Maisonneuve & Larose

The End of the Mamlk Sultanate: (Why did the Ottomans Spare the Mamlks of Egypt
and Wipe out the Mamlks of Syria?)
Author(s): David Ayalon
Source: Studia Islamica, No. 65 (1987), pp. 125-148
Published by: Maisonneuve & Larose
Stable URL: [Link]
Accessed: 01-10-2016 15:04 UTC
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THE END OF THE MAMLUK

SULTANATE

(Why did the ottomans spare the mamliiks of

egypt and wipe out the mamluiks of syria ?)

Introductory Remark

It is quite a long time since I have started studying, off and

on, the history of Egypt (and, to a lesser extent, that of Syria)

during the early Ottoman period. I intended, of course, to

utilize as many of the available sources as I could. For various

reasons, the chances that I shall follow up that research are not
bright. I, therefore, decided to publish that part of my study

which is based on the data contained in the two chronicles of

Ibn Iyis (1) and Ibn Tiilin (2) about the fate of the Mamlu

military aristocracy in Egypt and in Syria during the first yea

of the Ottoman occupation.

I am well aware of the grave deficiencies of such a parti

research, for which I can offer a partial justification: a) th
great richness of these two chronicles (Ibn Iyis far surpassing
Ibn Thiltn) as compared with the poverty of the chronicles which

immediately follow them; (3) b) the fact that any kind of othe
source material cannot replace them; c) the fact that they wer
not studied sufficiently. Particularly inadequate is their
study against the background of the previous Mamlik regime.

(1) Ibn IyAs, Badd'i" al-Zuhir fi Waqd'i' al-Duhir, Istanbul, 1931, vol. V.
(2) Ibn Tilfin, Mufdkahat al-Khilldn fi HIawddith al-Zamdn, Cairo, 1964,

vols. I and II.

(3) See the Appendix.

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126 DAVID AYALON

I had to divide the study i

connected and interdepende

Aristocracy during the First

of Egypt," to be published i
b) the present paper. A minim
the two separated parts of the
The Background

The Ottoman conquest of E

the greatest expansion in the
countries of Islam, which was
less than three years (1514-15

of the Ottomans in their big pu

the Sunnite Mamlik Empire (1

and the newly founded (1502)
Iraq, to which they dealt a te
to survive, recuperate and con
constant danger to the Ottom
As a result of their drive int

succeeded, in that very shor

Empire Syria, Egypt and th

Eastern Anatolia and North Western Iran. With additional

efforts they managed to establish their mastery over the R

and the Persian Gulf. These conquests had also their s

in establishing the Ottomans' various and varying degre

influence and hegemony over the countries of North Africa

It is worthwhile to bear in mind in this connection that this

expansion which transformed the map of the Islamic world took

place simultaneously (or almost so) with the transformation of
the whole globe by West European expansion, which established
for centuries to come Christian Europe's preponderance over the
rest of the world (first and foremost over the lands of Islam)
Thus the end of the European medieval period witnessed at th
same time vast territorial changes within the lands of Islam
These two phenomena, which are by no means isolated from
each other, deserve an exhaustive examination.

To go back to the conquests of the Ottomans and to their

MamliIk policy. As already shown in the article for the

Bernard Lewis Festschrift, Sultan Selim made a quick and total

volte-face in his handling of the defeated Mamlfiks. After

having attempted to exterminate them physically, he decided to

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THE END OF THE MAMLOK SULTANATE 127

incorporate them in the Ottoman army. The obvious question
which poses itself is: Why?
I believe that a combination of reasons made him change his

mind so drastically and so quickly. The first of these was:

The Ottomans' expansion which added to their Empire, within

a few years, territories far wider than those conquered by them

in Europe during centuries. The second one was their failure

to annihilate the Safawids. The third one was the circum-

navigation of the Cape of Good Hope by the Portuguese, which

took place so shortly before the Ottoman conquest of Egypt and

the Fertile Crescent. The fourth reason was the Frankish

threat in the Eastern Mediterranean, including the co

of its most important islands.

Even without the existence of an external threat to the

conquered vast territories, the Ottomans would have been
with the formidable task of manning the administrative

and the garrisons of these territories. With the pres

such mighty enemies along their borders, the drain on their

power must have enormously increased. Of all the m

elements which they subdued in their far flung drive i

Islamic countries, the Mamliiks were the most suitable for
incorporation in the Ottoman army, because of their warlike
ability, the common origin of the military slave systems in the
two empires and the Turkish dialect spoken by those Mamlfiks
(even when they were not Turkish born). No wonder, therefore, that they were the first to be included in that army. The

quickness with which the Ottomans sent the rehabilitated

Mamlaiks to the Red Sea positions, to Alexandria and, above all,

to the campaign against Rhodes, is the best proof for their crying
need for this kind of military manpower.

This policy was not, however, without its very grave dangers.
The main problem which the Ottomans had to solve, and quite

quickly, was on what a scale and within which area they can afford

to reinstate the Mamliiks without endangering their own hold

on that area. On the basis of the data furnished by our two

sources the best way to follow the manner in which the Ottomans

handled that problem is through the examination of OttomanMamlfik-Safawid relations.

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128 DAVID AYALON

The Case of the Safawids

The magnitude of the difficu

tackle in and around the anne
direct and indirect repercussi

Mamliiks, is nowhere better reflected than in their relations

with the Safawids, or more precisely, in the dangerous stalemate

created on their Safawid front.

Some of the main characteristics of the Safawid dynasty an

the Shi'ite movement which it represented, were its immense
drive, the impact of which was felt far beyond the borders of its

realm; its uncompromising hatred of the Sunna, and its amazin

resilience and power of quick recovery from even the mos

shattering blows. In this respect the information furnishe
by our two sources is most revealing. From the moment o
their inception as a state, the Safawids are considered to be a
grave threat to the Mamlfik Sultanate. The earliest reference,
in a Mamlilk source, to their existence is found in Ibn Tfilfin
chronicle. He tells us that in Jum~d II 907/December 1501

"it became known in Damascus that a man named Ism"I'l b.

.Haydar al-Sifi (4) had conquered the countries of Timurlan

other countries, and he is now marching against the coun

[of the Mamlfik Sultanate], and there is no power but in God."

This short passage is a most telling proof of the dread caus

the appearance of that new power. The association wit

unforgettable devastation brought about by Timurlank in

attack on both the Mamlfik and the Ottoman empires

hundred years earlier reflects the intensity of that dread.

Not until Safar 908/July 1502 does Ibn Iyis mention

Safawids for the first time, but from the vast preparation

a campaign to thwart their expected advance, (6) it is

clear that the Mamltks had already been well acquainted w

what they considered to be an ominous danger from the n
east. From now on, and up to the defeat of the Safawid
the Ottomans in Rajab 920/August 1514, the Mamltiks liv

a state of constant nervousness and fear of a Safawid attack

(which never materialized), thus diverting their attention fro

(4) This is the usual distortion in the Mamlik sources of the name Safawi.
(5) Ibn Tlaon, I, p. 252, 11. 20-21.

(6) Ibn Iyis, V, p. 39, 11. 7-21. The preparations were not confined to Egypt,
but included Syria as well (Ibn Tfilfin, I, p. 261, 11. 19-21).

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 129

a much more immediate threat, a fact which the Ottomans

exploited to their best advantage. One MamliIk expedition

after the other, all of them of a purely defensive character, was

sent to the north mainly to Aleppo, (7) in order to anticipate a
Safawid attack. (8)
The immense might and prestige which the Safawid Empire

accumulated within very few years since its establishment is

reflected in our source in its defeat even more strongly than in

the period which preceded it. Ibn Iyis repeatedly states that in

Chaldiran the Ottomans won the greatest victory in their

history, and that no victory won by Selim's forefathers could

compare with it. He also gives quite numerous and detailed

versions of the battle, which is a quite unusual practice. (9)
More significant of all, however, is the almost immediate recovery

of the Safawids from their crushing defeat, and their reappearance as a major power, challenging and menacing once
again both the MamlRiks and the Ottomans. As early as Safar

922/March 1516, i.e. barely a year and a half after their defeat,
(7) Aleppo was the key point in the Mamlak defensive system, both against
the Safawadis and against the Ottomans. See the references in the following
notes. It continued to be a bastion in the Ottoman defence of Syria against
the Safawids. See below.

(8) Ibn Tilon, I, pp. 316, 11. 11-17, 317, 11. 1-2, 318, 11. 7-9, 328, 11. 2-3,
11. 7-9. Ibn Iyis, IV, pp. 118, 11. 16-19, 121, 1. 20 - 122, 1. 8, 144, 1. 23 - 145,
258, 11. 4-5, 257, 11. 8-15, 262, 11. 1-6. No aggressive action on a large scale a

the Safawids was ever contemplated by the Mamliks. They refused to

military assistance to the ruler of Bagdad when he was attacked and ousted b
them from his capital (ibid., IV, p. 146, 11. 13-6). A contributory factor to
fear of the Safawids in the Mamlik Sultanate, was that that enemy threate
from the same direction as the Mongols (including Timurlank). A deep seated
dread of the Mongols lasted a long time after their danger had been completely

removed. See e.g. Ibn Tailon, I, p. 252, 11. 20-21; Ibn Iyis, IV, pp. 143, 1. 11 144, 1. 1, 227, 1. 17 - 228, 1. 18. It should, however, be stressed here that in spite

of the anxiety and nervousness prevailing in the Mamlik Sultanate in the last
years of its existence there was no feeling that the Mamlfk regime is doomed.
(9) On the evaluation of the victory see Ibn Iyis, IV, pp. 401, 11. 4-6, 403, 11. 10-

19; V, pp. 100, 11. 8-11, 350, 11. 1-3. In the last two references the victory over
the Mamliks is added to that over the Safawids. On the versions of the battle

see ibid., pp. 393, 11. 3-11, 396, 11. 4-9, 396, 11. 4-9, 398, 11. 2-16, 400, 1. 5 - 401, 1. 4,

402, 1. 6 - 404, 1. 5. Unlike the Mamlfiks, the Safawids were not wiped out of
existence, because, in addition to their freshness and religious zeal, they were
greatly helped by the vastness of their country, its bad roads and mountainous
terrain, and also by its severe winter. In the actual battles they had no answer

to Ottoman firearms. Their zeal in battles of this kind could only increase their
casualties.
9

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130 DAVID AYALON

and several months before th

Ibn Iyis speaks in great deta

been reorganized and replen

against the Ottomans, the firs

of Amid in Northern Mesopot
great concern to the Mamlak

The Ottoman occupation

halt the Safawid recovery or ambitions. Their advance in
Northern Mesopotamia continued. (11) During Sultan Selim's
stay in Egypt, and particularly during his passage through

Syria on his way back to Istanbul, he was greatly occupied with

the Safawid threat, which loomed large over both countries. (12)

In Syria this seems to have been the Sultan's major concern.

In Muharran 924/January 1518 he appoints a special governor
over the fringes of the District of Diyvr Bakr, on the SyroMesopotamian border, whose sole stated object was to watch the

movements of the Safawids. (13) In the following month

(Safar/February), the first and only instruction which he gives

JRnbirdi al-GhazMli, his newly appointed Viceroy over Southern
Syria, is, again, to watch the Safawids and collect information

about them. (14) In Rabi' I-Rabi' II/March-April of the same

(10) The information about this new revival of the Safawids and their army
and about their new conquests was furnished to the Mamlak Sultan by the Viceroy
of Aleppo. How great was the belief in an imminent major clash between the
recovering Safawids and the Ottomans, can be learnt from the fact that Sultan
Qdnsih al-Ghawri expressed the desire that he himself would go to Aleppo, and

await the outcome of the struggle, "for whichever of the two will defeat his adversary,

will inevitably march against our realm" (fa-inna kulla manintasara minhumd

'al& gharimihi ld budda an gazhaf 'al& bilddind) (ibid., V, pp. 20, 1. 18 - 21, 1. 17).
On the exchange of diplomatic envoys between the Safawids and the Mamlaks,
and the arrogance and haughtiness of the Safawids see: Ibn Iyhs, IV, pp. 123,
11. 14-18, 184, 11. 15-17, 207, 11. 18-23, 218, 1. 23-220, 1. 1, 220, 1. 17 - 221, 1. 20,265,
11. 6-18, 266, 11. 1-10, 271, 11. 7-14; V, p. 33, 11. 19-23; Ibn Tfilfin, I, pp. 354, 11.14-15,
257, 11. 3-12, 18-19.

(11) That the advance of the Safawid army in Northern Mesopotamia was very

real, can be deduced from the fact that "numerous Ottomans", including the

Viceroys of Amid and al-Ruhd, together with their retinues, arrived in Damascus
in Rabi' I 923/March 1517, after having fled from that army (Ibn Talfin, II, p. 58,
11. 17-20).
(12) For references to the anxiety caused by the Safawid threat in Egypt and

Syria during Sultan Selim's stay in the area, see: Ibn Iy&s, V, pp. 176, 11. 12-18,
182, 11. 2-7; Ibn TTalin, II, pp. 74, 11. 14-18, 74, 1. 19 - 75, 1. 2.
(13) Ibid., p. 79, 11. 16-21.
(14) Ibid., p. 82, 11. 8-11.

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of

THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 131

year, Selim stays in Aleppo and supervises personally the

strenghtening of its fortifications (the town's wall, towers and

gates) to prepare it for what he believed to be an imminent

Safawid attack. (15) How imminent and how dangerous this

attack was considered to have been, can be learnt from the fact
that in Jumidd II/June of that year prayers and recitals of the

entire Koran (khalamal) were performed by the graves of all

the important Muslim saints in Cairo, and in the mosque of
al-Azhar, wishing Sultan Selim victory over Shah Ismn'll the

Safawid. (16) In the rest of the period under study fear of the
Safawids did not, in any way, subside. (17)
Had the Safawid front been the only one with which the
Ottomans had to cope, they would have had little reason for
real concern, for they had military and technical superiority
which the Safawids never had a chance to context. But the

Ottomans had other enemies as well, and the Safawids did

content themselves in being just another enemy, but en

avoured to establish contact and coordinate their operat
with the others, in spite of the fact that those others w
Christians. This tendency of cooperation with the Fran
against the Ottomans, which constituted a major featur
Safawid policy for a long time, had its very early orig
Already in the second half of the year 916/1510 the Ma
Viceroy of al-Bira (today's Birejik) on the Euphrates cau

emissaries from the Safawid ruler carrying letters to the Fr

These letters were addressed to the Frankish consuls in Alexan-

dria, Damascus and Tripoli, who were asked by Shih Ismi'il to

write in his name to the Kings of the Franks and suggest to them

a common offensive against the Mamliks and the Ottomans.

According to his plan the Safawids would conduct the land

offensive, while the Franks would attack the two Empires by

sea. (18) A few months earlier Franks passing through Syria

seem to have carried in their canes messages from the Franks to

(15) Ibn Iyfs, V, pp. 243, 11. 1-20, 247, 11. 21-23, 248, 1. 12 - 249, 1. 9. See also

Ibn Tilfn, II, p. 79, 11. 2-4.

(16) Ibn Iyis, V, pp. 253, 11. 5- 10, 253, 1. 24 - 254, 1. 6.
(17) Ibid., pp. 254, 1. 22-255, 1. 13, 258, 1. 20-259, 1. 2, 268, 11. 9-13, 419, 11. 1516, 452, 11. 5-8, 467, 1. 18 - 468, 1. 6, 470, 1. 22 - 471, 1. 4; Ibn Tailon, II, pp. 87,
11. 10-13, 102, 11. 14-16.

(18) Ibn Iyfis, IV, pp. 191, 11. 4-9, 205, 11. 9-18.

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132

DAVID

the

AYALON

Safawids.

(19)

The

way

date, for much bigger attem

This shows that the Ottoma

unprecedented

longer

hostile

expansion,

frontiers,

but

those frontiers. This could

reverse their initial policy
When the Ottomans decid

could either leave them in pa

whole of it. They could eith

the

various

provinces

of

th

Mamlfik ones. What they di

greatest part of these provin
more precisely, most of the

them two Mamlilk Viceroy

Ottomans soon paid dearly

that reviving Mamlilk power

ous for their rule, they were

between Egypt and Syria. T

Allowing the Mamliiks to

greatest part of their forme

did, to an attempt on their p

to restore their own old rule within its old boundaries. As I

have already stated elsewhere: "In the course of its recor

history, including the pre-Islamic period, Syria was never r

from Egypt for so long, or, relatively speaking, with such f

ness as during the Mamlilk reign." (20) This was, indeed

exception in the long history of Egypt, but what mattered

that for the centuries preceding the Ottoman conquest Egy
and Syria were ruled as one unit, and that, therefore, it w

have been quite easy to restore that unity shortly after

separation of the two countries.

(19) Ibn TalOn, I, pp. 342, 1. 23 - 343, 1. 2. For Franco-Safawid contacts af

the Maml0k defeat see ibid., II, p. 120, 11. 12-18.
(20) Paper read in Hebrew on May 31, 1966, and published in English under
title "The Muslim City and the Mamlik Military Aristocracy", Proceedings o
Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, vol. II, Jerusalem, 1967, p. 328.
I made the same statement, in more or less the same words, in an earlier paper I
read in the Colloquium on Medieval Islamic Cities in Oxford in the summer of 1965.
See also my "Egypt as a Dominant Factor in Syria and Palestine", in Egypt and
Palestine, A Millenium of Association (868-1948), Jerusalem, 1984, pp. 33-37,
and especially, p. 33.

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 133

Since preserving the Mamlfk aristocracy both in Egypt and

in Syria was, from an Ottoman point of view, out of the question,

there were very weighty reasons for preferring the first over the

second. Egypt, being a flat and narrow country, (21) could be

easily dominated from the sea and the sea-shore deep inland, (22)
at least up to, and including, the capital, where the overwhelm-

ing majority of the Mamliks resided. (23) In Syria, mastery

of the sea, or of great parts of the shore, would not have had
such a decisive effect on the hinterland and on the big inland
cities. The mountainous character of the country, together

with the fact that, in addition to the bedouins and semi-bedouins,

there were in Syria the Turkmen and Kurdish tribesmen, who

were practically non-existent in the Egyptian countryside,

made the rule over that country far more difficult than over

Egypt. The establishment of the Safawid empire aggravated

the situation even more: first, because of its physical proximity

to Syria, and second, because of the strong Turkoman element

in that country. There was a vast contiguous territory inhabited by Turkomans, which stretched deeply into Eastern
Anatolia, North Western Iran and Northern Syria. (24) Now,

Shah IsmicIl al-Saifi, though the majority of his adherents were

Iranians, was of a Turkoman stock, and he directed a great deal
of his proselytizing propaganda towards his fellow-tribesmen.

The Ottomans were particularly sensitive to what was going

on in the regions of the Turkomans. There was also the
problem of where to concentrate the Mamltiks. In Egypt it
was quite simple, because Cairo, with the only citadel in the
country, dominated all or most of the land of the Nile. In

(21) It is obvious that only the inhabited, cultivated and cultivable land of
Egypt is intended in this statement.
(22) On the position of Egypt and Syria vis-d-vis an external naval power, see
my "The Mamlfiks and Naval Power", Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences and
Humanities, vol. I, Jerusalem, 1965, pp. 10-11, and note 5 on p. 10. See also
"Egypt as a Dominant Factor, etc.", op. cit., pp. 35-36.
(23) During the Ottoman reign an important centre of power gradually came
into being in Upper Egypt, but this belongs to a later period (see "Egypt as a

Dominant Factor, etc.", pp. 40-41).

(24) In Northern Syria the Turcomans must have constituted a decisive factor
over a very big region in the closing decades of the Mamlik reign. According
to an eyewitness evidence from QA'itb&y's Sultanate the dominant language from
Latakia on the Mediterranean shore to al-Bira on the Euphrates was not Arabic,

but Turkish (Abri al-Baq5' Ibn al-Ji'dn, al-Qawl al-Mustaraf ff Safar al-Malik

al-Ashraf, Torino, 1978, p. 17.

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134 DAVID AYALON

Syria such a centre did not exist. Besides Damascus there

were other important towns and numerous citadels. This
would lead unavoidably to the establishment of several Mamliik
centres there, which would create a host of internal and external
difficulties. Fortunately for the Ottomans, the Mamlilk Viceroy of Syria gave them the opportunity to put an end to their
Mamlilk experiment in that country.

The Syrian Mamlaks

Now the irony of the whole matter was that it had been no

other but Sultan Selim-the man who originally intended to

wipe out the Mamlfiks -who in actual fact not only spared them,

but also made it possible for them to gather much strength

within the greatest part of their former realm, thus paving the
way for their attempt to overthrow the Ottomans. It was his

son and successor, Suleyman the Magnificent (926-974/15201566), who, although he greatly improved the position of the

Mamliiks of Egypt, at the same time he crushed their revolt in

Syria (which was a direct result of his father's policy), eradicated

them forever in that country, and contained the Mamlfik

aristocracy within the boundaries of Egypt alone.

The restoration of the Mamltiks by Sultan Selim was made at
the very last stage of his stay in the Mamlfik conquered territories. We have already discussed his change of policy towards
the MamliIks of Egypt, (25) but this was by no means all that he

had done in this respect. When he decided to return to his

capital, he had to appoint viceroys in those territories. On the

13th of Sha'ban 923/August 31, 1517, i.e. only ten days before

his departure from Egypt, he appoints amir Kh~yrbak, the

former Mamlilk viceroy of Aleppo, as the viceroy (nd'ib) of the

country of the Nile. A significant feature of that appointment
is, that he had already decided to appoint an Ottoman Viceroy
(YiInus Bdshd), but at the very last moment changed his mind,
and appointed a Mamlilk in his stead! (26)

(25) In the Bernard Lewis, Festschrift, cited above.

(26) Ibn Iyfs, V, pp. 198, 11. 6-8, 199, 11. 14-16, 202, 11. 5-7, 356, 11. 20-21, 478,
11. 1-3; Ibn Tfilfin, II, p. 66, 11. 5-6. Selim took with him a son of Khiyrbak as a
hostage. Information on the death of that son in Istanbul reached Cairo in

Dhf al-Qa'da 926/October 1520 (Ibn Iyis, V, p. 357, 11. 19-20).

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 135

Selim arrived in Damascus on the 21st of RamadIn 923/early

October 1517,(27) where he stayed for about five months,

studying the situation and making excursions into the Syrian

capital's hinterland. His appointment of a viceroy was made

only five days before his departure (5 Safar 924/February 16,

1518), and once again his choice fell on a Mamltik, Jdnbirdi

al-GhazMli, who was Sultan Qdnsgih al-Ghawri's viceroy of

al-IHamd and Sultan Tiimdn bMy's viceroy of Damascus. Of
particular significance is the area upon which al-Ghazili was

given sway. According to one of our sources, he was appointed

over the original Mamltik province of Damascus, as well as over
IHims, HIam5, Sidon, Beirut, Jerusalem, Ramla, Lydda, Kerak
"and other districts of Syria and Tripoli". (28) According to the
other, he was given authority over the territory stretching from

al-Ma'arra (i.e. Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, to the south of Aleppo) to

al-'Arish and the Egyptian border. (29) This was a very great
and a very dangerous departure from Mamlfik policy towards

Syria. Under the Mamliks Syria was divided into seven

provinces (Damascus, Aleppo, Hama, Tripoli, Safed, Gaza and

Kerak), each headed by a governor or viceroy (nd'ib), almost
invariably responsible to Cairo. (30) There might rise, from
among these governors, one who would overshadow all the rest,
and exert immense influence and power; there might take place
boundary changes between the various provinces; other changes

might also occur. But, on the whole, the pattern was kept

more or less intact, and greatly facilitated the perpetuation of

Egypt's rule over Syria. Now Sultan Selim, with complete

lack of knowledge of the circumstances in Syria, destroyed this

well-tried pattern in one stroke, merging six of the old provinces

into one, thus leaving in Syria only two provinces instead of the
earlier seven, and handing over the by far bigger of the two to a
Mamlik ! (the province of Aleppo was ruled from the very outset
by an Ottoman BMshi). On top of all that he put the Circassian
(27) Ibn Tfilfin, II, p. 67, 11. 19-21.
(28) Ibn Iyfs, V, p. 378, 11. 20-26.

(29) Ibn Tfilfin, II, p. 82, 11. 4-7. Rumours about the appointment of al-

Ghaz5li as viceroy started circulating about a month before it actually took place
(ibid., p. 78, 1. 11). Sultan Selim left Damascus on the 10th of Safar/February 21,
1518 (ibid., p. 82, 1. 17).

(30) "The Muslims City, etc.", pp. 328-329; "Egypt as a Dominant Factor",

pp. 34-35.

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136

DAVID

AYALON

MamlGks,

who

still

remaine

diction
of the
new
MamlGk
viceroy
! ([Link]
al-Jarakisa...
ilayhi). (31)
There
might
well be
yet another
factoramr
which
could
tempt the new viceroy to raise the banner of rebellion against
the Ottomans at the first opportunity. From the inadequate
information at our disposal it would appear that Sultan Selim
did not leave behind in Damascus as strong a contingent of
Ottoman soldiers as he did in Cairo. (32) What might corroborate that suggestion is that even during the rebellion the
existence of such a contingent is not mentioned in the sources

used in this paper. But only further study will give the correct
answer to this question.
Thus, within less than a year since the complete conquest of
the Mamlik Sultanate, and as a direct result of Sultan Selim's

deliberate policy, almost the whole of that Sultanate was

governed by Mamlfik viceroys, with quite considerable Mamliik

contingents at their disposal. This could have only one

outcome.

The Revolt of al-Ghazall

The revolt of Jdnbirdi al-Ghazdli had two major characteristi

of decisive importance: a) it was contemplated and prepare

long before its actual outburst, so that it could take place at t

very first opportunity; b) its aim was not just to free al-Ghzll

province from Ottoman yoke, but to restore Mamllk rule,

Mamlilk institutions and Mamltik way of life over all the terr

tories of the defeated and conquered Sultanate. At least

according to one source, he abolished, during the period of his

loyalty to the Ottomans, many of their institutions and innovations, in spite of the vehement opposition of the Chief QdlT

Ibn al-Farffir, (33) "for he [i.e. al-Ghazili] was inclined to

(31) Ibn Talfin, II, p. 85, 11. 2-7. A reason for including the greatest part of

Syria under one governorship might have been the great size of the Ottoman Empire, which necessitated bigger administrative units than those of Mamlfk Syria.
However, this meant ignoring the particular local conditions, especially within a
policy of appointing Mamlaks as viceroys of most of the area of the defunct
Sultanate and of sparing the Mamlik society.
(32) For the Ottoman contingent left by Sultan Selim in Egypt, see my article
in the Bernard Lewis Festschrift.

(33)new
Ibn rulers,
al-Farfilr,
a Shrfi'ite
the Mamliks,
turned
.Hanafite,
the madhhab
of the
immediately
afterunder
the Ottoman
conquest.
This was
undoubtedly
the reason for his excessive pro-Ottoman zeal.

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 137

leaving the old things as they were, whereas Ib

wanted nothing but the establishment of the Ott

(fa innahu kana yamil ild ibqa' al-qadim 'ald qidam

Ibn al-Farfar ya'ba illa qanan al-Arwam). Stran

seem, Sultan Selim sided, according to that sour
Viceroy, and gave him practically a free hand.
policy, his personality and his good administratio
great prestige and popularity within and without his
province, (35) a fact which could only encourage him to revolt.
The local contemporary Arab sources are unanimous in their
claim that al-Ghazili revolted immediately after learning of

Sultan Selim's death, but in none of them it is reflected so

clearly and so convincingly as in Ibn Tfilfin's narrative. On

Wednesday the 12th of Dhil al-Qa'da/October 24, 1520, two
emissaries arrived in Damascus with a letter informing the

Viceroy of the death of Sultan Selim. The emissaries carrying

the letter were dispatched to al-Ghazili, who was at that moment
in Beirut, inspecting its fortifications. On Saturday night of

the 15th (October 27) he returned suddenly (bahiatan) to his

capital, and declared his revolt. On Monday the 17th (October

29) he besieged the Damascus citadel, which was under the

command of an Ottoman officer, and captured it on the same

day. As soon as he entered the citadel, he and his men put on
a Circassian dress, and abolished the Ottoman dress (wa-azhara
libs al-Jarakisa min al-takhffadt wal-kalatat wa-abtala libs al-

Arwam min al-'ama'im [Link]). (36) What is made so

clear in the above evidence of Ibn TUilfin is, that had al-Ghazili
been in Damascus on the arrival of the Ottoman emissaries, he

would have started his revolt on the very same day. This

evidence also proves how eager and how determined he was to

return to the good old Mamlfik days.

That al-Ghazili had always in mind the restoration of

Mamlilk rule over all the previous territories of the Sultanate,

can be learnt from the fact that already on the 26th of Dhil
(34) Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi, al-Kawdkib al-Sd'ira bi-A'ydn al-Mi'a al-'Ashira,
Beirut, 1945, vol. I, p. 199, 11. 1-11. On al-Ghazili's outward obedience to Selim,
and his simultaneously secret preparations for revolt, see Ibn Iyis, V, p. 418,

11. 3-4. Cp. also Ibn Tailon, II, p. 85, 11. 14-18.
(35) Al-Ghazzi, I, p. 199, 1. 8; Ibn Iyis, V, p. 418, 1. 5.
(36) Ibn Tiliin, II, pp. 123, 1. 11 - 124, 1. 7. On the start of the revolt see also
al-Ghazzi, I, p. 199, 11. 12-15; Ibn Iyis, V, pp. 362, 11. 11-21, 418, 11. 4-6.

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138

DAVID

AYALON

al-Qa'da/November

declaration

letter

of

the

from

7,

nam

revolt,

him

to

his

Kh~y

Circassian amirs, in which he

The mood prevailing in the

which al-Ghazili strove, and

insurgents, are well reflecte
"When al-Ghazili revolted,

including

the

commanders

semi-nomads joined him and

yourself Sultan. For there is
have to fear. As for us, we s
He was enticed by their wor
and he became light headed
a time haste was followed b
in Syria, giving himself th

Futih.t
["the father
of Con
People kissed
the ground
in
mentioned in the Friday s
mosque and in the other pulpits of Damascus. When he

became Sultan people told him: 'Go to Egypt, fight Kh5yrbak

and take possession of Egypt', to which he answered: 'Egypt is
in my grasp (fT qabdal yadS). I shall [first] go to Aleppo and
liberate it from the hands of the Ottomans, so that I shall not
have to worry about my rear. Then I shall go to Egypt'. Had

he marched on Egypt before having marched on Aleppo, it

would have been better for him, for the army of the Circassian

Mamlfiks and the people of Egypt (ahl Misr) and all the

bedouins would have risen against Khayrbak and would have

joined him [i.e. al-Ghazfli], for he was liked by the people
(fa-innahu kana muhabbaban lil-ra'iyya)." (39)
As far as Egypt was concerned, most important of all was, of
course, the attitude of the army, and particularly that of the

(37) Ibid., p. 362, 11. 11-21. Al-Ghazdli suggested to Khdyrbak to proclaim

himself Sultan in Egypt, and thus divide between them the rule over the Mamlfk
Sultanate. He even threatened him that if he refused, he had others who would
readily accept his offer (ibid., p. 418, 11. 18-21). This was, of course, only a tactical
offer. Had the revolt succeeded, one of the two would have, undoubtedly, ousted
the other, and established a unified Sultanate, with its capital in Cairo.
(38) This patronym reflects correctly al-GhazAli's great ambitions.

(39) Ibn Iyis, V, p. 418, 11. 5-15. Al-Ghazili failed in his attempt to capture

Aleppo, and this was the beginning of his discomfiture.

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 139

Circassian Mamlfiks. These received the tidings of the revolt
with great rejoicing, believing that their hour of salvation
(faraj) has arrived. (40) Numerous Circassian Mamlfiks escaped
from Cairo secretly and joined the insurgents. (41) Among

them were some of Khdyrbak's most trusted and most favoured

colleagues. (42) As for the Ottoman units stationed in Egypt,

they showed no enthusiasm to fight al-Ghazll in Syria, in spite

of Kh5yrbak's constant prodding and urging. They declared

that they would fight him only if he attacked Egypt. (43) This
declaration never had to be put to the test, because al-GhazMli
was not given the opportunity to attack the land of the Nile.

In any case, the constant squabbles between these Ottoman

units, and Khdyrbak's policy of discriminating some of them

against the others, completely immobilized them. The army

of Egypt played no part in quelling al-Ghazll's revolt. (44)

The potentialities inherent in that revolt-which were
obviously not negligible-were not given sufficient time to

unfold themselves, for the revolt was very short-lived. It had

been crushed by a huge Ottoman army on the 22nd of Safar 927/

February 1st 1521, only three months after it had started.

The army of the Ottomans was composed of units stationed in

Eastern Anatolia, Aleppo and Rumelia, as well as of Turkoman

cavalry.
Its commander-in-chief
wasviceroy
Farh.t of
B shM
the Third
Vizir.
Other
commanders were the
Aleppo,
and,
very significantly, as we shall explain later, Ibn Siw~r, the

famous Turkoman chief, of the Dhti al-Qadr dynasty. (45)

(40) Ibn Iyfs, V, p. 374, 11. 4-6.
(41) Ibid., p. 377, 11. 17-22. See also ibid., pp. 434, 1. 14 - 435, 1. 5.
(42) Ibid., pp. 382, 1. 3 - 383, 1. 9. People were expecting and hoping for
al-Ghazili's conquest of Egypt.
(43) Ibid., pp. 368, 1. 13 - 369, 1. 1, 369, 1. 3 - 370, 1. 3.

(44) True, Sultan Suleyman wrote to Khiyrbak shortly before the decisive

battle against al-Ghazili that there is no need for the participation of the Egyptian
army in quelling the rebellion (ibid., p. 371, 11. 20-21). This, however, does not
alter the fact that all Khiyrbak's attempts to induce the Ottoman units to march
against al-Ghazlli ended in failure. One consideration of Sultan Suleyman for
not using the Ottoman units stationed in Egypt against al-Ghazill, might have
been his fear that denuding that country from those units might tempt the Circassians

of Egypt to revolt. He certainly could not rely on those Circassians in his plan to
crush al-Ghazlli.

(45) Ibn lyds, V, pp. 376, 1. 20 - 377, 1. 10. Al-Ghazzi, I, pp. 170, 1. 6 - 171,
1. 8. G. W. Stripling, The Ottoman Turks and the Arabs, 1511-1574, The University
of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois, 1942, pp. 75-76. Al-Ghazzi gives a slightly

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140 DAVID AYALON

The swifness with which alput an end to his much expec

on Egypt. (46) How the Circ

units, and the various eleme

would have reacted, in case such invasion would have taken

place, is, of course, a matter of conjecture. But that there did
exist a great anti-Ottoman feeling, and an extremely great and
widespread sympathy with al-Ghazili's revolt, both in Egypt
and in Syria, about this the sources leave us in no doubt whatsoever.

For the same reason the possible effects, at tha

Syrian revolt on the Safawids, and vice versa, cannot be

ascertained. There is no indication that there had ever been

any contact between al-Ghazili and the Shi'ite Empire of I

Our information in this respect does not go beyond a rum
which proved to be false, that al-Ghazili found refuge, afte
defeat, with the Safawids. (47) Yet the potentialities of su
revolt, from the point of view of the Safawids, had it las
longer, can be established indirectly.

In Rama<din 928/August 1522 it became known that

Turkoman Ibn Siwlr, one of the main commanders of the a

which defeated al-Ghazlli, was executed by the order of Su

Suleyman. The reason for his execution was that the Su

learnt that Ibn Siwdr became the ally of the Safawid ruler,
corresponded with him with the intent of conducting subve

activities against the Ottomans. The Sultan dispatched

Ibn Siw5r his Third

Farh.t
B5shi,
above
ment
commander-in-chief
of Vizir
that army,
under
the the
pretext
that
bot

them must go to DiyZr Bakr, to watch the movements of

Safawids. When Ibn Siwlr entertained him in his camp, so
of Farh~it's Ottoman attendants pounced upon their host

finished him off. On the same occasion Farh1t Blsh5 executed

three of Ibn Siwlr's sons and a group of his amirs. (48)

Now the Dhti al-Qadrs, and particularly Shah Siwir, and his
son who succeeded him, were staunch allies of the Ottomans for
different information from that of Ibn Iyis. Of all the commanders of the
Ottoman army Ibn Iyss mentions by name only Ibn Siwir!
(46) In addition to earlier references on this subject in the present paper, see
Ibn Iyis, V, pp. 365, 11. 8-11, 369, 1. 13 - 370, 1. 9.
(47) Ibid., p. 419, 11. 15-16.
(48) Ibid., pp. 467, 1. 19 - 468, 1. 6.

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 141

a long time, serving as a buffer between them and the MamlGks.
In the last decades of the Mamlfik reign they fought the Mamltiks
with great valour, and whether they were victorious or otherwise they always inflicted heavy losses upon them. Later they

participated in Selim's campaign against the Mamliiks, and

lastly played a no minor role in the defeat of al-Ghazili. Yet

all this was not sufficient to make them trustworthy in the eyes

of the Ottomans, or to immune them from the contagious

influence of the revived version of Shi~ism offered to them by

their fellow-Turkomans. The dangerous consequences of a

prolonged MamlGk revolt on the threshold of the Turkoman

area cannot, therefore, be over-estimated. This is clearly

demonstrated in the attitude of Selim during his stay in Syria

on his homeward journey, described above. The Safawid

threat was his chief preoccupation. His first and only instruc-

tion to Jdnbirdi al-GhazMli, which the contemporary Arab

chronicler deems necessary to bring to the knowledge of the

reader, is to keep a watchful eye on the Safawids. In Aleppo he
concentrated on strengthening the town's fortifications against

the same enemy. Now if Syria was so important to the

Ottomans as a bastion against the Safawids, the revolt in that

country of the very person whom they appointed as their watch-

dog against the same enemy, could not have been overlooked by
the new Shi'ite power. It should also be remembered, that the
first objective of al-Ghazdli, after having secured Damascus, was
to capture Aleppo, the very town which Selim took such care to

fortify against his major enemy in the East. Furthermore,

the conquest of the Aleppo province would have either established a common border between him and the Safadis, or at
least would have greatly shortened the distance between them.
That even relatively remote Egypt, so much removed from
either Iran, Iraq, Shi'ism or the Turkomans, was not immune
from the Safawid impact, can be learnt from the famous unsuccessful revolt of the viceroy of Egypt, Ahmed Pasha, in the
year 930/early 1524. This man was a most trusted "Mamlitk" (49) of Sultan Selim. When Suleyman became Sultan, this
Ahmed coveted the office of Grand Vizir, to which the Sultan
appointed somebody else. In order to compensate him,
(49) Ibn Iyfs repeatedly calls the Ottoman military slaves by the name of

"Mamliks".

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142

DAVID

AYALON

Suleyman

he

gave

arrived

Christian

in

him

the

Sha'bdn

Greek,

soon

Vice

929/

decide

Mamlks and other element

allies as well beyond the b

he offered the surrender of

tried to establish contacts
to our Arab source he becam

religious man, named QId1

Shi'ite, and a great believe
Isma'Il and his teachings.
the Muslim population of

source, to his hatred of the

In the early part of the six
Mamlilk or other revolt in E
Ottoman Empire were not v
by less rash men than al-Gh
a real coordination could be

the

Safawids

and

Frankis

such combinations would m

titute a great danger, could
revival of Mamlilk aristocra
already

caused

sufficient

trou

pect of wider implications.

and it was Suleyman who co
was also no guarantee that in
the MamlfIks of Egypt woul
only contained the MamliIk
alone, but also decided to st
viceroys of that country. T
evident even in the lifetime
his Viceroyalty, he never sen
of office" (khil'at al-istimr
Khiyrbak. Worse still, it co
started speculating about th

Yet

he

was

928/early

not

dismissed.

October

1522),

ho

(50) Al-Ghazzi, I, pp. 156, 1. 13 - 15

158, 11. 5-9, 158, 1. 27 - 159, 1. 1. See
(51) Ibn Iyis, pp. 370, 11. 3-6, 376, 11

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 143

had been a natural one, solved Suleyman's problem

he appointed as Viceroy of Egypt no lesser person
phd Pasha, his Grand Vizir and brother-in-law. (52
In the short period under study no Mamlfik con

sent from Egypt against the Safawids. But th

there of a strong Mamlilk element, as well as ot

regiments, gave the Ottomans considerable flexibil

ing their armed forces. (53)
Conclusions

The reinstatement of the Mamlfks so quickly after their

defeat over the greatest part of their former realm is the best
proof for the urgency of the Ottomans' need for that kind of

manpower. In my view that urgency was created to no small

extent (though by no means exclusively) by the Safawid threat,

which looms so large in the accounts of both Ibn Iyis and Ibn
Tfilfn. It constituted the most pressing, as well as the nearest,

geographical threat to the Ottomans. The danger of the

Safawids was so great, because of the high motivation of their

movement, and because of that movement's great appeal,
especially to the inhabitants on the other side of the border
within the Ottoman and the ex-Mamlik Empires (above all,
the Turkomans). The fact that it could not be broken even by
the absolute superiority of Ottoman firearms could only increase
the fear from that danger.
That fear, however, seems to have blinded the Ottomans, and
particularly Sultan Selim, to the perilous implications of the

revival of the Mamltks on such a large scale, and so shortly

after their defeat. Curiously enough, the same Safawids, who

were a main cause in that revival on that scale, seem also to have
been a great factor in reducing it to a much smaller size. The
hatred and fear of the Safawids during the previous reign might

have misled the new rulers to believe that the Mamltiks could

be relied on in the struggle against the Shi'ite enemy, or at least

that they would not be a liability in that struggle. The revolt
must have opened their eyes to the danger of a Mamlflk uprising
(52) Ibid., pp. 485, 11. 20-22 487 11. 16-17. Khdyrbak's appointment, on his
death-bed, of Sindn Bak, the Ottoman, as his successor, was completely ignored by
Sultan Suleyman.
(53) See also Shaw, op. cit., p. 194.

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144

on

DAVID

the

AYALON

threshold

Egypt

as

well.

of

the

Saf

Therefore,

eliminated. On the other ha

aristocracy only in the lan
remote

from

the

Shiite

territ

security and to dealing with

was certainly a much safer
from an Ottoman point of v

much

headache

occupation.

to

their

APPENDIX A

A Note on

The Ottoman Conquest and Mamlilk Historiography

The Ottoman conquest, which dealt a death blow to the

Mamlik Sultanate, dealt, at the same time, almost a death b

to historiography in Egypt. As is well known, hardly an

other Islamic period or region in the Middle Ages produced s

an abundant and variegated amount of historiographical

related material, as did the Mamlfk Sultanate. Furthermore
the importance of that material grealy exceeds the boundar
of that Sultanate. Mamlilk historical and similar writing
are a mine of precious information on many other parts of t
"Abode of Islam" and on the "Abode of War", as well as on t

relations between the two "Abodes". It goes without sayi

that these writings are the richest, as far as the history
Islamic Egypt is concerned. In Ottoman Egypt, by contra
historiography is the poorest during the greatest part of t
reign. I rather doubt whether such an abrupt decline of

historiography had ever taken place in any other important p

of the Muslim world.

What were the causes of that unique decline? At the present

state of our knowledge I believe that only a partial answer can
be given to that question.

The most important cause is the most obvious one. Egypt

(and its capital Cairo), which constituted, up to the conquest,

the focal part of an Empire, became just a province in a far

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THE END OF THE MAMLOK SULTANATE 145

bigger Empire. But putting it this way would reflect only

part of the transformation which Egypt underwent as a result

of its conquest, for the following reason. The Mamlflk Sultanate was considered, since its inception, to be the major power in
the Muslim world, and it has not really relinquished that position
up to its extermination, in spite of all the vicissitudes and the
decline which it experienced. The unexpectedness with which
that Sultanate was wiped out and the fact that up to its last
years it was considered to be the Islamic power par excellence,
must have come as a terrible shock. Few, however, could be
shocked and paralyzed more than the historians who were
writing the annals of that great Empire, which so suddenly
ceased to exist. The incentive for writing history under the

new circumstances must have disappeared. Some of the old

guard might carry on their writing into the period of occupation,

by the force of habit. But what prospect could historiography

offer to a newcomer?

An additional important cause was the disappearance, under

the Ottomans, of the offspring of the Mamltiks as a very distinct

social group, for reasons which I discuss elsewhere. (54) A very

great proportion of the historians of the Mamltik Sultanate
came from that group (the awldd al-nds). Their extinction was
a particularly heavy loss to Egyptian historiography, because of

their scholarly training on the one hand, and their intimate

knowledge of Mamltik society on the other.

Another cause was that in the latter part of the Circassian rule
(which covered the period 784-922/1382-1517), Mamlfik historiography had already passed the peak of its vitality, creativeness,

diversification and output, although it still remained very

powerful. To what a degree the economic decay of the Mamlilk

realm caused the weakening, is a moot question. A review of
the historiography of the whole Mamlik period does not show
that its ups and downs necessarily corresponded to the fluctuations of the Sultanate's economy.
Yet another cause must have been the mass transfer of

historical works from Cairo to Istanbul, many of which ar

found there. In view of the fact that such works, unlike

(54) See my "Notes on the Transformation of Mamlfik Society in Egypt und

the Ottomans", JESHO, vol. III (1960), pp. 148-174, 275-325, and "Mam

Aristocracy, etc." in the Bernard Lewis, Festschrift.

10

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146 DAVID AYALON

many works of a religious cha

a very limited number of copie

mass transfer are obvious. (66

Whatever the causes might b
is faced with the situation th
really important local source
the Ottoman occupation of th

of the Mamltk historian Ibn

covers its first six years (9
hardly be overestimated, not
and a most reliable source (es
facts is concerned), but also
authoritative history of the

because the last years which i

Ottoman rule, are the most d
Few other six years in Maml
detail by a single historian. I
study of Egypt's transition p
rule, which is a decisive period

ed, and new ones replace th

Tallin for Syria see below).
It should be emphasized in t
replace the local good chronicle. Neither other kinds of
historical works, nor the narratives of travellers and visitors
(be they European or Ottoman), nor even the Ottoman archives.

All these have, undoubtedly, their specific extremely great

merits and importance. They will certainly inform us about
many essential subjects, upon which a local chronicle usually
passes in silence. They will help us as well in supplementing,

clarifying and correcting much of the information furnished by

the local chronicle. Yet they can never serve as a real sub-

stitute to it.

The part of Ibn Iyis's chronicle dedicated to Ottoman Egypt

had been cited quite often in the past, and, with the growing and

commendable interest in that country and that period in recent

years, is being more and more utilized. Yet a systematic and

exhaustive use of that part has still to be made. It has to be

(55) See also my "The Historian al-Jabarti and his Background", BSOAS,

vol. XXIII (1960), pp. 217-218, and notes.

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THE END OF THE MAMLUK SULTANATE 147

carried out with particular stress on comparison with the history
and institutions of the Mamlfik Sultanate.
The harvest that can be gathered from the chronicle of Ibn

Talin (830-953/1476-1546) is much smaller than that of Ibn

Iyas, for various reasons. First of all, because our knowledge

of Mamltik Syria, although quite impressive in itself, is very

meager when compared with our knowledge of Mamltik Egypt.
Secondly, Ibn Tiilin's chronicle is not very detailed, and it deals
not with the whole of Syria, but mainly with Damascus and its
province. Thirdly, it covers a period which is more than two

years shorter than the period covered by Ibn Iyas (it ends in
Dhti al-Qa'da 926/end of October 1520). However, it begins
well before the Ottoman conquest, and the information it does
contain is of a high quality. In combination with the account
of Ibn Iy~s, which often transcends the boundaries of Egypt,

we can learn from it a lot about Ottoman Syria, and about more

general aspects of the Ottoman conquest and occupation.

In the articles I mentioned in the introductory remark I
confined myself to the study of the policy of the Ottomans
towards the Mamlik aristocracy as reflected in the two chronicles under discussion. Needless to say, other subjects can be
reconstructed with a similar degree of detail and reliability on
the basis of these two sources.

APPENDIX B

Of all the military duties and operations in which the Mam

Iiks participated as part of the Ottoman army during the perio
under discussion by far the most important one was their shar
in the conquest of Rhodes, for several reasons: a) it was their
first fighting under the Ottomans; b) they established a person
contact with the Ottoman Sultan, and fought under his direct
command, a fact which greatly enhanced the process of their
restoration in Egypt; (56) c) they proved how badly the Ottoman
(56) In addition to earlier references about Sultan Suleyman's favourable
attitude towards the Mamliks of Egypt (especially in the article in the Bernard
Lewis, Festschrift), it should be added that the Viceroy Mustaff Pasha, brought
with him a special order (marsi2m) from that Sultan, in which he demanded good
treatment of the Mamliks (Ibn Iyfs, V, p. 486, 1. 22).

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148

DAVID

AYALON

were in need of a military e

ultimately victorious, the be
casualties, in which the Egy

From an official letter received in Cairo it was learnt that

"the number of dead among the Ottoman and Egyptian a

from the handguns and artillery which fired on them daily, f

the fortress of Rhodes, was immeasurable. Any part o

wall which the besiegers destroyed by day, was repaired b

Franks under the cover of night with a special kind of st

(al-hajar al-fass). The besiegers were sapped and exhau

by the fortitude (ba's) of the Franks. The names of th
from among the Circassian amirs and Mamltiks were

secret." (57)

David AYALON

(Jerusalem)
(57) Ibid., p. 483, 11. 8-15.

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