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The Linguistic Shaping
of Thought:
A Study in the Impact
of Language on Thinking
in China and the West
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The Linguistic Shaping
of Thought:
A Study in the Impact
of Language on Thinking
in China and the West

ALFRED H. BLOOM
Departments of Psychology and Linguistics
Swarthmore College

\}' ~~~~~~~~;?c~~p Press


NEW YORK AND lONDON
First Published 1981 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

This edition published 2014 by Psychology Press


711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

and by Psychology Press


27 Church Road, Hove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA

Psychology Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1981 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or


utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or


registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Bloom, Alfred H
The linguistic shaping of thought.

Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
I. Psycholinguistics. 2. Thought and thinking.
3. Chinese language--Psychological aspects. 4. English
language--Psychological aspects. I. Title.
BF455.B562 401 '.9 80-27753
ISBN 0-89859-089-2

Publisher's Note
The publisher bas gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint
but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.

fSBN- 13: 978- 1-315-80289-3 (ebk)


To my father
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Contents

Preface ix

Introduction
A New Infrastructure for Language and Thought 1
Overreacting to Whorf 2
Opposing Assumptive Frameworks 3
Cognitive Structuralism 9

I. The Distinctive Cognitive legacies of English and Chinese 13


Theoretical Extensions 33

2. Linguistic Initiatives in
the Shaping and Functioning of Thought 61
Language and the Shaping of Our Cognitive Repertories 62
Language and the Functioning of Our Cognitive Repertories 75
Cognitive Barriers to Cross-Linguistic Communication 84
References 86

Appendix 92

Author Index 103

Subject Index 1 05

vii
Page Intentionally Left Blank
Preface

Fourteen years of interaction with the Chinese language and its speakers
have alerted me to certain important differences between the Chinese mode
of speaking and thinking and that of speakers of English. These discoveries
are not only exciting in themselves. They increase sensitivity to what
Chinese speakers mean. They heighten awareness of the biases implicit in
the way English speakers speak and think; and they compel me to challenge
the assumption, currently lurking within the field of psychology, that
languages have little impact on the shaping of cognitive life.
The research reported in this book was supported by a grant awarded by
the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the Social Science
Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies for the
year 1978, by a stipend from the National Endowment for the Humanities
for the summer of 1975, and by research grants from Swarthmore College.
I would like to thank for their individual contributions: Margaret H.
Bloom, Susan Blader, Susan Campbell; Chen Ta-tuan, Sydney and Mimi
Chu, Pamela Crossley, Benjamin Elman, Joel and Arline Epstein, Lila R.
Gleitman, Gu Wan-ch'ing, Heng Hsiung-jeng, Doris and Jimmy Ho, Ron-
nie Hsia, Herbert C. Kelman, Hugh Lacey, Cecilia Lee, Mei Guang, Mr.
and Mrs. Pi, Michael Posner, Harris Savin, Vincent Siciliano, Benjmin K.
T'sou, Urfie, Richard W. Wilson, an anonymous reviewer, my students at
Swarthmore past and present, and the subjects who participated in the ex-
perimental research.
I would like to thank Winnie Vaules for her unfailing cheerfulness and
for her consistently fine work.
And, in particular, I would like to thank Roger Brown for his continuing
intellectual guidance and personal support.

ix
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The Linguistic Shaping
of Thought:
A Study in the Impact
of Language on Thinking
in China and the West
Page Intentionally Left Blank
Introduction

A NEW INFRASTRUCTURE FOR LANGUAGE


AND THOUGHT

Does the fact that the Chinese lexicon carves up the semantic domain of the
English word "reason" into a highly differentiated set of lexical concepts
imply that the Chinese reason about reason and reasons in a more differen-
tiated fashion than English speakers do? Does the fact that the Chinese lex-
icon includes words roughly equivalent to the English terms "suggestion,"
"mental perspective," and "meaning" but has no term directly equivalent
to the English word "idea" imply that English speakers have an idea that
Chinese speakers do not share? Does the fact that the Chinese language,
unlike English, commonly uses distinct terms to distinguish "if-then" rela-
tionships from "if-and-only-if-then" relationships imply that Chinese
students are, on that score at least, better fitted for first-year logic than their
American counterparts? Does the fact that the English language, unlike
Chinese, provides a distinct means for shifting from talk of people or acts
being "sincere," to talk of "sincerity" as an abstracted property imply that
English speakers are inclined to think about being sincere in a more detached
way?
The question of whether the language we speak may shape the way we
think rarely fails to excite the imagination of anyone who considers it for
the first time and rarely fails to hold, from that point on, at least a lingering
fascination and intuitive appeal. When bilingual speakers of two
linguistically unrelated languages are asked whether they think they think
differently when using each of their languages, they almost invariably
answer "yes." When English speakers, who have extensive experience with
monolingual speakers of non-Indo-European languages, are asked whether
it is their impression that speakers of the non-Indo-European languages
think differently from the way they themselves think, as a result of
2 INTRODUCTION

language, they likewise just about invariably answer "yes." When


translators of works drawn from literary traditions of unrelated languages
are asked whether there is a language/thought barrier to overcome in
translation, they usually find it hard to surpress a smile at so "naive" a
question. Yet when psychologists are asked whether they think languages
shape thought, they are as likely as not to say "no." When linguists are asked
whether they think languages shape thought, they are as likely as not to res-
pond that the question is not one with which the discipline of linguistics
should concern itself; and when the work of the dominant empirical tradi-
tions of psychology, philosophy, and linguistics for the past fifty years is
scanned for treatments of the question of whether or not languages shape
thought, it quickly becomes evident that within these traditions that ques-
tion, for one reason or another, never seemed to be a legitimate one or a
relevant one to ask.

OVERREACTING TO WHORF

The surprising rejection by the empirical community of this rather compel-


ling question stems partly from the fact that the work of its principal
American proponent, Benjamin Whorf (1956),' quickly became associated
with some rather untenable claims. Some read in Whorf the claim that the
categories in which men and women speak not only influence but exclusively
determine the categories in which they think. Yet these readers were well
aware that children think about dolls, mothers, rattles, crawling, and even
finding lost objects behind couches before they learn to speak and that
adults make beds, drive cars, spice dishes, recognize faces and respond to
complex emotional situations without recourse to words, and so rejected
Whorf's ideas. Others read in Whorf not only the claim that the languages
men and women speak exclusively determine the categories in which they
think, but the still more deterministic claim that the first languages in-
dividuals learn determine those categories conclusively and immutably. This
second group of readers were even quicker to reject Whorf's ideas for, in
the first place, they shared our intuitive impression that we can learn other
languages and in so doing master to a significant degree at least whatever
new conceptual divisions of the world such learning requires. Secondly,
they knew that speakers of every language borrow lexical concepts from
other languages and invent new ones on their own and so cannot be
prisoners for life of their primary linguistic worlds. And thirdly, they found
Whorf's reasoning a self-contradiction for, according to their interpretation

'See also Sapir, 1921, and Humbolt, 1903-1918.


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