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Agamudayar and Mukkulathor Caste History

The Mukkulathor people are composed of three social groups - Agamudayar, Kallar, and Maravar - native to central and southern Tamil Nadu. They share a common myth of origin and believe they were once members of ancient South Indian dynasties like the Chera, Chola, and Pandya. While they share a common ancestry, the three groups see themselves as superior to the others. The Mukkulathor identity was solidified under British colonial rule and they now form a politically powerful caste bloc in Tamil Nadu.

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2K views4 pages

Agamudayar and Mukkulathor Caste History

The Mukkulathor people are composed of three social groups - Agamudayar, Kallar, and Maravar - native to central and southern Tamil Nadu. They share a common myth of origin and believe they were once members of ancient South Indian dynasties like the Chera, Chola, and Pandya. While they share a common ancestry, the three groups see themselves as superior to the others. The Mukkulathor identity was solidified under British colonial rule and they now form a politically powerful caste bloc in Tamil Nadu.

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  • Origins and Development
  • Demographics
  • Politics
  • References
  • Notable People
  • Martial Arts
  • External Links

The 

Mukkulathor people, who are also collectively known as Thevar, are native to the central
and southern districts of Tamil Nadu, India. They comprise
the Agamudayar, Kallar and Maravar social groups that share a common myth of origin and
claim to have once been members of various ancient South Indian dynasties.
Mukkulathor (Thevar)

Total population

94,33,646[1][2] (estimated 2016)

Regions with significant populations

Central and Southern Tamil Nadu

Languages

Tamil

Religion

Hinduism
Contents

Origins and development


The terms Mukkulathor and Thevar are used synonymously. According to R. Muthulakshmi
of Madurai Kamaraj University, Thevar "literally means celestial beings or divine-natured
people" and Mukkulathor means "three clans united together". The three constituent communities
of Agamudayar, Kallar and Maravar believe themselves to share a common myth of
origin formed through being the offspring of a relationship between Indra and a celestial woman.
The three groups traditionally each believe themselves to be superior to their fellow
Mukkulathors.[3]
While they share a common mythological ancestor, the three communities also claim ancestral
differences. The Agamudayar consider themselves to be descendants of the Chera dynasty, while
the Kallar claim descent from the Chola dynasty and the Maravars believe they are related to
the Pandya dynasty.[3][clarification needed]The anthropologist Susan Bayly notes that both the Kallar
and Maravar communities are relatively new caste entities. Both names were originally granted
to people as titles by poligars (local chieftains) but the holders were not exposed to caste-
defining influences such as Brahmanic Hinduism, the concept of varna and practices such
as endogamy until the late 18th century. She says that the claims of distinct caste status "were
clearly not ancient facts of life in the Tamil Nadu region. Insofar as these people of the turbulent
poligar country really did become castes, their bonds of affinity were shaped in the relatively
recent past".[4] Thereafter, the evolution as a caste developed as a result of various influences,
including increased interaction with other groups as a consequence of jungle clearances, state-
building and ideological shifts.[5] Anthropologist Diane P. Mines affirms that the contemporary
characterisation of the Thevar community derives from its precolonial past but was reified under
the British Raj. For instance, in 1911 the British designated the Thevars a "criminal caste", which
Mines surmises arose from the community's precolonial role as village guardians or local
chieftains but was precipitated by their resistance to British rule.[6]
In the period following Indian independence, the Mukkulathor or the Thevars have grown into,
what Mines calls, a "super-caste" that combines the three previously distinct communities,
emphasises their similarities and shared historical roles, and forms a consolidated base of support
for the AIADMK political party.[6]
Demographics
The Mukkulathor communities live mostly in central and southern areas of Tamil Nadu, such
as Madurai, Theni, Dindigul, Sivagangai, Pudukottai, Ramanathapuram, Thanjavur, Thiruvarur, 
Nagapattinam, Tiruchirapalli and Thirunelveli. They have been recorded as practising female
infanticide as recently as the 1990s.[3][7][a]
Although the Mukkulathor own significant amounts of land, the sociologist Hugo Gorringe noted
in 2005 that "their educational and economic achievements have been negligible", with many
being small farmers or agricultural labourers.[9] The community has mostly been given the status
of Backward Class (BC) by the Government of Tamil Nadu,[10] although some subgroups are
omitted. They are mostly listed as Other Backward Classes (OBC) by the National Commission
for Backward Classes.[11]
Politics
Human Rights Watch has documented allegations that the members of the government
of Jayalalitha, including the chief minister herself, favoured the Mukkalathors during the 1990s,
leading to them gaining influential positions in the police and in politics. The Mukkalathor
community at that time was the most populous of the backward classes in the state
but Dalit communities - notably, the Pallars - were becoming increasingly wealthy and
aspirational.[b] The improvement of Dalit circumstances, together with a general rise in Dalit
activism, led to many clashes with the Mukkulathors in rural areas. These clashes often involved
the collusion of the police, who aided detention of so-called Dalit activists, assaults on people
(especially women), and forcible displacement from Dalit villages.[12]
The Mukkulathors celebrate the coincident birth and death anniversary of U. Muthuramalingam
Thevar (also spelled Mathuramaliga Thevar; 1908-1963) annually in October. He was a noted
politician from the community and the event, known as Thevar Jayanthi, gained the approval of
the Government of Tamil Nadu in 1993, which enabled the event to obtain police protection,
road closures and the like. The Mukkulathors treat Muthuramalingam Thevar as a deity and it
was from this time that the Jayanthi shifted from being a fairly minor affair to one of
considerable significance. The Dalit surge since the 1980s was countered by the growth of the
Jayanthi, which gave the Mukkulathors an opportunity to react against the Dalits and assert their
own perceived superiority, historic status as rulers, and caste pride. Damodraran Karthikeyan, a
journalist-turned-academic, notes the historic animosity between the two groups and that "The
institutionalised nature of Thevar Jayanthi, through consciously created myths surrounding
Mathuramaliga Thevar, his iconisation, canonisation and the construction of a social identity
provides a point of entry to study the process of how political power is ritually constructed
through social ceremony."[13]
The Mukkulathor-Dalit antagonism was not one-sided. Dalits, too, committed violent acts.[14]
Martial arts
Thevars, traditionally practise a Tamil martial art variously known as adi murai, chinna
adi and varna ati. In recent years, since 1958, these have been referred to as Southern-
style Kalaripayattu, although they are distinct from the ancient martial art of Kalaripayattu itself
that was historically the style found in Kerala.[15] This and other displays of aggression are
prominent during Thevar Jayanthi.[13]
Notable people
 U. Muthuramalingam Thevar

References
Notes
1. ^ Female infanticide and foeticide have been significant practises among some
communities in various areas of Tamil Nadu. The state government has sought to address these
through legislated schemes as recently as 2011.[8]
2. ^ Dalits in Tamil Nadu have become less dependent on Mukkulathors for
employment due to the effects of India's system of positive discrimination and the trend towards
sending relatives abroad to earn a living, notably to the Gulf States.[12]

Citations
1. ^ "Census 2011". census2011. Retrieved 2019-01-01.
2. ^ "Sasikala's bittersweet journey with Jaya". rediff. Retrieved 2019-01-01.
3. ^ a b c Muthulakshmi, R. (1997). Female Infanticide, Its Causes and Solutions.
Discovery Publishing. pp. 11–13. ISBN  978-8-17141-383-6.
4. ^ Bayly, Susan  (2001). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth
Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6.
5. ^ Bayly, Susan (2001). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth
Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6.
6. ^ a b Mines, Diane P. (2005). Fierce Gods: Inequality, Ritual, and the Politics of
Dignity in a South Indian Village. Indiana University Press. p. 111-118. ISBN 0253217652.
7. ^ Pati, Rabindra Nath (2003). Socio-cultural Dimensions of Reproductive Child
Health. APH Publishing. p.  123. ISBN 978-8-17648-510-4.
8. ^ "TN: Cradle Baby Scheme In Districts With Low Sex Ratio". Outlook. 24 June
2011. Archived from  the original  on 2013-05-18.
9. ^ Gorringe, Hugo (2005). Untouchable Citizens: Dalit Movements and
Democratization in Tamil Nadu. SAGE Publications India. p. 59. ISBN 978-8-13210-199-4.
10. ^ "Tamil Nadu Public Services Commission: List of Communities".
Retrieved 2016-08-17.
11. ^ "Central List of OBCs - State: Tamil Nadu". National Commission for
Backward Classes. Retrieved 2016-08-17.
12. ^ a b Narula, Smita (1999). Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's
"untouchables". Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch. pp. 5–6, 82, 86. ISBN 978-1-
56432-228-9.
13. ^ a b Karthikeyan, Damodraran (2016). "Contentious Spaces". In Gorringe,
Hugo; Jeffery, Roger; Waghmore, Suryakant. From the Margins to the Mainstream:
Institutionalising Minorities in South Asia. SAGE Publications India. pp. 187–189. ISBN 978-9-
35150-624-9.
14. ^ Narula, Smita (1999). Broken People: Caste Violence Against India's
"untouchables". Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Watch. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-56432-228-9.
15. ^ Zarilli, Philip B. (2001). "India". In Green, Thomas A. Martial Arts of the
World: An Encyclopedia. A – L. 1. ABC-CLIO. p.  177. ISBN 978-1-57607-150-2.

External links

Common questions

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In the Mukkulathor community, caste and martial traditions are deeply intertwined, both historically and culturally. Their martial practices, such as adi murai and Southern-style Kalaripayattu, not only celebrate physical prowess but also reinforce caste identity by invoking notions of historical guardianship and valor . These practices, highlighted during occasions like Thevar Jayanthi, bind the community in collective celebration and reinforce socio-political cohesion. The martial tradition acts as a cultural marker distinguishing the Mukkulathor from other groups, fostering internal solidarity and facilitating political mobilization, e.g., in support of political entities like AIADMK, to assert communal interests and resist external threats .

The Mukkulathor people, also known as Thevar, comprise the Agamudayar, Kallar, and Maravar social groups, all of which claim descent from ancient South Indian dynasties like the Chera, Chola, and Pandya dynasties, respectively . Historically, these groups were not classified within the traditional caste hierarchy until the late 18th century; the names Kallar and Maravar were given as titles by local chieftains . Under British rule, they were labeled a 'criminal caste', a shift influenced by their roles as local chieftains and resistance to British authority . Post-independence, they unified into a super-caste to support political entities like the AIADMK, emphasizing shared histories and roles, which was reified through events such as Thevar Jayanthi, commemorating U. Muthuramalingam Thevar, further cementing the community's collective identity .

Being designated as a 'criminal caste' by the British Raj had profound implications on the Mukkulathor's post-independence identity. This stigmatization created long-lasting social and legal barriers, which the community counteracted post-independence by consolidating into a super-caste, emphasizing unity and collective strength . Underpinning their political alignment with parties like AIADMK, this unified identity served to reclaim social standing, counteract negative stereotypes, and resist historical marginalization, simultaneously fostering a sense of internal cohesion .

The martial traditions of the Mukkulathor, including practices such as adi murai, chinna adi, and varna ati, are integral to their cultural identity . Since 1958, these traditions were collectively referred to as Southern-style Kalaripayattu, distinguishing them from the ancient Kerala martial art but highlighting a shared cultural heritage of martial prowess . These traditions are prominently displayed during Thevar Jayanthi, linking physical strength and cultural heritage with social prestige and identity for the community .

Under British colonial rule, the Mukkulathor communities were labeled as a 'criminal caste', a designation rooted in their precolonial roles as village guardians and chieftains, but also due to their resistance to British authority . This classification indicated social and legal marginalization during the British Raj. Post-independence, these communities merged into a 'super-caste' emphasizing unity and collective identity, aligning politically with parties like AIADMK to gain influence and counteract Dalit advancements, thereby altering their socio-political narrative .

The Mukkulathor community, though owning significant land, showed negligible educational and economic achievements, often working as small farmers or laborers . With government affirmative action policies and economic opportunities such as employment in Gulf countries, Dalits have gained economic independence, reducing dependency on Mukkulathors . This led to increased Dalit activism and aspirations, provoking clashes as Mukkulathors, aided by political influence, resisted this change . Celebrations like Thevar Jayanthi served to assert Mukkulathor superiority, highlighting historical animosity and contributing to violence between these identity groups .

Thevar Jayanthi, commemorating U. Muthuramalingam Thevar, became an institutionalized celebration recognized by the Tamil Nadu government since 1993 . Initially a minor event, it transformed into a significant cultural celebration for the Mukkulathor community, serving as a platform to assert superiority and historic ruling status . This assertive expression reinforced political and social divides with the Dalit community, who had been gaining socio-economic ground since the 1980s, exacerbating tensions and conflicts .

Positive discrimination policies have significantly altered the power dynamics between the Mukkulathor and the Dalit communities. These policies provided Dalits with increased access to education and employment opportunities, thereby reducing their socio-economic dependence on the Mukkulathor community . The Dalits' increased economic independence and activism led to socio-political conflicts, as the Mukkulathors, despite their numerical strength, faced challenges to their traditional social status, leading to violent clashes often involving police collusion .

U. Muthuramalingam Thevar played a pivotal role in shaping the socio-political dynamics of the Mukkulathor community. Celebrated as a deity, his legacy is central to Thevar Jayanthi, a key event for community mobilization which emphasizes unity and historical pride . Beyond cultural influence, Thevar's political advocacy solidified a support base for political entities like AIADMK, reinforcing the community’s socio-political standing. This consolidation has also been a mechanism to resist the rising socio-economic power of Dalit communities, making Thevar a symbol of resistance and pride against perceived threats to Mukkulathor status .

Despite significant land ownership, the Mukkulathor communities have experienced educational and economic stagnation due to several factors. Primarily, they have traditionally focused on agriculture, working as small farmers or laborers rather than diversifying into other economic sectors . Additionally, their desigination largely within Backward Class (BC) or Other Backward Classes (OBC) has limited access to opportunities that were crucial for upward mobility in modern sectors of employment . These factors, combined with historical conflicts and socio-political dynamics, have further hindered their advancement and adaptation to modern economic frameworks .

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