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Rethinking vernacular architecture: the case

of Hanoks in South Korea
a
Jieheerah Yun
a
Department of Architecture, Hongik University, Seoul, Republic of Korea
Published online: 06 Feb 2014.

To cite this article: Jieheerah Yun , The Journal of Architecture (2014): Rethinking vernacular architecture:
the case of Hanoks in South Korea, The Journal of Architecture, DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2014.885555

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 1

The Journal
of Architecture

Rethinking vernacular architecture:

the case of Hanoks in South Korea

Jieheerah Yun Department of Architecture, Hongik University,

Downloaded by [Jieheerah Yun] at 11:57 10 February 2014

Seoul, Republic of Korea (Author’s e-mail address:

jieheerah@[Link])

For five decades, academics and architects have been debating the subject of vernacular
architecture. Although the exact scope and status of vernacular architecture is far from
clear, this article shows how the concept of the vernacular can play a crucial role in protecting
architectural diversity by examining different types of new hanoks, or Korean-style houses.
Although the current Hanok Renaissance in South Korea tends to emphasise ‘elite’
traditional architecture over other types, there are cases of vernacular hanoks, that use
local materials and construction methods but may not resemble well-known historical
architectural forms. Such new vernacular hanoks are characterised by their pragmatic
design approach and stylistic heterogeneity in the context of a highly formulaic architectural
production.1

Introduction the modernisation process is still underway. For

Many scholars have engaged in ongoing academic instance, tribes such as the Bakongo people in
debates regarding what constitutes vernacular archi- Africa continue to build structures following a
tecture. Ever since the publication by Bernard village tradition that has been passed down over
Rudofsky of Architecture without Architects: A Short generations. Although finding places dominated by
Introduction to Non-pedigreed Architecture, scholars non mass-produced buildings has become more
have attempted to define vernacular architecture. and more difficult, one cannot deny the fact that
However, the concept continues to baffle architects such places still exist. Still, there are other places
and architectural researchers, at least partly due to where the processes of modernisation and industri-
the non-architectural origin of the word ‘vernacular’. alisation have been very rapid, so much so that ver-
At the same time, the blurred boundary between nacular houses and very contemporary buildings
modern and vernacular architecture has produced coexist side by side. In many peripheral cities of glob-
seemingly paradoxical terms such as ‘unvernacular ally aspiring countries like India and China, such
vernacular’ and ‘vernacular modernism’.2 In the architectural eclecticism is not difficult to find. In
context of developed countries such as the USA and such transitional places, the concept of vernacular
those of Northern Europe, the scope and the applica- architecture is not only relevant, but also indispensa-
bility of the term ‘vernacular’ is being questioned on ble, as common vernacular objects continue to be
the theoretical as well as on the practical level. the constant target of modernisation, or even of
Yet examples of vernacular architecture seem to destruction. At the same time, there are cities like
be easier to find in other parts of the globe where Tokyo, where high-rise buildings have become the

# 2014 The Journal of Architecture 1360-2365 [Link]

 2

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

norm, and traditional architecture has become so Korea tends to emphasise ‘elite’ traditional architec-
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rare as to make it high-brow and exclusive. What ture over other types. Yet there are cases of vernacu-
kinds of buildings qualify as vernacular architecture lar hanoks, that use local materials and construction
in these cities of extremes? Should architectural methods but may not resemble well-known histori-
scholars conclude that there is no vernacular archi- cal architectural forms.
tecture for these cities (or, by extension, countries) While architectural discussions about the vernacu-
since all that remains of pre-industrial buildings lar in non-Western regions tend to focus on the
simply has the aura of the vernacular? Or should architectural types developed during pre-industrial
we abandon the term ‘vernacular’ altogether? Can times, this study casts light on the new vernacular
these places have other kinds of spontaneous build- buildings that slowly emerged in developing
ing activities that may require a different conception countries after industrialisation. By addressing the
of the vernacular? difficulties of cataloguing and classifying Korean
In this article, I discuss the example of the hanok, hanoks, this study shows that a better understand-
which literally means a Korean-style house, to illus- ing of vernacular architecture is necessary to
trate that the concept of vernacular has neither address the unexpected development of new build-
degenerated into a catch-all concept, nor remained ing activities.
exclusively representative of older forms. Rather,
the concept of the vernacular is a useful tool for Different vernaculars
differentiating diverse architectural traditions and Very recently, the idea of remodelling or constructing
their contemporary revitalisations. This new kind of hanoks has become very attractive among some
architecture is qualitatively different from modernist South Koreans. Many South Koreans think of
houses since it reflects the changed lifestyle hanoks as the vernacular houses that dominated
demands of the twenty-first century. Yet neither the architectural scene in Korea until the beginning
does it belong to the pre-industrial vernacular, of modernisation. In the 2000s, popular media
since it does not adhere to collective design guide- began to report interviews with individuals who had
lines. I introduce the rising trend of reinterpreting decided to leave their modern blocks of flats and
and remodelling hanoks in order to make the build- move to hanoks. Whilst their decisions were based
ing type suitable for contemporary living. I trace the on memories of having lived in vernacular houses in
recent popularity of the hanok to the condensed the past, these decisions would not have been poss-
modernisation process, which has produced the ible without the aggressive and innovative introduc-
high-rise flat-dominated housing market in South tion of new materials and technologies, which
Korea. In the cultural context of a country where made living in hanoks much more convenient and
colonial experience and rapid modernisation have comfortable. With the successful completion of the
erased many of the older architectural forms, the Bukchon Hanok Regeneration Project in Seoul, both
current so-called Hanok Renaissance in South the South Korean public and the architects expressed
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excitement about the challenges and opportunities However, other scholars argue that the concept of
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presented by the new attempts to integrate hanoks the vernacular is still useful. To reduce confusion,
into the contemporary housing market. Paul Groth regards endless the debates about the
The rising appreciation of hanok and vernacular term’s usefulness as exhausting and suggests using
architecture in South Korea contrasts with the the word ‘ordinary’ instead.8 Yet while being ordin-
West, which has seen scores of ‘unvernacular verna- ary becomes one of the criteria, it cannot account for
cular’ buildings.3 While there are multiple definitions those buildings that may be ordinary in one cultural
of vernacular architecture, the first was given by context but not quite common in others. In the
Bernard Rudofsky, who described non-pedigreed context of many Asian countries, what is ordinary
architecture as ‘vernacular, spontaneous, and often are high-rise blocks of flats, but these cannot be con-
anonymous’.4 Other scholars, such as Henry sidered vernacular since they are the by-product of
Glassie, emphasised community involvement by an intense, and sometimes repressive, modernis-
arguing that ‘what makes vernacular architecture is ation drive rather than the result of spontaneous
not an occupant who builds but a cultural congruity developments. In the next section, this paper illus-
among design, construction, and use’.5 The initial trates how the category of the vernacular can be
enthusiasm that surrounded the concept of beneficial in terms of protecting newly emerging
vernacular architecture in the 1960s has subsided architectural diversities and extra-professional build-
significantly, as many examples of post-modern ing activities. In a country characterised by a con-
architecture in the 1970s seemed to reduce the densed modernisation following a colonial history,
revival of historical elements to something of essen- the sense of deprivation following forced modernis-
tially commercial interest. The distinction between ation has produced important ramifications. For one,
what is truly vernacular and what possesses only it has contributed to the sanctification of upper-class
the veneer of the vernacular has become increas- literati houses as representative of the national archi-
ingly hard to detect. At the same time, scholars tectural style. However, such an elitist notion of
have adopted a broader interpretation of the hanoks could not prevent the emergence of a paral-
concept of the vernacular and have traced vernacu- lel architectural movement which does not adhere to
lar elements in modernist buildings such as Le established architectural canons. New vernacular
Corbusier’s Villa Savoye.6 Such readings greatly houses in South Korea do not strive for the visual
opened up architectural debates, but they have drama associated with established styles or aesthetic
also introduced a significant level of theoretical con- conventions. Rather, they result from practical con-
fusion to the field. Some, including Dell Upton and siderations such as availability of local materials.
Simon Richards, have called for abolition of the The new vernacular houses in South Korea show
term ‘vernacular’ since ‘the vernacular credentials how the vernacular has evolved to embrace the
of almost any architect can be alleged’.7 increasing complexity of the contemporary world.
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Rethinking vernacular
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Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

The Hanok Renaissance: the return of ‘Korean’ Village Movement was an attempt to modernise
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architecture the countryside that included the improvement of

Up until the 1970s, the majority of urban dwellings housing and public buildings. At the same time, it
in South Korea were detached single-family was an effort to address the increasing socio-econ-
houses, although their sizes varied significantly omic gap between cities and rural villages. The
according to class and social status. Ever since the fast-growing population of cities, especially Seoul,
central government embarked on a very aggressive meant that an increasing number of rural residents
modernisation drive in the 1970s, blocks of flats were leaving the countryside in the hope of finding
and other types of multi-family housing complexes better opportunities. To staunch the ebb of popu-
have progressively replaced detached houses and lation and income in rural towns, the central govern-
have become the most common residential choice ment initiated a series of projects that included
in South Korea (Fig. 1). As of 2010, flats amounted providing farmers with new agricultural skills as
to 47% of total residences, followed by single well as financial aid. In a period of less than two
detached houses, which made up about 40%.9 years, from 1970 to 1971, the South Korean govern-
Despite initial scepticism about blocks of flats, ment provided building materials to 33,267 villages
increased structural safety and their cultural associ- for the expansion of roads and the construction of
ation with modern living contributed to the increas- common wells.12 The nation-wide efforts to get rid
ing popularity of flats. In addition, many national of ‘signs of backwardness’ had significant ramifica-
policies have encouraged investment in flats as the tions in terms of the preservation of the vernacular.
prices of units steadily increased during the period As part of the movement, existing thatched-roof
of rapid economic development. The unique rental houses and other houses made with preindustrial
system called jeon-se, and high interest rates, materials became targets of improvement. Given
encouraged investments in blocks of flats, as both an aggressive government campaign that included
renter and landlord could benefit from the high- providing incentives to villages meeting their guide-
growth economic system.10 By the early 1980s, lines, many vernacular houses disappeared. With the
many South Koreans considered residence in exception of those houses considered part of the
blocks of flats socially and economically desirable. national heritage, policy-makers did not acknowl-
The crucial role the market for flats played in incu- edge the need to protect less prominent houses.
bating the South Korean middle class has led the Consequently, farmhouses were rebuilt or remo-
geographer Valerie Gelezeau to call South Korea delled with modern materials. Thatched roofs were
an ‘apartment republic’.11 replaced with slate roofs and clay walls were
While many blocks of flats were built in cities, the replaced with concrete walls (Fig. 2).
beginning of the New Village Movement (Saemaul Yet the adoption of the modernist project and the
Undong) in the early 1970s changed the architec- boom in flats, which reached its peak in the late
tural landscape of Korean rural villages. The New 1980s, began to subside with the financial crisis of
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Figure 1. From the top:

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the Mayor of Seoul’s

1970 advertisement of
‘demonstration’ blocks
of flats in Yŏ-ŭido,
Seoul; Hyundai
advertisement in the
1990s showing that
larger flats in the
satellite cities of Seoul,
such as Guri, had
become attractive
residential choices.
(Source: Seoul
Metropolitan City.)

the late 1990s. At the same time, political democra- large-scale national projects, smaller regional and
tisation in the 1980s, along with the recession, made provincial plans developed after the full-fledged
nation-wide implementation of the modernist launch of the local government system in 1995.
project increasingly difficult. The scope and scale The housing market was affected by the structural
of national projects like the Five-Year Economic adjustment policies as well. Although blocks of
Development Plan became smaller. Instead of flats continued to be a status symbol and the domi-
 6

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

Figure 2. Typical rural

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houses have slate roofs

instead of thatched or
tile roofs.
(Source: Nongmin
newspaper, 3rd May,
2010.)

nant mode of residence during this period, many construction methods, although the term was first
Koreans began to express dissatisfaction with the used to differentiate between Korean and foreign-
monotonous residential environment. At the same style houses in 1898.14 In Bukchon (North Village)
time, falling prices of flats in South Korea induced in Seoul, many older hanoks went through remodel-
disillusionment with the Korean dream of gradually ling as the city of Seoul engaged in a hanok regen-
increasing one’s assets by moving to larger and eration project.15 The city of Seoul devised various
larger flats. Instead, there emerged a large ‘house policies, such as low-interest loans and financial
poor’ population of about 570,000 impoverished aid, which encouraged remodelling of older
homeowners.13 hanoks in the historical area. With the hanok remo-
It was in this political and economic setting in the delling boom, new construction activities also
early 2000s that the South Korean popular media caught on, with some following the older proto-
started to report cases of successful hanok remodel- types while other cases included the introduction
ling. Hanok, literally meaning a Korean-style house, of the hanok’s wooden post and beam features to
generally refers to a dwelling following traditional the interior of a modern block of flats (Fig. 3).
 7

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Figure 3. The Hanok-

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style flat prototype

developed by the Korea
Land & Housing
Corporation (LH) in
2009 shows interior
attributes that remind
South Koreans of
traditional houses.
(Source: Korean Land &
Housing Corporation.)

Some of the newly constructed buildings adopting vation and rapid industrialisation process that domi-
constructional features of the hanok included up- nated South Korea in the late twentieth century.
market hotels such as Millennium Palace Resort Although many South Koreans understood and
and Spa Ragung in the city of Gyeonggi. accepted, and some fervently supported, the ration-
Many South Koreans considered this phenom- ale of development during the military regimes of
enon highly unusual, since most hanoks were the 1970s, such an understanding could not
destroyed during recent decades due to urban rede- replace the emotional need to look back upon
velopments and the New Village Movement. Yet the what was being lost. As Laurel Kendall has observed,
so-called Hanok Renaissance is not very surprising, colonialism left many Koreans feeling that their
since this trend is a response to the colonial depri- tradition ‘was not so much “lost” as taken away
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Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

by someone els’.16 Even after independence, the societies such as the Contemporary Hanok Society
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project of development implemented in the have formed to address the various practical and
context of the military dictatorship was authoritarian theoretical issues regarding hanok remodelling.
at best and downright oppressive at worst. While
more valuable artefacts were preserved in the A brief history of Hanok, or ‘Korean-style’
name of ‘cultural heritage’, more common objects, houses
including rural houses, were not considered worthy Delineating the exact time and place in which
of protection in the minds of policy-makers. houses in Korean peninsula originated is an imposs-
However, the democratic movement and economic ible task, as housing forms have continually evolved
development of the 1980s changed many things. in relation to many factors, including climate con-
In particular, they increased the desire of South ditions, availability of materials and cultural
Koreans to emphasise quality of life and the right exchanges. Yet the study of pre-historical and his-
to seek alternative lifestyles. The recent Hanok torical evidence suggests that one of the character-
Renaissance should be understood as part of a istics of the hanok is the combination of a
larger societal trend to restore diverse lifestyles dis- daechung (a hall with a wooden floor) and an
credited during both the colonial and developmental ondol (a system that combines cooking and
regimes. heating). Although the ondol has gone through
Consequently, academics and scholars have many phases of change, it became a very wide-
started lively discussions on ways to revive Korean spread feature by the late sixteenth century. While
vernacular architecture. Following the Bukchon other forms of under-floor heating exist in other
Regeneration Project in 2000, many local govern- countries, they are quite different from the ondol
ments started their own village-wide hanok remo- since most other systems warm up only a part of a
delling and construction projects. In 2011, the city room while the ondol system warms up the entire
of Seoul designated 24.7 acres (100,000 square room. The function of the daechung became more
metres) of land in Eunpyeong district as a special important during the Chosun Dynasty as it was
zone for hanok complex construction, with the often used for ceremonial purposes, including com-
plan of providing a ‘future-oriented hanok memorative rites for ancestors. While the ondol is a
village’.17 Elsewhere, South Cholla province heating system that originated in northern Korea,
embarked on an ambitious project named daechungs are often seen in southern Korea,
Hengbok Maŭl (Happyvil) to aid the construction thanks in part to the hot and humid summer. The
or remodeling of 1,281 hanoks in total of 90 vil- elevated wooden floor of a daechung helps reduce
lages.18 A government research institute named the humidity emitted from the ground, while an
the National Hanok Centre was established in ondol heats up the floor and protects inhabitants
2011 to develop logistical and policy infrastructures from the cold weather characteristic of the northern
supporting hanok construction. Within academia, regions. The combination of these two elements can
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be understood as a response to Korea’s climate, both a better quality of living and alternative life-
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characterised by hot and humid summers and styles. One of the biggest challenges is how to delin-
harsh winters. eate the scope of the hanok as the term itself is very
Yet these two features do not explain everything murky. Another challenge is implementing policies
about Korean houses. Regional diversities exist designed to promote the construction of hanoks at
among vernacular houses that use local materials. both the national and provincial levels. How can
For instance, the houses in Cheju Island use local policy-makers and scholars come up with a solution
basalt rocks for the construction of the outer walls. when hanok literally means ‘houses of Korean
In the mountainous region of Kangwon Province, people’? Since many policies and ordinances are
houses use bark from trees as roofing material. designed to promote construction of hanoks, the
Upper-class dwellings made use of tiles for roofing semantic problem of what this term means is directly
and used timbers for the walls. Generally speaking, related to very real practical problems.
the houses of the literati and the upper class had a One of the reasons it is difficult to define ‘hanok’
more complex organisation, as Confucian ethics is because the term itself was invented to differen-
required separate spaces for ancestor worship, tiate Korean-style houses from the Western-style
male studies and domestic quarters. Commoners houses introduced at the beginning of the twentieth
lived in smaller houses with less expensive materials. century.19 ‘Hanok’ is an umbrella term that can
The features of commoners’ houses included include a large variety of Korean houses, including
thatched roofs, earthen walls and wooden beams. tiled-roof houses, thatched-roof houses and log
To summarise, hanoks went through many phases houses. And there are other materials that are some-
of change, and even during a single historical period times used in hanoks. The other reason that the
many different types of hanoks coexisted, depend- concept of the hanok is vague is due to the way
ing on region and class. Some historical Korean hanoks are produced. As with many vernacular
houses did not even have a daechung or an ondol, houses around the world, the techniques for the
the two elements considered by many Koreans as construction of hanoks in the nineteenth century
the common features of hanok. Even those hanoks and before were transmitted orally from one
with a daechung and an ondol looked very different builder to the next, rather than recorded in docu-
from one another depending on the construction ments. At the same time, establishing an architec-
methods and materials they used. tural canon was extremely difficult save for certain
structures such as palaces and Buddhist temples
The question (or the impossibility) of defining since there was no test or officially acknowledged
the Hanok set of steps for becoming a daemok (a master car-
Due to South Korea’s abrupt break with the tra- penter) or a daemokjang (a construction supervisor).
ditional ways of life, the Hanok Renaissance faces Up until the establishment of various hanok schools
challenges in attempting to satisfy the demands for in the late 1990s, the knowledge involving hanok
 10

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

Figure 4. Daechung in
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pre-industrial hanoks
(on the left) and the
contemporary
daechung which has
become part of the
interior space in new
hanoks (on the right).

construction remained esoteric because of the many of the newly built hanoks have big living
unstructured way hanoks were produced. The con- rooms situated in the centre instead of a more tra-
temporary hanok schools remain private institutions ditional daechung. In many newly built hanoks, dae-
without official inspection. Although some students chung space has become an enclosed space with
can become repair technicians for those hanoks that more privacy while retaining the scale and interior
are deemed cultural assets, they are not yet legally finishes of traditional daechung (Fig. 4). Some
recognised as architects responsible for the con- newly built hanoks use non-traditional proportions,
struction of residential structures. adding more interior space than the traditional
The contemporary architectural trend of using method would allow. Particularly interesting is the
features of hanoks in otherwise modern buildings case of the new hanok complex in Phoenix Springs
complicates the matter of defining the term. At Country Club, located in the city of Yicheon. The
one extreme end of the stylistic scale, there are main hall of the hanok complex has a very large
high-rise residential units using the interior style of interior space (Fig. 5). Using such tall columns in a
the hanok. Even in the cases that adhere to tra- residential structure is unprecedented, as only the
ditional construction methods, architects have main hall of palace structures or the main hall of
started to make important changes. For instance, Buddhist temples had such large wooden elements.
 11

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of Architecture

Figure 5. The main hall

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at Pheonix Country
Clubhouse shows a
scale historically seen
only in palaces or
Buddhist temples.

At the other end of scale, traditionalists argue that problem is not that new hanoks introduce new
traditional structural integrity and proportions need materials such as glass.20 Rather, the real problem
to be observed, even if the introduction of new is economic, as many newly constructed hanoks
materials is unavoidable. Traditionalists worry that strive to mimic expensive styles at a reduced con-
the emergence of so many new hanoks that disre- struction cost. In the follow-up interview, he added
gard old structural methods may endanger those that while he is not arguing that all hanoks should
hanoks that adhere more strictly to the traditional be built with traditional methods, ‘it is problematic
system. In the hanok seminar held as part of the that the number of traditional hanoks are decreasing
2nd Korean Hanok Architectural Exhibition, Yeong- even as the new trend catches on’.21
il Yoon, the chair of Hyeonam Institute for the Pres- Scholars have made theoretical attempts to differ-
ervation of Cultural Assets, has noted that the entiate the aforementioned experimental hanoks
 12

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

Figure 6. An elevated
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doorway and a tile roof

are stylistic features of
elite literati hanoks from
the Chosun and Goryoh
Dynasties.

from more ‘orthodox’ ones. The new terms devised dynasty. This type is also the most popular type of
to refer to ‘unorthodox’ hanoks include hanok- hanok being remodelled or built from scratch
pung ( : ‘in the style of a hanok’) architecture today. Even the newly built hanoks strive to mimic
and shin-hanok ( : ‘new hanok’).22 Currently, the style of elite literati houses with bracket
in the architectural guidelines used for policy- systems and tiled roofs. One reason why this type
making, a hanok is defined as ‘a structure which of hanok is dominant is the historical prestige
reflects traditional Korean style, using wooden associated with the elite literati’s lifestyle and
columns/beam support with Korean-style tiles with philosophical orientation. In the minds of older
finishes of natural materials such as thatch, South Koreans, the image of the literati’s house
timber, and earth’.23 While this definition does with an elevated doorway and tiled roof (Fig. 6)
allow some room for the use of different materials, that ‘resembles the back of a whale’, is synonymous
it privileges the wooden post and beam structures with a sumptuous house. As a consequence, current
associated with the elite literati during the last academic literature and scholarly research focus
 13

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of Architecture

heavily on ways to remodel the wooden post- The concept of the vernacular as a remedy
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and-beam structure with tiled roofs. However, this Despite the history of rapid modernisation and the
classification system unwittingly reinforces the narrow definition of the hanok, there are examples
assumption that certain historical prototypes, such of new architecture that have inherited the spirit of
as wooden post-and-beam structures, are more localism and extra-professional building activities.
representative of the Korean style than others. The They have sprung up quite unexpectedly, in the
current definition of ‘hanok’ is furthermore an societal context of a constant push for economic
inadequate one since regional and material vari- efficiency and greater specialisation of labour. At
ations exist. the same time, they are neither traditional nor
Considering the dominance of modernist archi- modern, in terms of either style or material. For
tecture in many East Asian cities, the attempt instance, the phenomenon of gwi-nong ( :
to bring back pre-industrial houses has the poten- ‘return to farming’)/gwi-chon (归村: ‘return to rural
tial to reinvigorate architectural diversity in the towns’), and self-built houses, suggests the possi-
region. Yet the idea of the hanok as a fixed bility of developing diverse types of hanok without
house form is problematic, since it poses a making ‘vernacular’ a catch-all phrase or literal repli-
danger of turning what used to be spontaneous cation of traditional forms.
activities into static canonical architecture. In With the rising demand for alternative lifestyles,
addition, literati-style wooden hanoks are mostly many older Koreans, especially those of retirement
purchased by affluent South Koreans since the age, have started to leave the cities and settle in
construction costs of the bracket system remain rural regions. The phenomenon of gwi-nong,
high despite attempts to lower them. Conse- which first appeared in the 1980s, has spread to
quently, it is questionable whether these expensive many South Koreans. With a longer average life
hanoks constructed by a very specialised work expectancy, retired elderly South Koreans have
force can be called vernacular. In the light of the increased in numbers and they have started to look
current direction of the hanok boom in South for ways to manage their lives after retirement.
Korea, reinventing the concept of the vernacular After the structural readjustment, even those who
becomes important. In the next section, this had occupied stable jobs experienced disillusion-
paper turns to grass-roots and spontaneous build- ment with city life and started to look for a simpler
ing activities in South Korea to illustrate the possi- lifestyle. According to a study by the Gyungnam
bility of a new vernacular. Despite the dominance Development Research Institute, one out of every
of the highly stylised wooden literati houses five urban dwellers expressed the desire to return
described above, more informal houses, which to rural towns, with the majority being from the
reflect personal lifestyle choices rather than collec- middle class.24 Baby-boomers in particular have
tive history or stylistic authenticity, have started to expressed a desire to return to a rural village within
appear in South Korea. two or three years.25 Whilst the majority of those
 14

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

who decide to return to rural villages are older South newly relocated, including remodelling existing
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Koreans in their 50s and 60s, there are younger farmhouses and starting from scratch. One of the
South Koreans who build houses in rural towns as advantages of purchasing empty rural houses is
future homes. With the rising cost of flats and that housing prices are of course much cheaper
falling returns on housing investments in cities, than in Seoul. For instance, Nong-ga + Hanok Remo-
buying a rural house has become more attractive. deling, published by the Housing Culture Corpor-
Consider the following statement made by Jung ation in 2011, features interviews with residents
Sun-young, a woman in her 30s and the author and discusses their costs of remodelling nong-ga
of Sigoljip e Banhada (Smitten by Countryside (farmhouses).27 One family, called Kim, smitten by
Houses), who decided to buy an empty rural house the look of a village in Gyungbuk Province,
in the south coastal region for her grandmother. decided to ‘supply their own materials from near
She describes her former block of flats in a city as the site to save on construction costs.28 Other
follows: examples of do-it-yourself remodelling include
A house which is more like a waiting room before houses using recycled materials such as wooden
you go to work. It has been already three years pallets, and a large transport structure used to
since I moved into the current place. I chose it balance goods while they are being lowered by
because it is only two minutes walk from the heavy machinery (Fig. 7).29 More artistically inclined
Metro station. Come to think of it, most of the residents follow their own aesthetics, adding per-
time I was only home at night, to sleep . . . I will sonalised doorknobs and interior items.
eventually get old. Suddenly I felt that I couldn’t As a parallel movement to government-led hanok
spare any more time, and I made a bold decision conservation and remodelling, these self-built
to change my lifestyle.26 houses exhibit different aesthetic qualities, tending
Her statements reflect the widespread feeling of to forgo the expensive and often top-heavy con-
weariness that residents in Seoul have toward their struction of traditional literati hanoks. Considering
flats located in the middle of the city. At the same that 70% of the total construction cost of the tra-
time, owning a house in a rural town provides a ditional tiled-roof hanok is dedicated to the elabor-
certain level of psychological assurance that one ate roof brackets, this choice is not surprising. The
can leave the city life whenever one wishes. factors that contribute to the bracket system’s high
Some of those who decide to return to a rural cost are reliance on specialised labour and the
town choose to hire architects to build their expensive timber used. Although some trees, like
houses, but others with lesser resources choose to the keumkang-song (Japanese Red Pine, Pinus den-
do it themselves. Consequently, the number of siflora for), are local and fit for construction material,
books on self-help housing activities and related most trees native to South Korea (called yuk-song)
publications has risen significantly. Many books have irregular shapes, making them not very appro-
and manuals discuss different options for the priate for building.30 Instead of the pricey yuk-song,
 15

The Journal
of Architecture

Figure 7. The house on

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the left is made with

recycled material; the
house on the right
shows an
unconventional roof
style. (Housing Culture
Corporation, 2011.)

foreign species such as the Douglas fir or hemlocks style of the literati’s hanoks, these houses use con-
are imported from North America. The ratio of ventional doors and windows, exhibiting no stylistic
nationally produced timbers among all timbers con- pretension. Such a mix-and-match approach not
sumed in South Korea in 2011 was 51%, and 25% only exploits local materials but also lowers construc-
of this locally supplied timber was used as wood pulp tion costs significantly. The resulting house is neither
and pit props rather than construction material.31 traditional nor modern, although it does fulfill the
The irregular shape of the timber is especially anti- desire to pursue an alternative lifestyle without com-
thetical to the construction of hanoks’ wooden promising the comfort factor significantly.
bracket systems, since bracketing requires a very The aforementioned houses are neither the
delicate fitting of joints. product of architects trained in the modern
However, this structural problem can be solved if architectural curriculum, nor of traditional master
one abandons the traditional bracket system. In artisans or carpenters. Dr Seoh Gyung Seok, the
various house prototypes developed by the Shin- head of the Shin-hanok Institute, has no back-
hanok Institute, the connection between beams ground in architecture. The establishment of the
and crossbeams is made simple by the standardis- Institute and his architectural experiments with
ation of joints (Fig. 8). This joint system allows the diverse materials began as a hobby and a side line
use of irregular pieces of timber. At the same time, for Seoh, once an official at the National Forestry
the prototypes include various roofing materials, Administration, who wanted to use local species
such as the bark of chestnut trees, that have histori- of timber often considered inappropriate for build-
cal precedents as components of hanoks. Instead of ing material.32 Similarly, the majority of the gwi-
insisting on the expensive post-and-beam structure, nong population has no background in architec-
many prototypes utilise a mixed wall structure of ture, although some of them have a penchant for
logs and local red clay. Rather than following the design activities. Consequently, the design of
 16

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

Figure 8. From the top:

Downloaded by [Jieheerah Yun] at 11:57 10 February 2014

architectural
experiments of the
Shin-hanok Institute
include the use of
modular joints (top) as
well as traditional
materials such as bark
(bottom).
(Source: Shin-hanok
Institute.)
 17

The Journal
of Architecture

these houses tends to be less concerned with his- way people use new vernacular houses reflect
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torically established styles. At another level, these changes in the social dimension of houses. In con-
structures are different in the sense that some trast to traditional conceptions of women’s exclu-
materials used for construction are extraordinary. sive responsibility for house chores, men and
One of the other roofing materials considered by children participate in housework such as cooking
the Institute is the fibre of coconut shells in lieu of and cleaning. Space traditionally reserved for
thatched roofing. While further research regarding ancestor worship is used for more practical pur-
the practical applicability of coconut shells is still poses such as weekend barbecue gatherings or
pending, such an experimental and open approach children’s playground. A significant portion of the
is hard to find in more standardised industrial residents in new vernacular houses do not rely on
constructions. farming for their livelihood although they may
What distinguishes these new houses from the grow vegetables for their own consumption. They
older farmhouses is that while older farmhouses retain their former professions, and many continue
employed similar stylistic conventions, these new painting, web-designing and carpentry. For
farmhouses show wide variations. In the historical instance, Gwon San, a web designer who moved
context of South Korea from the pre-industrial to the rural town of Gurye County, has helped
period to the developmental period of the 1970s, with a new design for the local newspaper.33
individual aesthetic preferences played a very small Another resident who moved to Gurye has found
role in contributing to overall building style. In the a job as the manager of the Rural Green Tourism
pre-industrial period, village-wide customs deter- Town programme.34 Those who returne to rural
mined the style of houses. During the developmental towns but do not engage in professional farming
regime of the 1960s and 1970s, economic efficiency introduce new spatial practices to older houses.
was given a priority and mass-produced slate roofs One resident has converted an existing stable to a
were used for most farmhouses. In contrast, newly wood workshop. Others use courtyards as exhibi-
built farmhouses reflect the preferences of individ- tion space for their artworks. Such flexible uses of
uals whose raison d’être is a desire to escape the uni- space in new vernacular houses show that exper-
formity associated with the urban residential iments do not stop at the physical level. Rather,
environment in South Korea. new vernacular architecture necessarily ushers in
These new Korean houses may retain functional fresh spatial uses and specialisations unseen in
spaces associated with traditional houses such as pre-industrial rural towns.
a madang (a courtyard) and a daechung (the cere- The aforementioned experimental residences and
monial hall). Yet the ways in which these spaces self-built farmhouses are currently not officially
are used differs from the older vernacular houses. recognised as ‘hanoks’ by architects and academics.
A home is not only a material object but a social One reason behind the lack of academic attention is
institution that regulates everyday life, and the the very contemporary nature of the phenomenon.
 18

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

Some scholars might argue that they cannot be type of architecture has emerged, which combines
Downloaded by [Jieheerah Yun] at 11:57 10 February 2014

called hanoks because they do not follow traditional convenience and sustainability without much
architectural conventions. Another reason is that concern for stylistic purity. Although the rapid
their stylistic diversity makes these architectural urbanisation process appears to have eradicated
mutants very difficult to categorise. The fact that many signs of vernacular practices, they have
there is no categorical name for them has also con- found a niche in the minds of South Koreans satu-
tributed to the absence of academic discussion rated by fast and competitive urban living con-
regarding such houses. As of today, they are con- ditions. Whilst expert-led hanok remodelling has
sidered an anomaly that does not need to be followed the stylistic conventions of the elite literati,
included in mainstream architectural discussions. the parallel movement of returning to a rural lifestyle
However, the numbers of self-built houses and does not adhere to architectural canons established
non-traditional vernacular houses are increasing, by experts. This paper has sought to demonstrate
and this trend cannot and should not be ignored that this new type of architecture is characterised
by the architectural world for much longer. In con- by a pragmatic design approach and stylistic hetero-
trast to the indifference exhibited by architects, the geneity in the context of a highly formulaic architec-
popular media have given greater attention to tural production.
cases of remodelled farmhouses and self-built How long will these new hanoks remain vernacu-
houses. To account for this phenomenon, the lar? No one can give a clear answer. Given enough
concept of the vernacular becomes important, as it time, perhaps they too will turn into yet another
distinguishes officially recognised hanoks from ordinary prototype emblematic of an historical
those outside academic discussion, such indepen- epoch. The phenomenon of gwi-nong may not
dence being an essential feature of any vernacular. persist. Not everyone who returns to rural life
remains there, since many challenges exist, such as
Conclusion tensions between local farmers and those who
This article has discussed the usefulness of the verna- have ‘returned’. Whether self-built houses and
cular as an architectural category by examining the other experimental building activities will continue
case of hanoks and new vernacular houses in is unclear and probably subject to socio-economic
South Korea. As part of the effort to preserve a conditions. Yet the increasing quantity of vernacular
Korean tradition considered lost during the colonial architecture in an unlikely context—a society charac-
period, reconstructions of hanoks have taken a terised by both rapid modernisation and the venera-
very formulaic approach by preferring literati-class tion of a ‘high-class tradition’ —suggests that the
residences from the pre-industrial period. However, category of the vernacular remains effective.
the so-called Hanok Renaissance is only part of a Despite much contention regarding the concept, it
larger movement among Koreans who seek more is effective in distinguishing simple replications of
diverse lifestyles. Consequently, an entirely different the old from spontaneous and creative building
 19

The Journal
of Architecture

activities. Unlike pre-industrial houses, the new ver- 2. See J. Chase, ‘Unvernacular Vernacular: Contemporary
Downloaded by [Jieheerah Yun] at 11:57 10 February 2014

naculars tend not to follow tacit and collectively- American Consumerist Architecture’, Design Quarterly,
observed design guidelines. However, the absence 131 (1986), pp. 1–3, 5–32; Maiken Umbach, Bernd
of collective rules should not disqualify them from Hüppauf, eds, Vernacular Modernism: Heimat, Globa-
lization, and the Built Environment (Stanford, Stanford
the category of the vernacular, as they fulfill every-
University Press, 2005).
day functions and are shaped by the conditions of
3. J. Chase, ‘Unvernacular Vernacular’, op. cit.
their making.
4. B. Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects: A Short
This paper has argued that the concept of the Introduction to Non-pedigreed Architecture (Garden
vernacular should not be abandoned simply City, NJ, Doubleday & Co, 1964).
because of its wide applicability. Instead, its 5. H. Glassie, Vernacular Architecture (Philadelphia,
meaning should be enriched in order to include Material Culture; Bloomington, IN, Indiana University
newly emergent post-industrial vernacular build- Press, 2000), p. 46.
ings. The case of hanoks suggests that the impor- 6. F. Passanti, ‘The Vernacular, Modernism, and Le Cor-
tance of the concept is increasing, especially in busier’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Histor-
those countries that are in transition from the indus- ians, 56, no. 4(1997) pp. 438–451.
7. S. Richards, ‘ “Vernacular” Accommodations: Worldplay
trial to the post-industrial age. Many other develop-
in Contemporary-Traditional Architecture Theory’, Archi-
ing countries, including China, have started
tectural Research Quarterly, 16, no.1 (March, 2012),
privileging historical architectural styles within
p. 43.
urban landscapes in order to promote certain 8. P. Groth, ‘Making New Connections in Vernacular
areas as possessing cultural heritage and thereby Architecture’, Journal of the Society of Architectural
boost tourism. As new interpretations and construc- Historians, 58, no.3 (September, 1999), pp. 444–
tion methods are introduced in cases where verna- 451.
cular architecture is reconstructed and reproduced, 9. Ministry of Land, Transport, and Maritime Affairs,
the line between ordinary and extraordinary MLTM-related Statistics: Korea Housing Survey, 2010
becomes blurred. Yet those studying architecture [in Korean]: [Link] (accessed 06/02/13).
need not expedite the blurring process by abandon- 10. Jeon-se is a rental system unique to South Korea. Resi-
dents pay a deposit in a lump sum and receive the
ing efforts to differentiate the vernacular from the
whole amount back at the end of the lease. There
non-vernacular. Rather, it is our job continually to
are no monthly rent payments. The landlord benefits
explore the grey zone of architecture, which defies
from the interest on the deposit.
characterisation, and to unfold the elusive signs of 11. V. Gelezeau, Apatŭ Gong-hwa-guk/Seoul [The Apart-
an abstract concept. ment Republic] (Seoul, Humanitas, 2007).
12. J. Ha, ‘Saemaul Undong Iran’ [‘What is New Village
Notes and references Movement?’], National Archives of Korea website
1. This work was supported by the Hongik University New [Link]
Faculty Research Support Fund. (accessed 13/02/13).
 20

Rethinking vernacular
architecture: the case of
Hanoks in South Korea
Jieheerah Yun

13. S. Jang, ‘South Korea’s House Poor Population Rises to Population Planning of Gwinong Gwichon and Its
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570,000’, KBS World Radio News (31stOctober, 2012). Implications’], policy brief (Changwon, Gyungnam
[Link] Development Research Institute, 2012).
No=94259&id=Ec. (accessed 13/02/13). 25. J. Kim, J. Seong, S. Ma, Choegŭn ŭi Gwinong Gwi-chon
14. B. Jeon, Y. Gwon, A History of Hanok and Korean Siltae wa Jŏngchek Gwa-je [‘The Recent Trend of Gwi-
Houses (Seoul, Dongneok, 2012). nong Gwi-chon and its Policy Implications’] (Seoul,
15. J. Yun, ‘Remodeling of Vernacular in Bukchon Hanoks’, Korea Rural Economic Institute, 2012), p. 8.
Open House International, 37, no.1 (2012). 26. S. Jung, Sigoljip e Banhada: Badaga Bo-i-nun Naman ui
16. L. Kendall, Consuming Korean Tradition in Early and Byoljang, Guyip Buteoh Rimodeling Kaji [‘Smitten by
Late Modernity: Commodification, Tourism, and Per- Countryside Houses: How to Purchase and Remodel
formance (Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, My own Vacation Home With an Ocean View’] (Paju,
2011), p. 6. Book 21, 2012), p. 18.
17. S. Jeong, ‘Eunpyeong Nyutaun: Hanok-maŭl Ehsŏh 27. Juteck Munhwasa [Housing Culture Corporation],
Sarabolka’ [‘Eunpyeong Newtown: Shall We Live in a Nong-ga + Hanok Remodeling [Farmhouses + Hanok
Hanok Village?’], The Korea Economic Daily (6thOcto- Remodeling] (Seoul, Housing Culture Co., 2011).
ber, 2012). 28. Jutack Munhwasa [Housing Culture Corporation],
18. From the official Happyvil website: [Link] Nong-ga + Hanok Remodeling [Farmhouses + Hanok
[Link]/ (accessed 13/02/13). Remodeling] (Seoul, Jutack Munhwasa, 2011), p. 99.
19. B. Jeon, Y. Gwon, Hanok gwa Hanguk Jutack ŭi Yŏksa 29. Ibid., p. 126.
[‘A History of Hanoks and Korean Houses’] (Seoul, 30. For traditional-style hanoks, a kind of pine tree named
Dongneok, 2012), pp. 14–15. yuk-song (Pinus densiflora Siebold) was normally used,
20. Y. Yoon, ‘Joeun Hanok Napŭn Hanok’, The but the considerable variation in the girths of yuk-song
Second Korean Hanok Architecture Exhibition, trunks makes it very difficult to find sufficiently long
28thOctober, 2012, held at Yeongam Gun Gunseoh wooden pieces for a house.
Myeon. 31. Korean Forest Service, Statistical Yearbook of Forestry
21. In an interview on 5thNovember, 2012. [Yeondobyol Sallym Tonggae] (Daejon, Korean Forest
22. B. Jeon, ‘Hanok ui Brand-hwa Bang-an Maryon Ul Service, 2012), p. 356.
Wihan Gichojok Yongu’ [‘A Preliminary Study about 32. Dr Seoh inherited a large area in a mountainous region
the Method to make Brands for Hanoks’], Gukha- from his grandfather, who valued trees and other
kyongu, 8 (2006), pp. 275–317. natural resources. Even after he became an inspection
23. Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transport. South commissioner in the Korean Forest Service, he contin-
Korean Architectural Law and Implementation Ordi- ued to design hanoks as a hobby.
nance, Clause #2, Line 16. (Seoul: Ministry of Land, 33. S. Gwon, Sigol esŏh Nongsa Jitjianko Sanŭnbŏp [How
Infrastructure, and Transport, 23rdMarch, 2013.) to Live in Rural Towns without Farming] (Seoul, Book-
24. S. Ma, Dosimin ŭi gwinong gwichon ŭisik josa wa house, 2010).
sisajŏm [‘An Inquiry into the Sentiment of the Urban 34. Ibid., p. 296.