IFUGAO PEOPLE
HISTORY,
CULTURE AND
TRADITIONS
GROUP 1
BACKGROUND
The Ifugao people inhabit the most rugged and
mountainous part of the country, high up in the central
Cordillera in northern Luzon.
The term “Ifugao” is composed of the prefix i meaning
“people of” and pugaw meaning “the cosmic earth.” It
could also have been derived from the term ipugo, which
means “from the hill.” Ifugao mythology, however, says
that ipugo is a type of rice grain given to the people by
Matungulan, the god of grains.
Ifugao is also the name of a province, one among six of the
Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR). It covers about
251,778 hectares of territory, 81.77% of which has a slope
of over 18 degrees. It consists of 11 municipalities—
Banaue, Hungduan, Kiangan, Lagawe, Lamut, Mayoyao
(Mayaoyao), Alfonso Lista (Potia), Aguinaldo, Hingyon,
Tinoc, and Asipulo—with Lagawe as the provincial capital.
The province is known for its rice terraces that are found in
nine upland municipalities
Its highest elevation is at 2,523 meters, and its waters flow
toward Magat River, a tributary of the Cagayan River. The
neighbors of the Ifugao to the north are the Bontok; to the
west, the Kankanaey and Ibaloy; to the east, the Gaddang;
and to the south, the Ikalahan and Iwak. In 1918, Ifugao
province had a total of 175 barangays and a total population
of 126,000. By 2010, the population had grown to 191,078.
The major Ifugao languages are Tuwali in Kiangan and
Lagawe; Ayangan or Adyangan in Banaue; Henanga in
Mayoyao and Aguinaldo; Hingyon; and Hungduan. Linguistic
boundaries, however, are not quite as clearly delineated. In
Asipulo, for instance, there are least three Ifugao subgroups
speaking different Ifugao languages: Tuwali, Hanlulo, and
Adyangan. Among the Ifugao, Tuwali is the lingua franca,
and Ilocano is the second language, used particularly for
trading and travel.
HISTORY OF IFUGAO PROVINCE
For two centuries even as the lowlanders were under
Spanish domination, Ifugao life remained undisturbed. Then
in 1741, the towns of Bayombong and Bagabag were
established in Nueva Vizcaya as a base for Spanish
operations. The Spanish used converts like Juan Lumawig of
Bagabag to convince the Ifugao to settle in the Spanish
towns. Many Ifugao, however, either refused to submit
themselves or continued to attack Christian towns. In
response, the Spanish military employed other tactics. In
1832, Colonel Guillermo Galvey pillaged Kiangan, using
Ilocano and Pangasinan troops to retaliate against Ifugao
attacks on Nueva Vizcaya and Cagayan towns.
Ifugao relations with friars were based on the military’s
strength in the area. For as long as there was military
presence, the Ifugao welcomed the protection of the friars,
who were aiming to convert them. In 1849, for instance, the
Ifugao in Mayoyao asked for a priest and built a church in
their village.
Five years later, however, when the Spanish forces were
transferred elsewhere and the villagers had by then become
disillusioned with the friars, they burned down the church.
At the end of the century, although the Spanish had made
inroads into Ifugao country, they were unable to effectively
control the native population. The Spaniards could not end
the Ifugao practice of headhunting completely despite
attempts to do so, and the Ifugao continually attacked
Spanish garrisons and troops. Even the Ifugao, who lived in
Spanish garrison towns and sought protection from the
Spanish military against their own Ifugao enemies, rebelled
against Spanish colonial taxes and military abuse.
The traditional kinship system of the Ifugao has also been
manipulated by traditional politicians. Government programs
have had little impact on the economic conditions of the
people. Regular military operations in the region have slowed
down development work.
IFUGAO WAY OF LIFE
Agriculture—both wet and dry—
is the main source of livelihood
among the Ifugao. Rice is grown
mainly on the terraces, while
sweet potatoes and other
tubers are grown on the
mountainsides that they have
cleared. Rice is the chief staple;
sweet potatoes rank high in
consumption but low in
prestige. Only rice is served
during rites and feasts.
Since rice production is
dependent on rainwater, an
irrigation system has been
developed, requiring the
building of pipelines, conveyors,
and sluices. Hence, the Ifugao
have had to regulate the
distribution and use of water in
their custom law.
IFUGAO CULTURE
Social classes exist in Ifugao society, and these are based
on wealth, indicated by the possession of heirloom objects
such as antique porcelain; sacrificial animals like carabaos,
pigs, and chickens; other household items of value; and a
considerable amount of money. The hagabi lounge chair is a
status symbol, indicating that the family belongs to the
kadangyan (aristocracy). Those who were captured during
head-taking excursions belong to the nawotwot (lower
class). To this group also belong the field workers who do
not own land but serve the kadangyan either as servants or
tenants. In between the two classes are the natumok, who
may own small pieces of land, but these are not sufficient to
give them a year-round harvest. The rich Ifugao usually
command authority, although fair treatment is accorded to
all. Ordinarily, the rich belong to the mombaki (shaman)
clan who perform marriages, recite myths during marriages
and victory feasts, and offer animal sacrifices and prayers
for the recovery of sick people.
Kinship is of primary importance in traditional Ifugao life. The
success of one is the success of all, and the burden of one is
the burden of all. Members of the family are advised to
marry within the region or if they marry an outsider, to settle
near the parents’ residence. The father has the final say in
family activities such as work in the fields, children’s care
and training, and feasts. The wife closely assists the
husband, and she takes his place as head of the family when
he dies. Once the fields have been planted and there is
sufficient firewood stored, the father can enjoy himself
attending feasts, drinking, and gambling, or he may choose
to help with the household chores. Women are expected to
plant and harvest rice, weed the rice paddies, cook, keep
house, weave, and sew the family clothes. The wife is
allowed to accompany the husband in feasts and
ceremonies.
By tradition, children follow the choice of their parents.
Matchmaking is made on the basis of wealth and social status.
Sons are encouraged to marry young so that their parents may see
their grandchildren before they die. A traditional engagement
requires the boy to serve at the girl’s home by performing
domestic tasks. Three to six months later, the wedding ceremony
is performed by the mombaki in the girl’s home. Newly married
couples live separately from their parents to ensure mutual respect
and cooperation.
Certain omens at the wedding, such as the bride slipping or
dropping something, can void a marriage. Divorce is permitted if
the couple remains childless or if the wife is proven unfaithful. If
the couple is childless, it is the husband’s prerogative to opt for
divorce. Divorce ceremonies are performed by the mombaki with
an animal offering in the couple’s house. The husband must move
out and the wife keeps the house. Both the husband and wife can
reclaim the wealth and property they owned before their marriage.
The traditional practices related to engagement, marriage, and
divorce have waned as the Ifugao have adapted to Christian ways.
Since the late 1990s, the Ifugao have observed and practiced
aspects of both traditional and Christian marriage.
IFUGAO RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES
The Ifugao universe is divided into
five worlds or regions: the skyworld
called kabunian; the earth world
called puga or pugaw; the
underworld called dalum; the
downstream region called lagod;
and the upstream region called
dayya or daiya. Beneath the
underworld is a substream called
dagah-na. All the regions of the
universe are inhabited by
thousands of deities and spirits; yet,
there is no supreme deity.
Deities are Matungulan, gods and
goddesses of plenty or the god of
all worlds; Dimapon, god of fortune:
Manahaot, god of sorcery and
deception; Bagob, god of harvest;
Bulul, god of the idols; Montalong,
god of humans; Bibiyo, fairy gods;
and Mabaki, gods and goddesses of
war. These deities are known only
to the mombaki, whose training and
preparation for this position take a
number of years.
Baki or rituals express the Ifugao’s religious beliefs and are led
by the mombaki. A ritual may consist of the following steps: the
gonod or invocation to the deities or ancestors by name; the
dayum or prayer to the deities; the aiyag, in which the mombaki
invites the ancestors to come and possess him; the hikkop, in
which an ancestor or deity possesses the mombaki; and the
tobal, in which the mombaki exhorts the possessing deity or
ancestor by expressing the purpose of the feast and the will of
the people. Offerings are always part of the rites performed.
These consist of betel nut, chicken claw, feathers, rice wine, pigs,
dogs, and chickens. In minor rites, the dried skin and inner layer
of the pig’s jowls are offered. It is taboo for the people, even for
the mombaki, to eat this part of the pig.
The more important rites involve stages in the Ifugao life cycle:
rice planting, rice harvesting, sickness, weaving, hunting,
acquisition of prestige, marriage, and death and burial. Nearly all
rites are performed underneath the house or granary, except for
hunting, headhunting, and aiyag, which are performed in the
forest. Each of these rites is addressed to a special deity and
ancestor.
IFUGAO VILLAGE AND TRADITIONAL HOUSE
Ifugao villages consist of 12 to 30
houses, usually near the terraces
that they cultivate and near water
sources and clumps of trees.
Houses may be in clusters, as in
Banaue, or scattered in irregular
rows, such as those in the Mayoyao
area.
Betel nut trees are planted and
grown on the edge of the terraces
to provide shade. Owners of pigs
surround their houses with fences
called runo, which are made of
plants, stones, or sticks planted on
the ground. The kadangyan build
their houses in the central terraces.
Houses are arranged according to
the shape of the terraces. They
may be standing on narrow
terraces, spread out, or grouped
around an open space in wide
terraces. House entrances usually
face away from the slope of a
IFUGAO TRADITIONAL ATTIRE
Weaving is the exclusive
task of Ifugao women.
Traditionally, weaving is
done for the family’s
needs, but it is also done
for commercial purposes.
Girls learn to weave by
helping their mother or
elder sister, and by actual
practice under elder
women. Weaving
instruments, such as the
loom sticks, the spindle,
and the apparatus for
fluffing, skeining, and
winding are made by the
menfolk.
Weaving entails a long process,
beginning with the preparation of the
raw material to be used; spinning;
the iwalangan (winding or skeining);
dyeing; warping the cotton threads;
and finally the actual weaving, which
involves two women or girls who
operate the weaving loom. Weavers
from Kiangan classify their works into
textiles either with or without dyed
designs. They weave blankets, G-
strings, skirts, upper garments, belts,
and hip and hand bags. Each type of
textile reflects particular social
functions. Textiles with blue, red, and
black dye designs are made into
blankets, skirts, and G-strings. The
Tuwali and the Henanga’s weaving
designs and colors differ. The Tuwali
use white, black, and red, with the
last being the dominant color. The
Henanga of Mayoyao use white, red,
and blue, with blue dominating, and
green and yellow threads are
incorporated into the design at the
middle.
IFUGAO HANDICRAFTS AND SCULPTURES
The Ifugao produce baskets for
household needs as well as other
purposes. They have baskets for
winnowing, catching pests,
domesticating animals, storing grains
and cooked food, keeping household
utensils, clothes and personal
belongings, and performing rituals
and religious ceremonies. Carrying
baskets have been so designed as to
leave a person’s hands free to carry
other loads.
Rattan is the material used for
household baskets. The split rattan
produces a fluted or grooved
appearance. All baskets have a
natural resilience due to the nature of
rattan. In Kiangan and Lagawe
villages, the split-rattan material is
used for household baskets like the
labba (farm bowl), ligao (winnowing
tray), and plaited storage jars.
A very popular form of
Ifugao art is sculpture. Most
Ifugao sculptures are
carved from wood, although
a few use metal. The
Henanga Ifugao carve their
mortars from stone.
The Ifugao mark stages of
their life cycle with rituals
and ceremonies invoking
the gods and deities. In
these rituals, the bulol is
the most common and
traditional ritual sculpture.
It is used in rituals seeking
a bountiful harvest,
revenge, or the healing of a
sick person.
IFUGAO LITERARY ARTS
The Ifugao do not have a systematic form of
writing, but their oral literature—recorded
traditions, beliefs, and rituals—attest to the vast
wealth of literary arts in the region.
Ifugao riddles serve to entertain and at the same
time educate the young (Lodriguito 1978):
Waday ohan makaphod an babai an kanona di
adolna. -(A beautiful lady eats her body. )
Patayom nih-an di inana ahim ta alan nan
imbabalena. -(Kill first the mother, before you get
the child.)
Dapa-om ke nan balena ya mumbuttikan nan
kumbale.
-(Touch the house and the owner runs about.
Tales about Pangulchihon
and Angudyawon are
about fights.
Pangulchihon and
Angudyawon are the
descendants of Bugan,
daughter of Amtalaw.
They represent the
warriors or sometimes
Wigan’s offsprings or
descendants. Sometimes
these magical tales begin
in Chuligan, the
legendary house of Bugan
and Wigan, and end at
the house of the husband
and wife for whom the
rites are being performed.
The Hudhud hi Aliguyon (Hudhud of
Aliguyon) is about the battle lasting
several years between Aliguyon from
the village of Hannanga and
Pumbakhayon from the village of
Daligdigan. The two men are equally
skillful warriors. Their duel ends only
when Aliguyon asks his comrades to
take his hip bag to Pumbakhayon’s
house as a sign that he wants
Pumbakhayon’s sister, Bugan, for his
wife. When Pumbakhayon accepts
his proposal, the wedding is held at
once, and Pumbakhayon prays that
the gods bless the couple with
children and that they become rich
Ifugao aristocrats. Pumbakhayon
returns to his village with Aginaya to
celebrate their own marriage. The
Hudhud of Dinulawan and Bugan at
Gonhadan, on the other hand,
narrates Bugan’s search for a
husband, her marriage to Daulayan,
Aliguyon’s long-lost brother, and the
courtship and wedding of Aginaya,
Aliguyun’s sister, and Dinulawan,
Bugan’s brother.
IFUGAO TRADITIONAL SONGS AND CHANTS
Vocal music covers a variety of forms. Men and women,
young and old alike, sing. There are trained chanters for
rituals and other social gatherings, and the people feel
free to critique the chanting. Chanting or singing can be
done either by one individual, such as when putting a
child to sleep, or, more often, by a group, which may have
a lead chanter or singer. Songs learned from other tribes
or lands are usually sung individually.
Ifugao songs can be classified into ritual songs and non-
ritual songs. Ritual songs are sung during religious
occasions. Some songs require responses while others are
extemporaneous. Alim is a ritual song. Non-ritual songs
include the hudhud, the liwliwa, and the salidummay. The
liwliwa, used to express love, protest, and other personal
emotions, is sung in debate form by groups of men and
women and their leaders. The salidummay, which can
express ideas or emotions, is usually sung antiphonally by
groups of men and women.
IFUGAO FOLK DANCES
Dancing, meanwhile, takes center stage during rituals,
religious activities, and special occasions. When they
dance, their eyes are focused on one point on the
ground, about 90 centimeters from where they are
standing, their knees bent down a little, their left foot in
front, their hands outstretched with their fingers joined,
right hand akimbo behind their right hip. The dance steps
follow a slow shuffle with slow turns and twists of the left
hand and a fast up-and-down movement of the right
hand. While kneeling in front of the dancers, the gong
players hold the gangsa on top of their thighs with the
convex side held up. They beat the gongs with their
hands, the right hand giving the downward stroke, the
left hand serving to dampen the sound. Speeches are
made in between these dances, with the resounding
“whoooo-o-eee” serving to silence those present so that
the speech may be delivered (Wilcox 1912, 109-112).
IFUGAO RITUALS
Aside from dances, the rituals constitute the forms of drama
among the Ifugao. Every ritual follows a general pattern. It begins
with an invocation to the ancestors. This is followed by the
possession of the priest by the ancestors. The ancestors may sip
wine through the priest. The mamonghal (leader priest) assigns
the different deities to the priests present. The makalun
(messenger) is asked to intercede with the deities according to
the purpose of the rite. Possession by the deities occurs after the
pig or other sacrificial animal has been offered. The priest
commands the deity to come, and through the priest, the deity
makes his or her presence felt through the possession note “tsay-
ay-ay” (Kiangan) or “Ki-ye-e-e-eh” (Central Ifugao). The deity
declares its habitat, expresses satisfaction in the feast and wine,
and goes home. The sacrifice of animals, usually chickens, is
done after the deity has left. While this goes on, the priest
mentions the names of the deities to whom the offerings are
made. Then, myth recitation related to the rite is performed. A
quenching rite, performed by throwing boiling water from the
cauldron into the coals, is done and an invocation is again
performed.
IFUGAO IN MEDIA AND FILMS
A number of films have been
made about the Ifugao and the
Banaue Rice Terraces. During
the First Golden Age of
Philippine Cinema, Gerardo de
Leon made Ifugao, 1954, an
adaptation of a series in Hiwaga
Komiks. The film dramatizes the
struggles of the Ifugao against
the American colonizers. The
film won major awards in the
1955 Asian Film Festival in
Singapore. During that time, the
Philippines was becoming the
center of filmmaking in Asia, and
showcasing ethnic groups was a
festival trend.
The conflict of tradition and modernization has
become a prominent topic in most of the films
about the Ifugao. Butch Perez’s Mumbaki, 1996,
narrates the story of an Ifugao chieftain’s son
who is torn between leaving the country to work
as a doctor and staying in their homeland to
fulfill his responsibilities. In Benjie Garcia’s
Batad: Sa Paang Palay, 2006, an out-of-school
Ifugao boy works as a tour guide to help his
family and buy his dream rubber shoes. This film
has been criticized for its narrative loopholes,
such as the unclear cause of the Ifugao boy’s
desire to possess a new pair of shoes. But the
film won Special Jury Prize at the 2006
Cinemalaya Philippine Independent Film Festival.
THANK
YOU!!!!