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Criminal Law 122 (Spring 2012) Group # 3 Team Detectives Professor Whitaker

The document discusses sexual violence and predators. It defines a sexual predator as someone who obtains or tries to obtain sexual contact in a predatory manner, hunting for partners. Sexual violence includes rape and unwanted sexual comments or advances. Risk factors for intimate partner and sexual violence include exposure to child abuse, witnessing domestic violence, substance abuse, and harmful gender attitudes. The document also discusses efforts to prevent violence through interventions and policies promoting gender equality.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
118 views11 pages

Criminal Law 122 (Spring 2012) Group # 3 Team Detectives Professor Whitaker

The document discusses sexual violence and predators. It defines a sexual predator as someone who obtains or tries to obtain sexual contact in a predatory manner, hunting for partners. Sexual violence includes rape and unwanted sexual comments or advances. Risk factors for intimate partner and sexual violence include exposure to child abuse, witnessing domestic violence, substance abuse, and harmful gender attitudes. The document also discusses efforts to prevent violence through interventions and policies promoting gender equality.

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pprentice89
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© Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Criminal Law 122 (Spring 2012) Group # 3 Team Detectives Professor Whitaker

Group Members
Holden John-Rose Aaron Round tree Jodyne Ambrose Phedencia Prentice

The term sexual predator is used pejoratively to describe a person seen as obtaining or trying to obtain sexual contact with another person in a metaphorically "predatory" manner. Analogous to how a predator hunts down its prey, so the sexual predator is thought to "hunt" for his or her sex partners. People who commit sex crimes, such as rape or child sexual abuse, are commonly referred to as sexual predators, particularly in tabloid media or as a power phrase by politicians.

Sexual violence is any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed against a persons sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting. It includes rape, defined as the physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration of the vulva or anus with a penis, other body part or object.

The United Nations defines violence against women as 'any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.'

Population-level surveys based on reports from victims provide the most accurate estimates of the prevalence of intimate partner violence and sexual violence in non-conflict settings. The WHO Multi-country study on womens health and domestic violence against women in 10 mainly developing countries found that, among women aged 15 to 49 years. Between 15% of women in Japan and 70% of women in Ethiopia and Peru reported physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner; Between 0.311.5% of women reported experiencing sexual violence by a non-partner; The first sexual experience for many women was reported as forced 24% in rural Peru, 28% in Tanzania, 30% in rural Bangladesh, and 40% in South Africa.

Intimate partner and sexual violence are mostly perpetrated by men against girls and women. However, sexual violence against boys is also common. International studies reveal that approximately 20% of women and 510% of men report being victims of sexual violence as children. Population-based studies of relationship violence among young people (or dating violence) suggest that this affects a substantial proportion of the youth population. For instance, in South Africa a study of people aged 1323 years found that 42% of females and 38% of males reported being a victim of physical dating violence.

Risk factors for both intimate partner and sexual violence include: Lower levels of education (perpetrators and victims); Exposure to child maltreatment (perpetrators and victims); Witnessing parental violence (perpetrators and victims); antisocial personality disorder (perpetrators); Harmful use of alcohol (perpetrators and victims); Males who have multiple partners or are suspected by their partners of infidelity (perpetrators); and Attitudes that are accepting of violence (perpetrators and victims).

Currently, there are few interventions whose effectiveness has been scientifically proven. More resources are needed to strengthen the primary prevention of intimate partner and sexual violence i.e. stopping it from happening in the first place. The primary prevention strategy with the best evidence for effectiveness for intimate partner violence is school-based programmes for adolescents to prevent violence within dating relationships. These, however, remain to be assessed for use in resource-poor settings. Evidence is emerging for the effectiveness of several other primary prevention strategies: those that combine microfinance with gender equality training; that promote communication and relationship skills within communities; that reduce access to, and the harmful use of alcohol; and that change cultural gender norms. To achieve lasting change, it is important to enact legislation and develop policies that protect women; address discrimination against women and promote gender equality; and help to move the culture away from violence. An appropriate response from the health sector can contribute in important ways to preventing the recurrence of violence and mitigating its consequences (secondary and tertiary prevention). Sensitization and education of health and other service providers is therefore another important strategy. To address fully the consequences of violence and the needs of victims/survivors requires a multisectoral response.

The court case Kansas V. Crane gained national attention in 2002 when Michael Crane pleaded guilty to two incidents of sexual assault. The decision in this case added upon a previous decision in the Kansas V Hendricks case, that was initially interpreted that a person who has only an emotional or personality disorder, but not a volitional impairment, does not have the ability to control dangerous behavior. This interpretation was found to be too restrictive and the findings in Kansas v. Crane essentially make it easier for prosecutors to find a defendant to be a sexual predator. Under Kansas V. Crane, a personality disorder is no longer the only factor in judging whether or not a person is a sexual predator.

http://drphil.com/articles/article/266/ http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/ fs239/en/ http://www.google.co.vi/imgres

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