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Feminism in Pakistan

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Feminism in Pakistan refers to the set of movements which aim to define, establish, and defend the rights of women in Pakistan. This may involve the pursuit of equal political, economic, and social rights, alongside equal opportunity.[1][2][3] These movements have historically been shaped in response to the national and global reconfiguration of power, including colonialism, nationalism, Islamization, dictatorship, democracy, and the War on Terror.[4][5][6] The relationship between the women's movement and the Pakistani state has undergone significant shifts from mutual accommodation to confrontation and conflict.

Background

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Pakistan ranks third-worst – 151 out of 153 – on the Gender Parity Index of the World Economic Forum (WEF).[7] Pakistan's women literacy is so low that more than five million primary-school-age girls don't go to school. According to UNICEF, 18 percent of Pakistani girls are married before turning 18.[8] The prevalence and incidence of forced conversion and marriage are difficult to accurately estimate due to reporting deficiencies and the complex nature of the crime. Estimates therefore range from 100 to 700 victim Christian girls per year. For the Hindu community, the most conservative estimates put the number of victims at 300 per year.[9] The International Monetary Fund has stated that bridging the gender gap could boost Pakistan's GDP by 30 percent.[10]

According to Zoya Rehman, the image of Pakistani womanhood has been a construction of the Pakistani state since its inception. She argues that Pakistani women are expected to guard their sexuality, are controlled, and can even be murdered by honour killings when they do not meet cultural expectations.[11] Honour killings as well as other forms of gender based and sexual violence are linked to and made worse by systemic barriers: lack of education, poverty, disrupted judicial system, and governmental negligence.[12] A lot of these systemic barriers were caused from and made worse by years of colonial conflicts. According to Afiya S. Ziya, this cultural orthodoxy is produced and sponsored by the Inter-Services Public Relations, a Pakistani government agency, as a propaganda engineered to influence the public in its own pre-decided way, and censor what it considers to be unsuitable. The state, she argues, does not stop at controlling the national narrative but intrudes public and private life to decide what is legitimate and permissible as Pakistani culture and what is not.[13]

After independence, women in Pakistan continued to advocate for women's political empowerment through legal reforms. They mobilized support, leading to the passage of the Muslim Personal Law of Sharia in 1948, which recognized a woman's right to inherit all forms of property. There was an attempt to have the government include a Charter of Women's Rights in the 1956 constitution, but this was unsuccessful. The 1961 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance covering marriage and divorce, the most important socio-legal reform to have had feminist drive in Pakistan, is still widely regarded as empowering to women.[14][15]

In their 2012 study entitled Position of Pakistani Women in the 21st Century, Dr Jaweria Shahid and Khalid Manzoor Butt define feminism as equality for women and freedom from gender discrimination in different aspects of life.[16]

History

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According to Maliha Zia, while there are strong movements for women's equality and non-discrimination, there is still no overarching feminist movement. Zia divides the history of the feminist movement in Pakistan into 3 phases: the first one around 1947, the second one in the post Zia-ul-Haq period, and the third one since 9/11.[17]

First phase: 1947–1952

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Muslim women were some of the most badly affected victims of Partition; it is reported that 75,000 women were abducted and raped during this period. It was soon after this that Fatima Jinnah formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later evolved into the All Pakistan Women's Association. Jinnah later founded a secret radio station, and, in 1965, came out of her self-imposed political retirement to participate in the presidential election against military dictator Ayub Khan.

Begum Ra'na Liaquat Ali Khan helped the refugees who fled India during partition and organized the All Pakistan Women's Association in 1949,[18] two years after the creation of her country. Noticing that there were not many nurses in Karachi, Khan requested the army to train women to give injections and first aid, resulting in the para-military forces for women. Nursing also became a career path for many girls. She continued her mission, even after her husband was assassinated in 1951, and became the first female Muslim delegate to the United Nations in 1952.

According to Ayesha Khan, in the initial decades after independence, women's leadership was largely elite and invested in Muslim nationalism, striving for limited rights for women. Women in civil society came into confrontation with the government for the first time when dictatorial Islamization started affecting their rights negatively.[6]

Second phase: 1980s

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The end of 1970s heralded a new wave of political Islamisation in many Muslim majority countries. In Pakistan, the military dictatorial regime of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq gained power and initiated the Islamisation of Pakistan. These reforms replaced parts of the British-era Pakistan Penal Code, making adultery and fornication criminal offenses, and introducing the punishments of whipping, amputation, and stoning to death. The feminist movement in Pakistan highly opposed this implementation of Islam, which they believed to be based on an archaic understanding of Islamic literature, asking instead for liberal modernist interpretation. After much controversy and criticism, parts of the law were considerably revised by the 2006 Women's Protection Bill.

In this context, the vocal Women's Action Forum (WAF) was formed in 1981.[18][19] According to Madihah Akhter, General Zia ultimately sought to morally police the role of women in the public sphere, which brought unexpected pressure on Pakistani women. As a reaction to the form of Zia's Islamization, many Pakistani women, including writers, academics, and performers, became active in the opposition of these policies. Akhter argued that the younger generation of 1980s activists were more feminist in their outlook and approach; the Women's Action Forum, she says, used "progressive interpretations of Islam" to counter the state's implementation of religiously interpreted morality, and in doing so, gained the unexpected support of right wing Islamic women's organizations. They campaigned through various mediums such as newspaper articles, art, poetry, and song.[20]

After Zia: 1988–2008

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Since the end of General Zia's rule, Pakistan elected its first female prime minister, Benazir Bhutto. Some feminist legislative attempts were made, such as the founding of all-women police stations and the appointing of female judges for the first time. However, many anti-feminist laws of the General Zia era remained.

In the post-Zia era, activists have been able to produce research that has focused on strengthening the political voice of women and promoting inclusive democratic governance.[21] They have also produced some of the first Pakistani research and awareness-raising material on the sexual and reproductive rights of women,[22] environmental issues,[23] and citizen-based initiatives for peace between India and Pakistan.[24][25]

2008–2017

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This was a period when the PPP or the People’s Party of Pakistan was able to attain political stability within the country and was able to avoid economic decline [26]. The PPP at this time held all parts of government, the president, the prime minister, and the speaker. It became the first party to hold a 5-year term as well as add a constitutional amendment that decentralized governmental power. This comes from the parties belief that the central government has been over-ruling local governments but remained in opposition to the socialist leftist movement of Muttahida Qaumi Movement/MQM [27]. This was also a time period where more women of different backgrounds were getting involved in the mainstream political spear [28]. More women from marginalized and low-caste statuses were politically organizing. Although there was still a general lack of attention to women's rights by all mainstream political parties.

Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy

Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy is a documentarian and a filmmaker who seeks to tell the stories of marginalized voices in her community [29]. Obaid-Chinoy has worked all over the world to tell the stories of survivors who have not been given a platform [30]. One of her most notable films “Saving Face” details the experiences of Pakistani women who have survived acid attacks and their journeys into recovery both on physical and social level. She won an Oscar for this project and helped raise awareness of the realities faced by these survivors. This was not her first project detailing the issues faced by women in Pakistan, she also produced a film about honor killings,“A Girl in the River: The Price of Forgiveness” from the perspective of a rare survivor. This film ended up reaching the prime minister who after watching the film decided to pass a law that ended a loop-hole within the legal system for honor killings [31]. Her story telling is closely tied with activism, she believes that movies have more power in places where literacy rates are low. She describes this as “By bringing the voices of the ordinary people faced with extraordinary challenges to television screens around the world, I hope to affect change in one community at a time”[30]. Thus Obaid-Chinoy also participates in hands-on activist efforts by running a movie truck that travels across the country bringing new movies and ideas to different communities. The truck adapts to the local cultural contexts by providing an inside screening room for women in areas that are gender segregated.      

Malala Yousafzai

Malala Yousafzai is a notable activist from Swat Valley during this period for women’s and girl’s right to education who came to activism from her personal experiences and passion for learning [32]. When she was 10 the Taliban took over her community and banned girls from participating in public education. Her and her father criticized the Taliban, Malala started an anonymous blog in which she spoke out about her concerns. She became internally displaced in 2009 due to the conflicts within her community. Once she returned she advocated openly for her right to education. Due to this she was awarded both the Pakistan’s National Youth Peace Prize and the International Children’s Peace Prize. After being awarded these prizes she was shot by the Taliban whilst riding the school bus. She survived the severe medical injury and went to study in the U.K. Malala then earned her degree from oxford, she has gone on to write a book about her experiences and advocacy work. A quote from her book, I Am Malala, that has gone on to be a motto for her activism is: “when the whole world is silent, even one voice becomes powerful” [33]. Malala also runs a nonprofit that focuses on advocating for the education of girls in the global south by conducting research, and connecting local activists to funds [34].  

2018 – present

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See also: Fourth-wave feminism, Aurat March, and MeToo movement in Pakistan

The feminist movement in Pakistan entered a crucial period after 2008 with the advent of private media channels and social media. The movement gained momentum as women were increasingly able to share their ideas and beliefs. Aurat March (Women Marches) are now held in numerous cities over the country. The subjects and issues raised by the marches include increased political participation and representation of women, gender and sexual minorities, religious minorities and other marginalized groups in Pakistan. The movement has also demanded for public spaces to be made safer for women and transgender people, as well as called for an end to all violence against women and transgender people.

Variants

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Maliha Zia says feminism in Pakistan can be found in two forms: Secular Liberal Feminism and Islamic Feminism.[17] There are many debates between these forms of activism. Both forms of feminist activism are shaped heavily within the context of Pakistan and the Pakistani political system. Although these are the two emerging sects of feminist activism many scholars argue that this is a complicated topic and thus contains many gray areas.Thus activism within this context can exist within a spectrum of these two differing approaches and ideological orientations.

Liberal Feminism

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Liberal feminism is most prominent in leftist liberal circles, and is often supported by left-leaning political parties such as PPP. It is often characterized by liberal values of freedom, liberty, human rights and secularism. This differs from that of western Liberal Feminism that typically focuses on personal achievements and working within the pre-existing systems. Liberal or secular feminism in the context of Pakistan works outside of the pre-existing islamic political structures and takes a rights centered approach to women's liberation that is not based on the rights laid out in islamic texts. This sect focuses on and prioritizes women's specific issues, whereas other sects might prioritize issues of class or race [35]. One tactic of this activism is to create secular legal reform.

Nisaism/Islamic Feminism

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Nisaism/Islamic Feminism is more traditionalist in nature and supports the acquisition of women rights under an Islamic lens.[36][37] The movement is mainly supported by centrists and the right-wing parties of Pakistan. The word Nisaism comes from Surah Nisa, a chapter of Qur'an, demonstrating the Islamic roots of the movement. The movement has faced some criticism for preaching Islamic rights, some secular feminists believe that Islam is intertwined with the patriarchy. To fully understand this approach one must understand the political and legal systems within Pakistan. Pakistan is an islamic country making courts and judicial processes influenced by islamic practices and teachings [38]. Thus, laws must be in accordance with the Quran in order for them to be passed by the Shariat Court, which is the only court that has constitutional power. This makes activism through Islam a more viable reality for some feminists wanting to make legal change.

Feminist art and literature in Pakistan

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Much of Pakistani feminist art and literature struggles against orthodox advice literature, known for imposing religious dogma through puritanical reform;[39] feminist authors often describe the journey of feminism in Pakistan as an oscillating battle, where women's movements struggle against the continued backlash of the patriarchal hegemony.[39] According to Shahbaz Ahmad Cheema, the Pakistani patriarchy produces literature and art with the ultimate goal of making women accept, internalize, and promote patriarchal discourse as an ideal.[39] Afiya S Zia identifies some of the writings she considers to be most problematic, such as those of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan; Ashraf Ali Thanawi's Bahishti Zewar; and, in post-partition times, Abu Ala Maududi's writings, which she considers to intend to create and sustain a privileged Muslim class, further facilitating and supporting patriarchal male dominance. Television and Film likewise continue to present submissive and subservient Pakistani women in a male-dominated Pakistani society.[39]

S.S. Sirajuddin in the Encyclopedia of Post-Colonial Literature in English, expresses reservations about the availability of free space for feminism in Pakistan, and feels that the nation is still much affected by religious fervor. However, she admits that awareness of feminist concerns, the changing role of women, and female identity do exist in Pakistan, and these concerns are reflected in Pakistan's English literature.[40]

Perception and intervention of major female characters can be observed in novels like Bapsi Sidhwa, and Sara Suleri's Meatless Days. Pakistani poets like Maki Kureishi, Hina Faisal Imam, Alamgir Hashmi, and Taufiq Rafat have been considered to be sensitive but restrained in their portrayal.[40]

One of the first feminist films in Pakistan was called Aurat Raj (Women's Rule).[41] It was released in 1979, but failed to achieve at the box-office despite the fact that released in a successful period for Pakistani cinema.

Womansplaining: Navigating Activism, Politics and Modernity in Pakistan is 2021 collection of feminist essays edited by Sherry Rehman consisting of essays by Hina Jilani, Khawar Mumtaz, Afiya Shehrbano Zia and others narrating the history of the Muslim Family Law Ordinance, Women's Action Forum and various legislative changes in Pakistan's history. Sarah Peracha publishes to encourage women of Pakistan to do business which is against the norm in Pakistan to inspire women to work.[42] Bina Shah and Fifi Haroon write about feminism and the arts, Nighat Dad tells about feminism in the digital age.[43][44]

Ismat Chughtai

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Main article: Ismat Chughtai

Beginning in the 1930s, Ismat Chughtai wrote extensively on themes including female sexuality and femininity, middle-class gentility, and class conflict, often from a Marxist perspective.

Fatima Bhutto

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Fatima Bhutto is the daughter of former Minister Murtaza Bhutto. She is the author of three novels. Songs of Blood and Sword is a memoir of her father, who was assassinated.[45]

Farkhanda Shahid Khan

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Farkhanda Shahid Khan is a feminist researcher, activist, and academic. She teaches contemporary English literature at Government College University Faisalabad. Her research focuses on Feminism, Marxism, Culture, and Gender & Sexuality with an emphasis on the Global South. In academic collaboration with the School of Literatures, Languages & Cultures at the University of Edinburgh, Khan is currently working on a project that examines the complexities of women residing in the red-light districts and brothel quarters in Pakistan, positioning her as a pioneer in addressing this often-taboo subject in the country. In addition to her academic endeavors, Khan frequently writes for national and international press, providing nuanced insights into human rights issues, particularly those pertaining to women's rights in Pakistan and its neighbouring countries. She has actively advocated for gender equality in various forums, including UN Women, Private Members’ Special Committee on Gender Equity in the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia and The City of Atlanta's Human Relations Commission. Furthermore, she leads the Pakistan chapters of The Literary Think Tank and the Edinburgh University Feminist Society. She is also the founder of Feminist Society at Government College University Faisalabad.

Feminist organizations of Pakistan

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Pakistani feminists

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Bibliography

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  • Yaqin, Amina. Gender, Sexuality and Feminism in Pakistani Urdu Writing. United Kingdom, Anthem Press (review)[67]
  • Manzoor, Asma . "Aurat Justuju Aur Nisai Andaz E Fikar". Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies, vol. 21, no. 2, Sept. 2021, pp. 153–4[68]
  • Feminism, Postfeminism and Legal Theory: Beyond the Gendered Subject?. United Kingdom, Taylor & Francis, 2018

See also

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References

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