION: THE ANTI-AMERICAN CENTURY • 3

from Singapore, notes, “The rest of the world does not ‘see’ American
intentions.”5 What people around the world personally experience is
the turbulent wake of American actions reaching from the cornfields
of Kansas and the halls of Congress to the shopping stalls of Kowloon,
China, and the oil fields of Kuwait.
Furthermore, with 725 military bases outside the United States,
troops in 70 percent of the world’s countries,6 nearly 200 military ac-
tions since the end of World War II,7 and live TV transmitted from the
battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan, it is no wonder that for million of
people around the world, Americans are people in uniform and the
country is an outsize military base. As Princeton professor Bernard
Chazelle put it, “Rambo’s paternity rights are hardly Hollywood’s
alone.”8
Finally, muscle—even unmatched military and economic muscle—
does not automatically translate into leadership. “Before other coun-
tries accepted U.S. leadership,” Francis Fukuyama reminds us, “they
would have to be convinced not just that America was good but that
it was also wise in its application of power, and, through that wisdom,
successful in achieving the ends it set for itself.”9 Sadly, on that score,
America’s recent history in Iraq, and on its own storm-ravaged shores
in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, leaves much of the world ques-
tioning not only America’s sincerity, but its competence.

DEFINING ANTI-AMERICANISM

Google the word “anti-American” and you’ll get at least 10 million

results. But what is anti-Americanism? I like Tony Judt’s description:
“the principled distrust and dislike of American civilization and all
its manifestations.”10 Judt is a scholar at New York University who
specializes in European history, and his views on anti-Americanism are
unavoidably colored by that perspective. But since most people agree
that Europe was the birthplace of the phenomenon, his take seems apt
to me.
Anti-Americanism is not the same thing as criticism of American
actions, policies, or culture. Criticism—even when it is vehement and
vitriolic—stems from an honest difference of opinion and can even be
constructive. Anti-Americanism, on the other hand, does not seek to
correct America’s mistakes, but to condemn it as an inherently evil
4 • REBUILDING BRAND AMERICA

perpetrator. It interprets every American act in the worst possible light.

To an anti-American, any apparently good act by the United States or
its people is suspect, and all bad acts are the norm rather than excep-
tions. Author Lee Harris, whose book Civilization and Its Enemies
earned him the sobriquet “the philosopher of 9/11,” brings great in-
sight to what others have termed the product of a “clash of civiliza-
tions.”11 “It is not that America went wrong here or there; it is that it
is wrong root and branch,”12 he writes.

CAUSES OF ANTI-AMERICANISM

There are numerous theories on the causes of anti-Americanism. One

is the so-called structural theory; namely, that it is the natural reaction
to America’s economic and military preeminence. A second school of
thought holds that it is an entirely rational response to America’s for-
eign policies, especially in the Middle East. A third theory maintains
that, whether America’s policies are correct or misguided, its style in
implementing them is arrogant and indifferent to the legitimate con-
cerns of others. Closely related is the idea that Americans themselves
are rude, loud, and overbearing. Their collective personality, it seems,
grates on the world’s nerves. Finally, some people believe that anti-
Americanism is really part of a larger fear of modernization, with roots
stretching as far back as the Luddites, who destroyed the textile ma-
chines that threatened their jobs at the beginning of the Industrial Rev-
olution. Others say it’s not modernization that people fear, but the
soul-deadening effects of the coarse materialism that America typifies.
Of course, it’s also possible that people in other countries are just not
that into America anymore.
Whatever its source, overt anti-Americanism may wax and wane
with events, but the underlying resentment is palpable and enduring.
Some people act on these feelings and ideas by shunning American
fast-food restaurants; others, thankfully far fewer in number, are will-
ing to kill or die for them. Such murderous anti-Americanism requires
a proportionate response, and that’s what governments are for. But a
show of force is counterproductive in dealing with what I will call
“expressive” anti-Americanism—boycotting American products, re-
flexively opposing “anything American,” or joining the chorus of un-
restrained rhetoric from the “Down with America” canon.
 INTRODUCTION: THE ANTI-AMERICAN CENTURY • 5

ANTI-AMERICANISMS

It may be more appropriate to speak of anti-Americanism in the plural,

because it is a complex blend of emotions that condense in unpredict-
able ways. It can be in different measure, and simultaneously, envy of
America’s power and wealth, anger at its real and imagined faults and
offenses, contempt for its ignorance and lack of sophistication, embar-
rassment at one’s own dependency on America, fear of one’s losses,
and shame for one’s own shortcomings. Different strains spring from
both ends of the political spectrum. From the left, it is basically anti-
capitalist; from the right, it is nationalistic and culturally conservative,
as in the original meaning of being “anti-change.” In Germany, for
example, the expression Amerikanische Verhaltnisse—“American con-
ditions”—is a derisive term, referring to the inhumanity of American
capitalism. In France, Américain is an insult that political opponents
toss at each other.

A SPECIAL CASE

Anti-Americanism in the Muslim world seems to be in a category of

its own. The French can be charmingly eccentric and irritating, but
Muslim anti-Americanism comes off as a hatred that can be scary. In-
deed, it exploded violently on American soil in the attacks on the
World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Furthermore, Muslim anti-
Americanism is not limited to a few fanatics. Attitudes toward the
United States in the Middle East have consistently been the most nega-
tive in the world. That should not be too surprising: America is at war
there; from an Arab perspective, the United States is on the wrong side
of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict; and American values seem to be the
antithesis of Islam’s, the region’s majority religion. To many, the situa-
tion seems practically hopeless.
For all these reasons, this book pays special attention to the Islamic
world, particularly in the Arab states. But it is wrong to assume that
anti-Americanism stems solely, or even primarily, from that region.
Nor is it the result of a unique set of religious and political circum-
stances, unlikely to be repeated elsewhere. As we shall see, it has taken
root practically worldwide. And American businesses play a role both
in its causes and possible solution.
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