John andre-case-officer

John Andre: Case Ofﬁcer
APPROVED FOR RELEASE
CIA HISTORICAL REVIEW PROGRAM
22 SEPT 93
Robert Amory, Jr.
In May of 1779, two and a half years before its decisive victory at
Yorktown, the Continental cause was in a precarious state. Stalemate in
the north and almost uninterrupted British success in the south had
brought not only despair to General Washington's forces and dissension
among the revolutionary politicians, but also disenchantment to our
French allies. At the same time, however, England was war-weary and
Parliament was buffeted by Whig demands for a settlement on the
colonists' terms. Thus all hung in balance, and it seemed one brilliant
military stroke on either side could be enough to make the other give up
the strugle. Raids and forages might go on endlessly, it was thought at
Sir Henry Clinton's New York headquarters, but the capture of a critical
position and a major corps of the rebels would bring elusive victory
within grasp.
Captain John Andre, who a month earlier had been made Clinton's
intelligence chief, certainly saw it thus, and he apparently felt the
situation as a personal challenge and opportunity. His professional
competence, along with his social graces and artistic talents, had made
him eminently successful at 28, but he was still consumed by ambition.
His new responsibilities included that of encouraging defection among
the enemy, and so his spirits must have vaulted when at this juncture
there came into his ofﬁce a man purporting to be an emissary from
Major General Benedict Arnold.
A Prize Walk-In Parlayed

Consider how Arnold must have loomed to the G-2 of His Majesty's
expeditionary forces. The dossier would record: lower middle class
background; vigorous entrepreneur; pre-war captain of a superior
company of militia; early in the war the brains of the seizure of
Ticonderoga; energetic admiral who swept Lake Champlain; conceiver
and executor of the late '75 campaign in which André himself had been
taken prisoner, the epic effort to take Quebec (which ended in disaster
but might have been a success of historic watershed proportions had
Arnold been permitted to commence it in midsummer as he wished).
The record would also show Arnold's major if not unique contribution to
the capture of Burgoyne at Saratoga and a crippling wound suffered
there. It would note his rise in three short years from Captain to Major
General and his current position as commandant of recaptured
Philadelphia, benign to the Tories and neutrals.
Undoubtedly, however, Arnold's dossier would also record his present ill
repute with the Congress for this same benignity, along with other
quirks, and his demand for a general court martial to clear his
reputation. And finally, if full and subtle, it would disclose acute financial
embarrassment and the probable Tory leanings of his beautiful young
bride Pegy Shippen (whose name had once been linked with André's
own during the hedonistic winter André spent in occupied Philadelphia
after a prisoner exchange had liberated him in time to take part in
Charles Grey's surprise attack on Mad Anthony Wayne's corps, opening
the way to the rebel capital).
Arnold, making this first approach in the pseudonym of Monk, after the
roundhead whose rallying to Charles Stuart made the Restoration
possible, had sent his emissary, a trusted Philadelphia Tory, through the
lines to see André personally. The terms of his proposition can only be
reconstructed from the response André sent back by the same
intermediary; it was apparently an offer, in exchange for cold cash and
the promise of a high position in the King's service, to defect
immediately. André answered with a proposal that he "defect in place,"
supply intelligence and hold off changing sides until it would have a
significant effect on the progress of the war. After all, at this time Arnold
had no combat force command and his influence had suffered under
the bitter hostility of the left-wing Whigs and his many enemies among
the militia officers less competent than he. Let him stew a while, one
reads between the lines of the reply.

André included a set of communications instructions, complete in
professional detail. Correspondence was to be maintained through
intermediaries or drops, so that no telltale addresses would be
disclosed. Pseudonyms would further mask the parties. A code was
prescribed -- numbers keyed to pages, lines, and words of a specified
dictionary. Auxiliary acid and heat-type secret inks would be used as
necessary. And finally, as a last line of defense should
counterintelligence penetrate the coded veil, the whole contents of the
correspondence were to be disguised as concerning a harmless illicit
business transaction between two merchant adventurers or as
"observations on the complexion of an old woman's health."
André also spelled out the intelligence requirements of the British
command: "Contents of dispatches from foreign abettors -- number and
position of troops -- concerting the means of a blow of importance ...
etc., etc." All he promised in return was that "liberal acknowledgments
will infallibly attend conspicuous services."
A surprisingly large portion of the André-Arnold correspondence
survives.1 Sixty-eight separate letters or decryptions covering forty
tightly leaded printed pages are available for study, containing every
type of classical artifice and mistake. The scholar has endless
conundrums to solve -- which message crossed which, which was
drafted but not sent, what meaning was conveyed by what double talk.
Arnold promptly started to produce a miscellany of intelligence
information, much of it of current value to Clinton and his staff, but at
the same time pressed his side of the bargain, demanding 10,000
sterling as lump sum payment. He asked to be informed of Clinton's plan
of campaign so that he could conform his activities to it, a disclosure
Clinton and André could of course not make to an agent. Neither would
they get down to specifics on the price they were prepared to pay for
mere defection. Instead, André urged that Arnold "Join the army, accept
a command, be surprized, be cut off -- these things may happen in the
course of manoeuvre, nor you be censured or suspected. A complete
service of this nature involving a corps of five or six thousand men
would be rewarded with twice as many thousand guineas." This letter of
his also makes the fateful sugestion that the two of them arrange the
final details in a face-to-face meeting under a flag of truce.
Through the summer of '79 the case officer alternately encouraged and
chided his agent. Arnold, in his volatile state of mind, was not easy to

g y t
handle. His demands, said André, were too high, the information he
supplied of but "very indirect influence here." "Permit me to prescribe a
little exertion." Constantly he reverts to his main objective, that Arnold
deliver up with himself a sufficient body of Washington's army to inflict a
grievous if not mortal wound on the Continental cause. "Sir let us not
lose time or contract our views ... we cannot think you would on your
side confine to general intelligence whilst so much greater things may be
done ..." But Arnold was not to be rushed; his wound still stood in the
way of his taking a field command, and the court martial he had invited
failed to vindicate entirely his actions as military governor of
Philadelphia. The correspondence languished during the fall except for
occasional spot reports from Arnold.
Firmly in back of André's subornation of Arnold was not only General
Clinton but also the government in London. War Office advice to Sir
Henry urged him not "to hesitate at any expense, promises, threats ...
that may tend to disarm the rebellion" and approved specifically of
bribery. Romantics or moralists may decry such methods of achieving
military objectives, but throughout the ages and in every civilization
farsighted commanders have employed silver bullets to obviate the
expenditure of blood and greater treasure. Hamilton, adverting
specifically to André's plot, later philosophized: "The authorized maxims
and practices of war ... countenance almost every species of seduction
as well as violence, and the General who can make most traitors in the
army of his adversary is frequently most applauded."
In October '79 André was made Acting Adjutant General to the British
Army in America -- in today's terms Chief of Staff and even more.
Exulting, he wrote home: "You may well conceive how much I am
flattered at being called in the space of three years from a Subaltern in
the Fusiliers to the employment I hold and the favor in which I live with
the Commander in Chief." A contemporary called him the general's "first
friend ... best adviser ... bosom confidant." Who can blame the 28-year-
old officer if he conjured up visions of a brigadier's brevet and a
baronetcy as his recognition if this conspiracy succeeded? But now for
several months he was far away from Arnold and New York, assisting Sir
Henry in the siege and capture of Charleston.
Te Treason Takes Shape

In the spring of 1780 the conspirators became active again. By May
Arnold was ready to comply with André's urgings: he appears by then to
have made up his mind to obtain command of West Point and, after
strengthening its garrison to a remunerative size at £2 a head, to turn
over the works and all to the British. Through his old patron General
Schuyler he hinted to Washington that the post at West Point would
enable him to play a worthy role in the summer's campaign and would
be within the physical endurance limits set by his wound. At the same
time he resumed his correspondence with New York and for the first
time disclosed really vital strategic secrets about Washington's and
Rochambeau's summer plan of operations and the feints that were to
disguise them. In June a journey to Connecticut gave him the
opportunity to inspect the West Point works in detail, and he sent
Clinton a description of how plausibly a quick stroke abetted by
treachery might capture the position.
This time it was André's turn to be cautious and dilatory. To make sure
he was not being made the victim of a deception operation, he set spies
on Arnold's trail in Connecticut. When Arnold returned to Philadelphia he
still had no response from the British. He became feverish in his
importuning, pleading for confidence and stating as fact what was yet
only a hope, that he had been assigned the West Point command. The
most he got out of André was general encouragement, along with
insistence on a face-to-face encounter to arrange details and confirm
his bona fides. Not until August 24, three weeks after he had actually
taken over the hoped-for command, did he get a firm offer of £20,000
for delivering up the post, provided the bag included 3,000 men and
specified quantities of ordnance and stores. He then set busily about
arranging means for a meeting with André.
Such a meeting presented obvious problems. The American garrison
commander could have no legitimate private business with the British
adjutant general. Either's absence from his post would be soon
remarked. There was no safe neutral ground for the rendezvous.
Conscious primarily of the dangers to himself, Arnold proposed that
André enter the rebel lines as a civilian, thus risking death as a spy.
André, guided by Clinton's affectionate prudence, counterproposed the
relative safety of the Hudson River under the protection of British
gunboats and meeting under a flag of truce.
As in previous correspondence, but even more particularly because

these letters passed through the hands of a patriotic American officer in
charge of Arnold's outpost, the conspirators wrote as though they were
merchants arranging illicit traffic through the lines. "Mr. Anderson" wrote
from New York:
I shall be happy to meet Mr. G. Should I not be allowed to go, the
officer who shall command the escort between whom and myself
no distinction need be made can speak on the affair ... I trust I
shall not be detained but should any old grudge be a cause for it I
shall rather risk that, than neglect the business in question or
assume a mysterious character to carry on an innocent affair ...
and get into your lines by stealth.
Only Arnold would know that Mr. Anderson and the escorting officer
were one and the same.
This did not satisfy Arnold, for how could he avoid raised eyebrows if his
ostensible "agent" in New York dealt with him through a British officer?
He cautioned his correspondent not to be "so imprudent as to trust a
British officer commanding a flag with our private concerns" and
concluded, "I do, by all means, advise you to follow the plan I propose of
getting to our lines by stealth ... I will engage you shall be perfectly safe
here."
One Colonel Beverly Robinson, a Tory attached to British HQ, had a
house near West Point and had on occasion been allowed to pass the
lines to look after his establishment. Clinton was inclined to make him
the intermediary with Arnold, but André was bursting with eagerness to
undertake the mission himself. Though he'd now been made full
adjutant general, old Lord Amherst had refused to promote him
appropriately in the regular establishment because he was such a junior
captain. With a personal feat of derring-do he felt he might break out of
the ruck. Clinton, after some importuning, gave him permission to
accompany Robinson with a flag to Dobb's Ferry and there complete his
clandestine business ostensibly as escort for the Tory. So on September
11 André and Robinson proceeded upstream, but an overzealous patrol
boat from the British flotilla fired on Arnold's approaching barge and
caused the meeting to abort.
Nearly a week passed, during which Arnold made various sugestions

rly a w ek p d, during which Arn g
for another meeting and betrayed to André the highly confidential
information that Washington and his staff would cross the Hudson with
no escort at a given time and place on his way to confer with
Rochambeau. André was busy laying the groundwork for the coup de
main that was to capitalize on Arnold's treachery. His spirits must have
been high. He had been recommended again to Lord George Germain for
the rank befitting his position as Adjutant General, and it is said he
hoped to command the corps which would effect the capture of the
citadel at West Point. With the now added possibility that Washington
and his staff might be taken in the trap, his vision of a blow that would
gloriously end the rebellion was almost within his grasp.
For never were the fortunes of the Continental Army at lower ebb since
Valley Forge. Washington was writing Congress, "Every idea you can form
of our distresses will fall short of the reality ... The patience of the
soldiery ... begins at length to be worn out and we see in every line of
the army the most serious features of mutiny and sedition ... All our
operations are at a stand." The loss of the Colonies' most famous and
expensive fort would accomplish what Burgoyne and Howe had failed to
do three years before, would divide the rebellious colonies in two; and
the defeat might well convince the soured French that the time had
come to cut their investment in the feckless revolution. A member of
Clinton's staff writing of the conspiracy wrote home to London, "Since
1777 I have not seen so fair a prospect for the return of the revolted
provinces to their duty."
Fated Venture Afield
Now Admiral Rodney was apprised of the plot and requested to provide
the necessary transport for the dash up the Hudson. On September 20
André proceeded upstream with Robinson on HMS sloop of war Vulture
in a second attempt to meet Arnold. When no contact was made that
night, André, concerned lest Arnold doubt his presence, took advantage
of a shelling of his truce-flag vessel to send a protest ashore in his own
handwriting, countersigned in his pseudonym Anderson. Arnold, thus
informed, sent out a boat the next night with an unwitting intermediary -
- a local gentleman of dubious affiliation named Joshua Smith -- to bring
André ashore for the long-sought rendezvous. After some hesitation,

when credentials had been verified and he had examined the pass
made out for him, André consented to go ashore -- in his full
regimentals but no longer carrying a flag of truce. As he subsequently
wrote Washington: "I had fairly risked my person." Smith observed later
that "Mr. Anderson, from his youthful appearance, the softness of his
manners, did not seem to be qualified for the business of such moment.
His nature seemed fraught with the milk of human kindness."
From one to four a.m. the case officer and his defecting agent conferred
in a grove in Haverstraw on the Hudson. No record exists of the
negotiation save Arnold's later self-serving memorandum citing the sum
André promised him in the event of failure of the venture. Presumably
the last loose ends were tied up and the assault on West Point, the
simulated defense, and the surrender were all arranged. Arnold pressed
on André an estimate of his ordnance and the defense forces, their
battle plans, and diagrams of the works and their approaches to take
back with him to convince Clinton of the merits of the scheme. When
the meeting concluded Arnold said that daybreak was too close for
André to be rowed the six miles back to the Vulture; he must hide out
until the next night. So he rode with Arnold to Smith's house, and to his
alarm passed a sentry post; he was within the American lines.
During the day André spent in Smith's house chance dealt ill with him.
The Yankee commander on the opposite shore decided, out of pure
cussedness, to wheel up a four-pounder and a howitzer and bombard
the Vulture. The sloop, after being holed six times, retired twelve miles
downstream. Smith's rowers refused to go so far, and thus André's
chances of returning the way he arrived disappeared. That night,
although André still preferred to try rowing down river, Smith, left in
charge after Arnold's departure for West Point, insisted on crossing the
river and moving overland through Westchester to the British outpost
near White Plains.
Arnold, to protect himself, had told Smith that André was a merchant
masquerading in false pride as a British officer and that for his ride
through American-held terrain he must dispense with his uniform. Irked
but not really downcast, André set out in civilian clothes with Smith,
hoping to cover the entire distance in one night. But before nine o'clock,
after only eight miles, an American picket detained them, warned them
of Tory partisans operating to the south, and insisted that they spend
the night. Obviously André couldn't evince a lack of fear for raiders of
the other side, so perforce he turned in and spent a restless night.

The next morning the travelers proceeded seven miles together,
breakfasted, and then parted, Smith afraid of the partisans and André
happy to ride alone the last 15 miles to the British pickets. The country
he had to traverse was a genuine no man's land alternately raided by
Tory cowboys, so-called, and rebel skinners, both interested strictly in
the profits of brigandage.
About nine o'clock André was halted by such a party, of which side he
could not tell, and questioned who he was. Since he carried Arnold's
pass, he had nothing to lose by claiming to be in rebel service: if his
accosters were rebels they would honor the pass; if they were Tories
they would treat him as a prisoner and transfer him through the chain of
command until he came into hands that would recognize him. But his
wits deserted him. Probably influenced by the British uniform coat on
one of his captors, a recently escaped prisoner, he blurted out that he
was of the loyalist part -- in fact, "I am a British officer on particular
business."
When his captors declared themselves Americans, he tried to satisfy
them with Arnold's safe-conduct; but too late. They saw him as a simple
captive whose equippage was fair booty, and they particularly cottoned
to his boots and hose.
In stripping him of these, they stumbled onto the incriminating papers
Arnold had given him to carry back, and so they took him to the nearest
rebel officer. This officer had earlier been alerted by Arnold to expect a
line-crosser named Anderson coming from the British side. When the
man now came from the wrong direction and bore most sugestive
documents, he grew vaguely suspicious. He sent him under escort
toward Arnold's headquarters, but dispatched the documents by
separate messenger to intercept Washington, who was en route to West
Point at this time.
When André learned the next day what had been done with his papers,
he for the first time dropped his disguise as Mr. Anderson and wrote
Washington that "the person in your possession is Major John André,
adjutant general of the British Army," who had been " ... against my
stipulation, my intention and without my knowledge ... conducted within
one of your posts ... Thus become a prisoner, I had to concert my
escape. I quited my uniform, was passed ... to neutral ground and left to
press for New York ... Thus was I betrayed ... into the vile condition of an
enemy in disguise within your posts ... with no motive ... but the service

y in disg e within y ur p
of my king as I was involuntarily an impostor."
A report of the capture and its disposition meanwhile reached Arnold
just barely ahead of the revealing documents' delivery to Washington at
Fishkill. Alexander Hamilton, as advance aide for Washington, had
actually arrived to breakfast with Arnold when the latter learned of the
disaster. With a brief farewell to his swooning, co-conspiring bride, he
ordered out his barge and dashed down the Hudson to the Vulture, to
live out the remainder of his days in the service and as pensioner of the
Crown. Thus the defection originally contemplated was accomplished, to
the shock and consternation of the continental army and the colonies;
but it was only of one man. The big prize of the Commander in Chief,
3,000 soldiers, and a key defense position escaped the snare.
Due Process, Doubts, and Death
Washington took no chances, regrouping his field forces to shield West
Point against the plotted British assault. At the same time he sent André
under the tightest guard to his headquarters at Tappan. There on
September 29 he convened all available general officers as a board to
examine André and "as speedily as possible to report a precise state of
his case, together with your opinion of the light in which he ought to be
considered and the punishment that ought to be inflicted." This board,
headed by Nathaniel Greene, included Lafayette, Baron von Steuben,
Henry Knox, and ten others. The relatively full abstract of its
proceedings made by the Judge Advocate General was published by
order of Congress and exists today in several editions.2
No defense counsel was provided; and André, although cautioned by the
Presiding Officer and the Judge Advocate, almost blithely made
damaging admissions of facts the prosecution could not have proved
and described circumstances in a manner highly prejudicial to his case.
For example, he admitted that the boat which brought him from the
Vulture carried no flag and that his "surtout coat" concealed his
regimentals. After concluding their interrogation of André, the board
considered letters from Arnold, Clinton, and the Tory colonel who had
accompanied André on the Vulture. All insisted that he had come under
a flag of truce and thereafter acted in obedience to the commands of

g o
Arnold, the lawful American military authority in the locale.
There was no real question about André's having been in disguise when
captured (but the precise spot of his capture was certainly in no man's
land and nearer to the British outpost in Kingsbridge than to any
position of the regular American forces) nor about his having had papers
with intelligence for the enemy on his person. The critical issue was the
truce flag, and on this André's admission easily outbalanced the ex
parte letters from Clinton and Arnold. The verdict followed inexorably
that "Major André, Adjutant General to the British Army, ought to be
considered as a Spy from the Enemy; and, that, agreeable to the law and
usage of nations ... he ought to suffer Death."
Such was the judgment, but as Lafayette later wrote, "All the court ...
were filled with sentiments of admiration and compassion for him. He
behaved with so much frankness, courage and delicacy that I could not
help lamenting his unhappy fate. This was one of the most painful
duties I ever had to perform." Summing up what was undoubtedly the
unofficial opinion of the board, Baron von Steuben growled, "It is not
possible to save him. He put us to no proof, but in an open, manly
manner, confessed everything but a premeditated desire to deceive.
Would to God the wretch who drew him to death could have suffered in
his place."
To my mind the case is not as open-and-shut as most writers consider
it. A prisoner of war, or today a downed airman, is entitled to disguise
himself in attempting to escape without making himself thereby a spy. In
view of Andre's clear intention to act as an intermediary -- a case officer
-- when he entered the lines wearing his uniform, he was not a spy until
he began his return journey. It was at this point, after his expectation of
being rowed back to the Vulture under a flag was thwarted, that he
concluded, as he said, with "great mortification" that he was a prisoner
and "had to concert my escape." The carrying of intelligence documents
substantially weakens the argument that he was in the position of an
escaping prisoner with attendant rights at dissimulation, but in rebuttal
it can be urged that he had these in his capacity as negotiator-
intermediary between Arnold and Clinton.
Whatever might have been accomplished along this line by competent
defense counsel before a completely objective court, the fact is that no
real lawyer-like effort was made in his behalf. The concept under which,
without articulating it, the board adjudged him a spy was the well-

known principle of trespass ab initio, whereby an originally lawful entry
into a place becomes criminal by the subsequent commission on the
premises of a criminal act. Moreover, the atmosphere of "bloody treason
flourishing" surrounding the court must have been highly prejudicial to
any chance that a member of the board would undertake on his own
motion to exonerate the prisoner by involute legal analogy.
Although, as Washington wrote Rochambeau, "policy required a
sacrifice," I do not wish to imply that André did not have a fair trial; and it
can be flatly asserted that there is no persuasive evidence to support
the popular legend that he was railroaded in vindictive reprisal for the
execution of Nathan Hale. What can be said is that the case involved
fine points which ideally should have been argued by an agressive
defense judge advocate. On the other hand, under the usages of war,
Washington would have been fully justified in summarily executing
André, as the British had Hale.
During André's last weekend on earth a hectic correspondence flowed
from New York to Washington's headquarters, alternately protesting,
beseeching, and threatening reprisals against captive Americans if the
execution were carried out. None of these had the slightest effect on the
stern and embittered commander in chief. The one possibility left for
André was exchange for Arnold. Hamilton proposed this in writing,
whether with Washington's knowledge is obscure; but much as Clinton's
heart and stomach must have urged him to such a course, his head
obviously forbade, for to betray Arnold to certain death would completely
doom his efforts to induce other rebels to return to allegiance to the
Crown.
Meanwhile, ever since his admission of identity, André had been
captivating his captors with his gentle charm and serene composure. His
contemporary Tallmadge, one of Washington's most trusted espionage
and partisan officers, was "entirely overwhelmed with grief that so
gallant an officer and so accomplished a gentleman should come to
such an ignominious end." Hamilton, who noted his "peculiar elegance of
mind and manners ... his knowledge ... without ostentation, embellished
by a diffidence that rarely accompanies so many talents and
accomplishments," wrote a few days after his death that "never, perhaps,
did any man suffer death with more justice or deserve it less," that "he
died universally esteemed and universally regretted."
André appeared to hope for a while that he might receive special

pp op e migh e sp
consideration and escape capital punishment, but in the last days he
apparently resigned himself to his fate and confined his hope to that of
dying by a firing squad. He wrote Washington in quiet dignity, "Sympathy
toward a soldier will surely induce your excellency to adapt the mode of
my death to the feelings of a man of honor -- Let me hope sir -- that I
am not to die on a gibbet."3 But the General adhered to the rules of war,
fearing that any variation would cast doubt on the justice of the verdict.
For if André were not a spy, he was an ordinary prisoner of war.
On Monday, October 2, André's servant brought him a fresh full-dress
uniform, which he donned for a last self-portrait and then his final walk.
As he came in sight of the gibbet and realized for the first time that
Washington had denied his request, he recoiled momentarily and said
aloud: "I am reconciled to my fate but not to the mode of it." He then
composed himself, walked erect to the wagon and mounted it. With his
own hands he adjusted the noose to his neck, tied his own handkerchief
over his eyes, and swung off into eternity.
His outward tranquility, which indelibly affected all the multitude of
soldiers who witnessed his passing, appears to have been matched by
an inner peace of soul. The closing part of his farewell letter to Clinton
said simply, "I am perfectly tranquil in mind and prepared for any fate to
which an honest zeal for my King's service may have devoted me." And
Tallmadge, who was constantly with him from his capture, wrote on the
eve of the execution, "Tho' he knows his fate, he seems to be as
cheerful as if he were going to an assembly. I am sure he will go to the
gallows less tearful for his fate, and with less concern than I shall
behold the tragedy." Washington commented, "André has met his fate,
which we could not but lament, with that fortitude which was to be
expected from an accomplished man and a gallant officer."
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barbe-Marbois, François Marquis de, Complot d'Arnold et de Sir Henry
Clinton, Paris, 1816.
Bradford, Gamaliel, "The Wife of the Traitor," Harper's Magazine, July 1925.
Centennial Souvenir -- Capture of André, New York, 1880.
Flexner, James T., The Traitor and the Spy, New York, 1953.

Ford, Paul Leicester, "Stray Leaves from a Traitor's Life," Cosmopolitan
Magazine, April 1900.
Hall, Charles S., Benjamin Tallmadge, Revolutionary Soldier and American
Businessman, New York, 1943.
Hamilton, Alexander, Letter to John Laurens regarding The Fate of Major
André (1780), New York, 1916. Letter from a Gentleman at Camp,
Pennsylvania Packet, October 14th and 17th, 1780.
Lengel, Cornel, I, Benedict Arnold, New York, 1960.
Millis, Wade, "A Spy Under the Common Law of War," XI American Bar
Association Journal 183 (1925).
Proceedings of a Board of General Officers Respecting Major John André,
Philadelphia, 1780.
Sargent, Winthrop, Life and Career of Major André, ed. by William Abbatt,
New York, 1902.
Smith, Joshua Hett, Authentic Narrative of the Causes Which Led to the
Death of Major André, London, 1808.
Thacher, James, "The Execution of Major John André as a Spy," New
England Magazine, May 1834.
Van Doren, Carl, Secret History of the American Revolution, New York, 1941.
Wallace, Willard M., Traitorous Hero, New York, 1954.
1 Much of it in the Clements Library of the University of Michigan.
2 The six editions published in America in 1780 are all of considerable
rarity. The Norwich edition exists in only one recorded copy, in the
possession of the Harvard Law School Library. The British press was
quick to reproduce the text, stopping only to change its title to
Proceedings of a Rebel Board of General Officers, published by the end of
November. Even the Irish published it: the Dublin 1781 edition has
survived in five recorded copies.
3 Original in Library of Congress; forged copy in New York Public Library.
Posted: May 08, 2007 07:37 AM

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