Elcano Global Presence Report 2022
Elcano Global Presence Report 2022
2022
PRESENCE REPORT
© 2022 Real Instituto Elcano
C/ Príncipe de Vergara, 51
28006 Madrid
[Link]
ISSN: 2255-5293
Depósito Legal: M-36047-2013
ELCANO GLOBAL
PRESENCE REPORT 2022
ILIANA OLIVIÉ
MANUEL GRACIA1
1 Iliana Olivié, senior analyst and Manuel Gracia, analyst at Elcano Royal Institute.
For more information check: [Link]/en/contact
INFORME ELCANO DE PRESENCIA GLOBAL 2016
7
Executive summary
8
Frequently asked
questions
11
1. Post-globalisation
17
2. A stable ranking of global presence?
4
21
3. Global Europe?
27
Methodological annex
Brief history of the project
Main elements of the Elcano Global Presence Index
The inclusion of the European Union in Elcano Global Presence Index
39
Statistical annex
5
Executive Summary
Post-globalisation
Prior to the eruption of the pandemic, globalisation was already showing signs of fatigue. The
sum of the index value of global presence for all 150 countries for which we calculate the
Elcano Global Presence Index had reached its peak in 2015. New data for 2021 show a
contraction in this aggregate value of 2.35% with respect the previous year –the largest annual
drop for the entire time series–.
Of the three economic, military and soft dimensions, the latter is the most hit by this contraction
(7% between 2020 and 2021), despite the fact that soft exchanges had been those showing
a greater dynamism during the past two decades.
As in previous editions of the Elcano Global Presence Index, the top 20 ranking is fairly stable,
with the same group of countries occupying similar positions for several years in a row and
showing that, despite geopolitical and geo-economic changes depicted in previous editions
of this report, the West and/or the North still account for a great deal of the aggregate global
presence.
China gains an enormous volume of external projection and continues to narrow the global
presence gap with the US. The index value of Chinese global presence is now 2.3 times lower
than that of the US (2.9 times lower only one year before), the latter losing global presence
over the past year.
Spain is the country that loses the greatest volume of global presence among all 150 countries,
despite retaining its 13th position.
Global Europe?
We calculate the global presence index for the European Union (EU) as if it were a single
country, allowing for the analysis of its global role, in comparison with the US and China.
The EU records a global presence index value of 3,377 points in 2021, higher than that of the
US (3,241) and much higher than that of China (1,365). However, between 2020 and 2021,
coinciding with the COVID-19 pandemic but also with the materialisation of Brexit, the EU’s
global presence decreases by 300 index value points, while US external projection falls by only
6 points and that of China increases by 62.
7
Frequently asked questions about the
Elcano Global Presence Index
Does it reflect the effort No. This Index measures the results of internationalisation, not its means.
of countries attempting For example, a country may have deployed a significant number of troops
to achieve greater abroad with a defence expenditure that is relatively smaller than that of
internationalisation? another country with a smaller military presence.
No. The Elcano Global Presence Index considers the external projection of
the different countries and not so much the way in which they absorb the
Does it measure the external action of other countries in their national territory. That is why the
openness of countries? Index considers, for instance, the exports of manufactured goods but
disregards the imports. It does not measure world interdependence,
though it may help to analyse it.
8
Frequently asked questions about the
Elcano Global Presence Index
What about missing In these cases we have also referred to expert opinion. A total of 5,205
cases? How are they data items have been estimated from 86,447 observations. The number of
estimated? estimations accounts for 6% of the base.
The Index has been
For 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010-21. Since 2010 the calculation is
calculated for what
performed annually.
years?
To reveal the transformations in the world order since the end of the Cold
Why those years?
War.
The Elcano Global Presence Index is calculated for 150 countries. These
For what countries?
are selected, mainly, according to their size in terms of GDP.
Can the presence of No, for the reason mentioned above. It must be borne in mind that the
European countries be global presence of the member states is partly reflected in other member
combined and can it states of the Union. In order to apply the Index to the EU, intra-European
be assumed that that presence has been deducted. The intra-European presence of the
is the presence of the member states is precisely what the Elcano European Presence Index
EU? measures.
11
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
returned to negative values (-0.9% annually) and the expansion of the soft dimension
smoothed out its trend of the previous years, dropping to an annual increase of 1.4%. In short,
while economic exchanges led the globalisation process during the 90s, in the 2000s and
2010s the process was driven, to a greater extent, by the soft dimension, even during the
years of stagnating globalisation in the second half of the past decade. Although the military
dimension has expanded in some years, in general terms it has tended to lose ground in the
globalisation process.
It has been argued that the pandemic accelerated global trends prior to the eruption of the
global health crisis. With respect to the pace and nature of globalisation, tracked with the
aggregated index value of global presence for the 150 countries included in this calculation,
this is partly true. On the one hand, during the pandemic, there was a contraction of this
aggregate value, that decreased by 2.35% in a single year (from 15,589 points in 2020 to
15,222 in 2021) –the largest annual drop for the entire time series–. There is, therefore, a
continuation of the stagnation or contraction of global exchanges in previous years. However,
on the other, the dimension most hit during the past year is the soft one, which is, precisely,
the one that had been showing a greater dynamism during the past two decades. While there
were hardly any variations in the economic dimension (at roughly 8,500 points in both 2020
and 2021), the military dimension contracted by 3% and the soft one by 7% (Graphs 1.1 and
1.2).
18,000
GRAPH 1.1
16,000 Global, economic, military and soft presence
(in index value 1990-2021)
14,000
12,000
10,000
8,000
6,000
4,000
2,000
0
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020
Economic Military Soft
Note: values for 1990 apply for the 1990-94 period, those of 1995 to 1995-99, those of 2000 to 2000-04 and
those of 2005 to 2005-09.
Source: Elcano Royal Institute, Elcano Global Presence Index.
12
Indeed, maybe counterintuitively, the economic dimension did not contract during the
pandemic, despite declines in the variables of energy, manufactures and services and due to
increases in the two variables of primary goods and investments. Almost all types of export
flows fell substantially: the energy indicator was hardly hit for two years in a row (-30.7%
between 2020 and 2021),1 so were services (-16.5%) –given the collapse of tourism and the
contraction of the transport of goods– and, to a lesser extent, manufactures (-2.2%).
Nevertheless, global exchanges of primary goods, including food and beverages, were resilient
during the global health crisis and actually increased. In terms of the Elcano Global Presence
Index this translates into a 5.6% growth with respect to the previous year, implying a change
of trend and the highest increase since the end of the latest commodities’ boom. Something
similar happened with the investments variable, partially explained by the fact that it reflects
foreign direct investment stocks, not flows. Therefore, even in the event of a contraction of
international investments flows (which was actually the case during the pandemic), stocks
remained resilient and even increased by 13% during the last year. In short, with the exception
of services, the rest of the economic variables and the economic dimension as a whole
behaved similarly to the pre-pandemic years, recording similar values (Table 1.1).
9.000
GRAPH 1.2
8.000 Economic, military and soft presence
(in index value 1990-2021)
7.000
6.000
5.000
4.000
3.000
2.000
1.000
0
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020
Economic Military Soft
Note: values for 1990 apply for the 1990-94 period, those of 1995 to 1995-99, those of 2000 to 2000-04 and
those of 2005 to 2005-09.
Source: Elcano Royal Institute, Elcano Global Presence Index.
1
A trend that we expect to be reversed in the next edition of the Elcano Global Presence Index, given the behaviour of energy
prices during the second half of 2021 and 2022.
Post-globalisation 13
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
Troops deployed overseas, in international conflicts or in foreign military bases, is the variable
most hit in the military dimension (-5.8% between 2020 and 2021). It could be argued that this
behaviour is consistent with the restrictions imposed to human mobility as a response to the
propagation of the COVID-19 disease and reflects a similar behaviour as those of services in
the economic dimension or tourism in the soft one. However, this variable has tended to
decrease over the past five years and is associated with a lower participation of countries in
international conflicts –eg, Afghanistan– until the invasion of Ukraine. Despite the enormous
budgetary commitments made by NATO members in the past couple of years,2 the variable of
military equipment follows a similar trend, although with milder variations. This indicator
decreased by 1.6% the past year, following a 1% decrease the previous one, given that military
capacities require years (if not decades) to materialise after the financial commitments are
adopted.3 As a result, the military dimension is also on a sort of plateau since the mid-2010s,
which is the net result of decreasing Western capacities and increasing Asian military
equipment.
The soft dimension was the one most hit by the de-globalisation process in 2021. However,
although this dimension contracted by 7% between 2020 and 2021, only five out of nine soft
variables retrenched. Much to the contrary, although to different extents, there was an increase
of global exchanges in the domains of technology (+0.4%), science (+11.6%), education
(+0.3%) and development cooperation (+0.1%). As for technology, this performance implies a
changing trend with respect to previous years, perhaps associated with the gigantic effort
made in research for COVID-19 vaccines. This probably has derivatives in the variable of
science that, however, records an upward trend in the time series as a whole. Although human
mobility was seriously restricted, sudden lockdowns probably fixed part of the students’
population in host countries, while colleges and universities made an effort to transit from
physical to virtual courses. Lastly, despite initial pessimist forecasts, the bulk of the
international community saw the pandemic as a global threat and another signal (such as the
climate emergency) of the need to build common goods and renew financial efforts in
development cooperation. The modest increase of 0.1% comes after two consecutive years
of decreases in this soft variable.
Several soft variables record contractions between 2020 and 2021. Sports and information
are both reduced by 1.2% and migrations by 1%. As for the latter, just as with investments, it
must be taken into account that this indicator is on stocks, not flows, of international migrants.
International cultural exchanges and world tourism went down by 27% and 65.9%,
respectively. In the case of culture, this record is similar to that of the previous year. Much on
the opposite, the performance of tourism breaks an upward trend for the whole time series; a
fact that is explained with travel restrictions, lockdowns and the drastic contraction of
household consumption. In absolute terms, the number of world tourists recorded in 2021
was below 1995 levels.
2
And documented here.
3
In this respect, it should be noted that for the Elcano Global Presence Index we consider military equipment needed for the
external deployment of troops, thus mainly naval gear.
14
TABLE 1.1
Global presence variations by variable
(in %)
Variable 2015-20 variation 2020-21 variation
Post-globalisation 15
2. A stable ranking of global presence?
As in previous editions of the Elcano Global Presence Index, the top 20 ranking is fairly stable,
with the same group of countries occupying similar positions for several years in a row and
showing that, despite geopolitical and geo-economic changes depicted in previous editions
of this report, the West and/or the North still accounts for a great deal of the aggregate global
presence analysed in the previous section. The emergence of the rest, which, in the case of
global presence is limited to that of Asia, shows China holding the 2nd position, Japan the 4th,
India the 11th, South Korea the 12th and Singapore the 17th. Regarding Europe and the West,
it is interesting to note that, besides intuitive results such as the US topping the ranking and
Germany, the UK and France occupying important positions, smaller countries (economically
or demographically) such as Belgium, Ireland and Sweden are still in the top 20, while gigantic
countries, such as India, still record external projections lower to those of Canada, the
Netherlands and Italy (Graph 2.1).
17
With respect the previous year, the UK loses one position (to the 5th) after Brexit, swapping its
place with Japan.
China gains an enormous volume of external projection and continues to narrow the global
presence gap with the US. The index value of Chinese global presence is now 2.3 times lower
than that of the US (2.9 times only one year before). Within Asia, Japan's growth is also
noteworthy, while Korea, Singapore and especially India record losses of global presence in
absolute terms.
Some European countries have seen increases of global presence over the past year but, in
general terms, it would seem that the pandemic has had a greater impact in this region, just
as occurred with the Great Recession. Particularly, Spain is the country that loses the greatest
volume of global presence among all 150 countries, despite retaining its 13th position (Graph
2.2).
China 62
Ireland 27
Switzerland 27
Japan 23
Canada 22
Belgium 10
Sweden 6
Australia -1
South Korea -1
Germany -3
Singapore -6
United States -6 GRAPH 2.2
Netherlands -8 Global presence variations, top 20 countries
Turkey -13 (in index value, 2020-2021)
United Kingdom -15
Russia -19
India -21
Italy -23
France -23
Spain -35
-40 -20 0 20 40 60 80
Spain’s global presence has decreased by 11% in only one year, due to huge retrenchments
in its economic (-12%) and soft (-16%) dimensions. The economic dimension was particularly
hit through the variables of energy (-37%) –fuel exports being an important component of
Spain’s sales overseas– and services (-41%) –a phenomenon strongly related to the drop in
exports of goods and to lockdowns and limitations to human mobility, including tourism–. All
variables of Spain’s soft presence decrease in relation to the previous year, with the only
exception of science, following the world trend outlined in the previous section. Major declines
in this dimension are those of tourism (-57%) and culture (-17%) which are, precisely, two
important channels of the country’s external projection (Table 2.1).
18
TABLE 2.1
Spain’s Elcano Global Presence Index
Troops 101 95 -5
Military equipment 315 313 -1
3.500
3.000
2.500
United States
2.000
500
0
1990 2000 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020
Note: values for 1990 apply for the 1990-94 period, those of 1995 to 1995-99, those of 2000 to 2000-04 and
those of 2005 to 2005-09.
Source: Elcano Royal Institute, Elcano Global Presence Index.
21
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
The EU records a global presence index value of 3,377 points in 2021, higher than that of the
US (3,241) and much higher than that of China (1,365), following the analysis of the US-China
gap included in the previous section of this report. The EU’s global presence has been higher
than that of the US for the whole past decade and both external projections follow similar
trends, with decreasing values since the mid or late 2010s, very much in line with the
performance of the globalisation process depicted in the first section. Much to the contrary,
China’s global presence evolution shows a consistent upward trend, that accelerated in the
mid-2000s (Graph 3.1). Nevertheless, the gap is still visible and, as mentioned above, despite
its strong growth, China's global presence record today is less than half of that of the US in
the 1990s.
Between 2020 and 2021, coinciding with the COVID-19 pandemic but also with the
materialisation of Brexit, EU’s global presence decreases by 300 index value points, while the
US external projection falls by only 6 points and, perhaps surprisingly, China’s increases by 62
(Graph 3.1).
That is, despite the fact that the health crisis originated in China and the harshness of the
measures it implemented, the West appears to have been more hardly hit in global presence
terms. In the case of the EU, its performance also responds to a re-composition effect, since
data for 2020 reflect the global presence of the EU-28 while those for 2021 refer to the EU-
27, without the UK. It should be noted that the EU could have increased its global presence
despite the UK’s exit. This is so because although, on the one hand, it loses a major global
actor, on the other, the EU gains a partner for its external presence since the global projection
of the other 27 MS in the UK is now recorded as part of the EU’s global presence. According
to global presence data, the net effect seems to be negative. The UK is a major military actor
–an asset that the EU loses with Brexit– and this is a domain where the EU is not likely to
project itself in the former member. It could have recorded significant increases of economic
and soft presence that, nevertheless, did not materialise in a context of health and economic
crisis. More specifically, the only variables that increase in the global presence records for the
EU are information in the soft dimension and investments and primary goods in the economic
domain. All in all, the global presence index of the EU in 2021 falls back to the levels of 2012
(Graph 3.1).
The Chinese increase in global presence between 2020 and 2021 is due to the economic
dimension and, more precisely, to the performance of the variables of investments and of
manufactures –despite the sudden stop in world production and trade in goods, the effect of
which will become clearer in future editions of the index–. This contrasts with the behaviour of
the US and the EU’s economic dimension that, as we have already mentioned, do retrench,
with declining values for all variables with the only exception of investments.
The EU’s potential global leadership is grounded in its economic dimension, which is
substantially higher than that of the US and more than double that of China. To a lesser extent,
the EU is also a soft leader, a dimension where its record also surpasses those of the two
global powers. In line with previous analyses on this issue, the EU’s military projection is much
more discrete and substantially lower than that of the US which is, by very far, the military
leader. The anchor of Chinese external projection is economic, although the military and soft
presences are also relevant (Graph 3.2).
22
2,500
Economic
2,155
GRAPH 3.2
Economic, military and soft presence
2,000
EU, US and China
(in index value, 2021)
Economic
1,581
1,500
Military
500 413
Military Soft
246 272
0
European Union United States China
1,600
Economic
1,400
1,200
1,000 Military
800
600
Soft
400
GRAPH 3.3
200
US' economic, military and soft presence
(in index value, 1990-2021)
0
1990 2000 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020
Global Europe? 23
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
1,000
900
GRAPH 3.4
China's economic, military and soft presence
800
(in index value, 1990-2021)
700
600
Economic
500
400
300
Soft
200
Military
100
0
1990 2000 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020
GRAPH 3.5
EU's economic, military and soft presence
(in index value, 1990-2021)
2,000 Economic
1,500
1,000
Soft
500
Military
0
2005 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021
24
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and over the past three decades, the US has tended to balance
the nature of its external projection from a global presence heavily dependent on the military
dimension to a greater role of the soft and, particularly, the economic dimension (Graph 3.3).
As for China, the massive increase of its global presence is explained, to a great extent, by the
performance of the economic dimension, although the Asian country also its increases military
and soft forms of foreign action (Graph 3.4).
The EU’s potential global leadership follows the performance of the economic dimension,
which increases during the 2010s, and somehow resists in the past few years, despite Brexit
and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there is a substantial drop of the military dimension
that has been going on since the mid-2000s and that, as mentioned above, accelerates in the
past couple of years mostly due to the UK’s exit from the EU, given the importance of the navy
and the type of equipment included in the Index. Brexit could also explain the sudden
retrenchment of the soft dimension, reversing the trend of a continued increase since the
beginning of the series, despite the fact that the effect could have been the opposite as the
UK now becomes a major destination of the EU’s (soft) external projection (Graph 3.5).
Given that both events materialised during the same years, it is not possible to differentiate the
effects on the EU of Brexit and the pandemic. However, there is an obvious re-composition of
the European space as a result of the UK’s exit, the pandemic and other global and European
trends. Such a re-composition is reflected in the Elcano European Presence Index, which
calculates the external projection of MS in the EU space.
There are some changes in the ranking of MS according to the Elcano European Presence
Index. With respect to 2020, Italy, Belgium, Austria, Finland and Lithuania gain one position
each, and Bulgaria moves up three. Spain, Poland and Greece lose one position, and Croatia
three. Despite retaining the 2nd position, the Netherlands lose over 62 points of European
presence. In line with its performance in global presence, detailed in the previous section, the
contraction of Spanish European presence amounts to nearly 55 points. Again, the impact of
the pandemic on tourism is the main explanation, but unlike what has occurred with its global
presence, Spain’s European presence is also reduced due to the indicators of investment,
information, culture and migration –most likely a direct cause of the UK's exit from the EU
area–. Other important declines are those recorded by France (-18 points), Ireland (-14) and
Greece (-12). As a result of these changes, not only is there a sorpasso in 2021, as Italy is now
4th in European presence, replacing the position held by Spain one year ago, but also, Belgium
is now 5th in European presence, recording a projection in the European space 20 points higher
than that of Spain, which is now 6th in this ranking (Table 3.1).
Global Europe? 25
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
TABLE 3.1
Elcano European Presence Index
(in index value)
26
Methodological annex
Brief history of the project
The 2010 version of the Index, its first edition, published in 2011, ranks 54 countries according
to their 2010 global presence.4 That edition and, therefore, the design of the Index itself, was
coordinated by Ignacio Molina and Iliana Olivié –both senior analysts at the Elcano Royal
Institute– and was the result of nearly three years of methodological discussions. These
discussions were conducted in the framework of a working group composed by the above-
mentioned coordinators of the Index, Narciso Michavila and Antonio Vargas (from GAD3),
Émêrson Correa (Olympus Consulting), several Elcano senior analysts and other staff
members (Félix Arteaga, Carola García-Calvo, Carmen González, Jaime Otero, Juan Antonio
Sánchez, and Federico Steinberg), and external experts (Alfredo Arahuetes –Pontificia
University of Comillas–, Ángel Badillo –University of Salamanca, currently also senior analyst
at the Elcano Royal Institute–, José Fernández Albertos –Spanish National Research Council,
CSIC– and José Ignacio Torreblanca –ECFR Madrid–). We also received methodological
suggestions from Philip Purnell (Thomson Reuters), Santiago de Mora-Figueroa, Marqués de
Tamarón (Ambassador of Spain), Teresa G. del Valle Irala (University of the Basque Country),
Ángel Vilariño (Complutense University of Madrid), Cristina Ortega, Cintia Castellano and
Amaia Bernara (from the FECYT of the Ministry of Science and Innovation).
The 2011 edition of the Index included a re-designing of the military equipment variable. This
change, led by Félix Arteaga, was based on previous methodological discussions with several
experts on that field: Francisco Asensi (Ministry of Defence), Alberto de Blas (Ministry of
Defence), Amador Enseñat (Ministry of Defence), Dagmar de Mora-Figueroa (NATO), Pablo
Murga (Ministry of Defence), Diego Ruiz Palmer (NATO), Andrés Sanz (Ministry of Defence),
Steven R. Sturn (NATO) and Federico Yaniz (Ministry of Defence).
The 2015 edition of the Index updated the weights of variables and dimensions by means of
a new survey to experts in international relations (representing think tanks in all continents)
conducted in mid-2015. This survey was repeated later in 2018 and 2021, and all the results
were added to previous responses obtained in 2012. These combined results aimed at filling
off particular time and geographical biases.
The 2018 edition also incorporated the conclusions of the statistical audit conducted by the
Competence Centre on Composite Indicators and Scoreboards (COIN) of the Joint Research
Centre of the European Commission. Individual indicators are now denominated first by
countries’ Gross Domestic Product (GDP) or population and later re-scaled by a scaling factor
that takes into consideration the relative share of a country in global GDP or population.
Methodological reviews of the indicators are carried out periodically. In the 2015 edition, the
information indicator was made more sophisticated by including, in addition to the Internet
4
Iliana Olivié & Ignacio Molina (2011), ‘Elcano Global Presence Index¡, Estudios Elcano 2, Elcano Royal Institute.
27
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
band-width, explicit references to countries and their citizens in news of global news
agencies (AP, AFP, Reuters, Xinhua, ITAR-TASS, EFE, ANSA and DPA). In the 2019 edition
we widened the variables included in the sports indicator, incorporating the women’s FIFA
and football-club points to the men's FIFA and the Olympic medal table. In the 2020 edition
we added trade in cultural goods to the culture indicator and intellectual property-royalties
income to the technology indicator.
For the design of both the Elcano European Presence Index, an initiative led by Manuel Gracia,
and the calculation of the EU’s global presence, several external experts were consulted anew:
28
Alfredo Arahuetes, Marisa Figueroa (ECFR Madrid), Narciso Michavila and José Molero
(Complutense University of Madrid).
Moreover, the project and its methodology have been presented to and discussed with the
Institute’s Board of Trustees, the Executive Committee, the Media Committee, the
Management Committee and, on several occasions, the Institute’s Scientific Council (including
its 2015 meeting and the 2015, 2018 and 2021 experts’ survey). We have also received useful
comments and suggestions over the years as a result of numerous meetings to present and
discuss progress on the Index. At the national level, these discussions have taken place with
members of the Spanish Parliament (2011), officials from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and
Cooperation (2011) and of Economy (2011), analysts and officials from the Presidency of the
Government (2011), experts from Accenture Spain (2013), members of the Central Bank of
Spain (2014) and both professors and students at different universities (Saint-Louis University
of Madrid in 2015, Rey Juan Carlos University in 2014 and 2015, Deusto University in 2016
and 2018, Salamanca University in 2015 and 2017, International University of Andalucía in
2017, and Coruña University in 2017). The Index has also been presented to the general public
(once a year) and to foreign diplomats based in Madrid (twice in 2014) and discussed at the
Matías Romero Institute in Mexico (2011), at the GIGA Institute in Hamburg (2011), at the
Latvian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (2018), at the
Joint Research Centre in Ispra (2017 and 2018), at the South African Institute of International
Affairs (SAIIA) in Johannesburg (2018) and at the Elcano Royal Institute’s Brussels office (2016
and 2018).
Throughout the life of the project, the final calculation of the Index has been made possible
thanks to the generous aid provided in data-gathering by several people and institutions, as
well as to those who have participated in the weighting survey, in the methodological support
and in the statistical audit: Shaheen Afroze (BIIS, Bangladesh), Ángel Aguado (EFE, Spain),
Hayden Allen (Accord, South Africa), Deniz Altayli (PASSIA, Palestina), Liliana Alvarado (Ethos,
México), Marcos Álvarez Díaz (Joint Research Centre), Isabel Álvarez (ICEI-UCM, Spain),
Alejandro Anaya (Center for Research and Teaching in Economics, Mexico), Barbara d’Ándrea
(World Trade Organisation), Nisha Arunatilake (Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka), Raul
Asensio (IEP, Perú), Bruno Ayllón (Complutense University of Madrid, Spain), D. Shyam Babu
(Centre for Policy Research, India), Yaroslava Babych (ISET, Gerogia), Juan Battaleme (CARI,
Argentina), Saradindu Bhaduri (CSSP, India), John Blaxland (ANU Strategic & Defence Studies
Centre, Australia), Małgorzata Bonikowska (Center fo International Relations, Poland), Gordan
Bosanac (Centar za mirovne studije, Croatia), Amelia Branczik (Crisis Group, Belgium),
Eamonn Butler (Adam Smith Institute, UK), Carlos Augusto Chacón (ICP, Colombia), Chiao-
Ling Chien (UNESCO), Alba Çela (Albanian Institute for International Studies), Alistair D.B. Cook
(Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Singapore), Juan Pablo Corlazzoli (CLAEH,
Uruguay), José Miguel Cortés (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Marie Cross (Institute of
International and European Affairs, Ireland), Helga Cuéllar Marchelli (Fusades, El Salvador),
Jean-François Daguzan (Foundation for Strategic Research, France), Neelam Deo (Gateway
House, India), Gonzalo Diéguez (CIPPEC, Argentina), Allan Gyngell (AIIA, Australia), Rafael
Domínguez (University of Cantabria, Spain), Marcos Domínguez-Torreiro (Joint Research
Centre), Stephanie Fenkart (IIP, Austria), Cinthya Fernández (Flacso, Costa Rica), Andreas
Freytag (ECIPE, Belgium), Adam Frost (CGAI, Canada), Jorge Gómez Arismendi (Fundación
para el Progreso, Chile), Christine Ma. Grace R. Salinas (Philippine Institute for Development
Methodological annex 29
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
Studies), Alan Hao Yang (IIR, Taiwan), Jordan Harris (Pegasus Institute, USA), Indira Hirway
(CFDA, India), Graham Hopwood (Institute for Public Policy Research, Namibia), Sunjoy Joshi
(ORF, India), Charles Jebuni (Institute of Economic Affairs, Ghana), Katie Jost (GAD), Gape
Kaboyakgosi (Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis), Cristóbal Kay (ISS, the
Netherlands), Guillermo Kessler (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Munir Khasru (IPAG,
Bangladesh), Changsu Kim (Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, Republic of Korea), Anna
Koós (Centre for Strategic and Defence Studies, Hungary), Andrey Kortunov (Russian
International Affairs Council, Russian Federation), Jan Kovar (Institute of International Relations,
Czech Republic) Carlos Latorre (Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation),
Tony Lawrence (ICDS, Estonia), Adam Lupel (IPI, USA), José María Lladós (Argentine Council
for International Relations), Akaash Maharaj (Mosaic Institute, Canada), Sébastien Maillard
(Jacques Delors Institute, France), Meruert Makhmutova (PPRC, Kazakhstan), Patrick Malope
(BIDPA, Botswana), Raquel Marín (ICEI-UCM, Spain), Ognjen Markovic (CEDEM, Montenegro),
Luis Martí (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Fernando Masi (CADEP, Paraguay), Pauline Massart
(Security & Global Europe, Belgium), Salvador Maspoch (Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and Cooperation), Fernando Mier (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Ramón Molina (Spanish
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation), Roman Mogilevskii (IPPA, University of Central
Asia), Lumkile Mondi (Wits, South Africa), Manuel Moreno (Spanish delegation to the United
Nations and other international organisations based in Geneva), Camino Mortera (Centre for
European Reform, Belgium), Said Moufti (Royal Institute for Strategic Studies, Morocco), Dawn
Nakagawa (Berggruen Institute, US), Moisés Naim (CEIP, US), José Miguel Nátera (CANACYT,
Mexico), Franklin Oduro (Ghana Centre for Democratic Development), Anna Orlonek
(demosEUROPA, Poland), Kwame Owino (IEA, Kenya), Eleni Panagiotarea (Hellenic
Foundation for European & Foreign Policy, Greece), Plamen Pantev (Institute for Security and
International Studies, Bulgaria), Roderick Parkes (Swedish Institute of International Affairs,
Sweden), Raynier Pellón Azopardo (CIPI, Cuba), Rodrigo Perera (Borde Político, Mexico),
Moisés Pérez (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Juan Pita (Spanish Agency for International
Development Cooperation), Henry Plater-Zyberk (Prague Security Studies Institute, Czech
Republic), Anton du Plessis (Institute for Security Studies, South Africa), Rosario Pons (EFE),
Arantxa Prieto (World Trade Organisation), Philip Purnell (Thomson Reuters), Martin Rapetti
(CIPPEC, Argentina), Charles P. Ries (Rand, US), Martín Rivero (SEGIB), Robert Robinson
(Universidad Pontificia de Comillas, Spain), Lorena Ruano (CIDE, Mexico), Antonio Ruiz Michel
(CPTS, Bolivia), Ventura Rodríguez (Spanish Agency for International Development
Cooperation), Diego Rojas Toro (CEIUC, Chile), Eulalia Rubio (Jacques Delors Institute,
France), Pep Ruiz (BBVA Research, Spain), Michaela Saisana (Joint Research Centre),
Verónica Samper (Spanish Ministry of Economy), Manuel Sánchez (Spanish Ministry of
Economy), Patrick Sandoval (Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation), Paul
Saunders (Center For the National Interest, US), Olufemi Muibi Saibu (INCDS-UNILAG,
Nigeria), Gabriele Schwarz (Spanish Ministry of Economy), James Sherr (International Centre
for Defence and Security, Estonia), Andrés Serbin (CRIES, Argentina), Katarzyna Sidlo (Center
for Social and Economic Research, Poland), Pedro Sosa (Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and Cooperation), Moussa Soumahoro (IPSS, Ethiopia), Spanish Foundation for Science and
Technology (FECYT), David J. Theroux, (The Independent Institute, US), José Tregón (Spanish
Ministry of Economy), Márton Ugrósdy (IFAT, Hungary), Yan Vaslavsky (MGIMO-Moscow State
Institute of International Relations, Russia), Sébastien Velley (Thomson Reuters), Antonio
Villafranca (Italian Institute for International Political Studies), Marija Vuksanovic (Centre for
30
Democracy and Human Rights, Montenegro), Bibian Zamora (Spanish Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and Cooperation), María Pilar Zaragüeta (EFE, Spain), Mario Abou Zeid (Carnegie
Institute, Lebanon) and Ann Zimmerman (OECD).
Lastly, several collaborators and intern students have contributed both to data leverage and
to analyses of the results of the Index (Datamérica Global, tweets, blogposts, or ARIs): Sergio
Juan Alburquerque, Nacho Álvarez, Jorge Arias, Pablo Balsinde, José Ignacio Díaz, Mariola
Gomariz, David Hernández, Lucía Mantecón, Ginés Martínez, Juliana Andrea Pizón, Marcos
Ochoa, Carlos Raya, Davide Rognini, Celia Ruiz, Manuel Sainz, Néstor Santana and Karla
Sulca.
This year’s edition covers the global presence of a selection of 150 countries. The selection is
done according to GDP and population World Bank data (table A.1). For this 2020 edition, 10
new countries have been added to the selection: Burundi, Haiti, Kyrgyzstan, Malawi, Rwanda,
Somalia, South Sudan, Tajikistan and Togo.
Finally, in terms of country selection, bear in mind that by making calculations at time intervals
that go back to 1990, the intention of the project is to show the two-bloc world, even if in
decline. Thus, Russia’s 1990 values refer to those of the Soviet Union, those of Germany to
the German Federal Republic, those of the Czech Republic to Czechoslovakia, those of Serbia
to Yugoslavia. Moreover, Eastern European countries that became independent after 1990
have no value assigned in that year. This is the case for Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia,
Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,
Ukraine and Uzbekistan as part of the Soviet Union, Slovakia as part of Czechoslovakia, and
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia and Slovenia as part of Yugoslavia.
Likewise, South Sudan since 2012, after its independence.
Methodological annex 31
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
32
Table A.2. Variables, indicators, and sources of the Elcano Global Presence Index
Variable Indicator Source
Economic presence
Flow of exports of energy products (oil, refined products and gas)
Energy
(SITC 3)
Flow of exports of primary goods (food, beverages, tobacco,
agricultural commodities, non-ferrous metals, pearls, precious stones,
Primary goods
and non-monetary gold), excluding oil (SITC 0 + 1 + 2 + 4 + 68 +
667+ 971)
Flow of exports of manufactured goods (chemical products, UNCTAD
Manufactures machinery, transport equipment, other manufactured products) (SITC
5 to 8 minus 667 and 68)
Flow of exports of services in transport, construction, insurance,
Services financial services, IT, the media, intellectual property, other business
services, personal, cultural and leisure services, and public services
Investments Stock of foreign direct investment abroad
Military presence
Number of military personnel deployed in international missions and
Troops
bases overseas
Weighted sum of aircraft carriers, big ships, destroyers, frigates, IISS
Military equipment nuclear-powered submarines, amphibious ships, medium and heavy
strategic aeroplanes, and air tankers
Soft presence
Estimated number of international immigrants in the country at mid- United Nations Population
Migration
year Division
United Nations World Tourism
Tourism Thousands of arrivals of non-resident tourists at borders Organisation (UNWTO) –
Statistics Database
Weighted sum of medals won at the summer Olympic Games, points
Sports FIFA IFFHS and IOC
in the FIFA world ranking and points of football clubs in the IFFHS
Exports of audiovisual services (cinematographic productions, radio
and television programmes, and musical recordings) and cultural
Culture WTO and UN-Comtrade
goods (antiques and works of art, books, jewellery, newspapers,
photography, etc)
Number of mentions in news of main international press agencies Factiva
Information (Associated Press, Reuters, AFP, DPA, ITARTASS, EFE, ANSA, International
Xinhua) and Internet bandwidth (Mbps) Telecommunication Union
External income for the use of intellectual property and number of
IMF and World Intellectual
Technology foreign-oriented patents (inter-related patent applications filed in one
Property Organisation (WIPO)
or more foreign countries to protect the same invention)
Number of articles, notes, and reviews published in the fields of the
Science Clarivate Analytics via FECYT
arts and humanities, social sciences, and sciences
Education Number of foreign students in tertiary education on national territory UNESCO and OECD
Development
Total gross flows of official development aid or comparable data OECD and SEGIB
cooperation
Scaling factors
Economy Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at current prices in US$ World Bank
The variables, indicators and sources for this 2022 Elcano Global Presence Index are the same
as for the previous edition. Several criteria guided the selection of the variables. First, presence
Methodological annex 33
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
is reflected in a single direction, or what could be deemed its unidirectionality. Secondly, the
results of presence are measured, and not the means or assets needed to achieve these
results. In addition, all the variables have an explicitly external component, in the sense that
they reflect cross-border presence. Presence is given in absolute and not relative terms; in
other words, the indicators are not proportional to the demographic or economic size of the
country. Likewise, as for any other index, the best explanatory capacity is sought with the
fewest number of variables or indicators possible. Finally, hard data on presence are taken,
and not data based on perceptions or opinions.5
In this 2022 edition, 5,205 cases have been estimated. Thus, the proportion of missing and
estimated cases accounts for only 6% of a database of 86,447 observations. Again,
estimations are based on experts’ knowledge. All results are available at our website
([Link]).
As for previous editions, the performance of the variables is assumed to be linear with the
exception of the sports variable. As regards normalisation, the ‘min-max’ approach is applied;
that is, global maximum and minimum values (across all countries and periods). It should be
noted that when adding data for a new edition, a review of figures corresponding to previous
years is also conducted, on the basis of data availability in each source. As a result, some
records for the past few years have changed, thus modifying the maximum value that is
referenced in the scaling. Moreover, the inclusion of new countries systematically affects the
Index values for the variables that are built on the existing spatial sample, which is the case for
sports and military equipment. Finally, it should be added that the pandemic has generated
anomalous data for 2021 that may have influenced the modification of the maximum and
minimum values. Therefore, new results may not match those of previous editions of the Index.
One of the features of 2012’s edition was the composite calculation for the 27 EU member
states. This was undertaken in order to try to quantify the global projection of the Union, as if
it were a political and economic union with its own identity.
The foreign presence of the EU is measured starting in 2005 and considering that the varying
composition of the Union should be reflected in the Index. Both the Union’s global presence
and the Union as the sphere of external projection calculated in the European Presence Index
do change with every new enlargement or retrenchment. As a consequence, the Union’s
presence corresponds to that of the 25 members in 2005, 27 members from 2010 to 2012,
28 members from 2013 to 2020, and again 27 members since 2021 after the UK’s exit.
To measure the EU’s presence in the world we stick to the components of the Elcano Global
Presence Index. For each of these components and for every member, the intra-European
and extra-European flows must be differentiated, since a mere totalling of their results would
be recording their projection in other member states (ie, consider the intra- and extra-European
trade in German goods). This distinction between flows has been made feasible by using
additional sources of data, especially Eurostat (Table A.4).
5
For more details on the debates and criteria that guided this selection, see Iliana Olivié & Ignacio Molina (2011), op. cit.
34
Since the 2012 edition we also calculate the presence of the individual member states within
the Union itself: the Elcano European Presence Index.6 To some extent, methodologically, this
indicator is the flip-side of the Global Presence Index for the EU. In a similar way to the latter,
it shows the cross-border presence of the member states, which in the case of the Elcano
European Presence Index is limited to the European (and not global) space. It facilitates a
comparative analysis of the current situation and recent evolution of the positioning of
European countries within the Union. It can also provide relevant information on the position
of the member states in the calculation of their European as well as their global presence.
The Elcano European Presence Index aims to be an Elcano Global Presence Index on a
European scale, so the structure and methodology of the latter has been respected as far as
possible, although some slight modifications have occasionally proved essential (Table A.4).
Thus, in general terms, the calculation of European presence modifies the calculation of global
presence by reducing the measures of presence on a global scale to the intra-European scale
(for example, intra-European migration flows, exports to the rest of the EU or European foreign
students). For that reason, three indicators compute a zero value, as they are not part of
European’s countries’ projection inside the EU: troops, military equipment and development
cooperation. Moreover, given the indivisibility of some variables, there was no possibility of
distinguishing the extra from the intra-European component, so we stick to the values of global
presence and re-scale them considering only the European countries. This is the case of
sports, science and information (in its Internet component).
It almost always does so by using Eurostat data, just as for the calculation of the global
presence of the EU. Obviously, the change in scale also reduces the scaling: the maximum
value assigned to an indicator in the Elcano Global Presence Index is given, in the case of
European presence, as the maximum value registered by a member state and for the intra-
European presence series. Finally, just as in the index for the EU, the reference area for which
European presence is measured is the Union as it has been composed in different moments
of time, variations being the result of the enlargement process.
6
Results of the Elcano European Presence Index are available at [Link].
Methodological annex 35
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
Table A.3. Variables, indicators, and sources of the Elcano Global Presence Index calculated
for the EU
Variable Indicator Source
Economic presence
Extra-EU flows of exports of energy products (oil, refined products, and gas)
Energy
(SITC 3)
Extra-EU flows of exports of primary goods (food, beverages, tobacco,
Primary goods agricultural commodities, non-ferrous metals, pearls, precious stones, and
non-monetary gold), excluding oil (SITC 0 + 1 + 2 + 4 + 68 + 667+ 971)
Extra-EU flows of exports of manufactured goods (chemical products,
Manufactures machinery, transport equipment, other manufactured products) (SITC 5 to 8 Eurostat
minus 667 and 68)
Extra-EU flows of exports of services in transport, construction, insurance,
Services financial services, IT, the media, intellectual property, other business
services, personal, cultural and leisure services, and public services
Investments Stock of foreign direct investment outside the EU
Military presence
Number of military personnel deployed in international missions and bases
Troops
outside the EU IISS
Weighted sum of aircraft carriers, big ships, destroyers, frigates, nuclear-
Military equipment powered submarines, amphibious ships, medium and heavy strategic
aeroplanes, and air tankers
Soft presence
Migration Estimated number of immigrants from outside the EU Eurostat
36
Table A.4. Variables, indicators, and sources of the Elcano European Presence Index
Variable Indicator Source
Economic presence
Intra-EU flows of exports of energy products (oil, refined products and gas)
Energy
(SITC 3)
Intra-EU flows of exports of primary goods (food, beverages, tobacco,
Primary goods agricultural commodities, non-ferrous metals, pearls, precious stones, and
non-monetary gold), excluding oil (SITC 0 + 1 + 2 + 4 + 68 + 667+ 971)
Intra-EU flows of manufactured goods (chemical products, machinery,
Manufactures transport equipment, other manufactured products) (SITC 5 to 8 minus 667 Eurostat
and 68)
Intra-EU flows of exports of services in transport, construction, insurance,
Services financial services, IT, the media, intellectual property, other business
services, personal, cultural and leisure services, and public services
Investments Stock of foreign direct investment in the EU
Military presence
Troops Value zero for all countries and years
Soft presence
Migration Estimated number of immigrants from within the EU Eurostat
Methodological annex 37
Statistical annex
TABLE B
Elcano Global Presence Index (index value)
39
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
TABLE B
Elcano Global Presence Index (index value)
40
TABLE B
Elcano Global Presence Index (index value)
Statistical annex 41
ELCANO GLOBAL PRESENCE REPORT 2022
TABLE B
Elcano Global Presence Index (index value)
42
TABLE B
Elcano Global Presence Index (index value)
Statistical annex 43
Board of Trustees
MINISTERIO
GOBIERNO DE ASUNTOS EXTERIORES GOBIERNO MINISTERIO
DE ESPAÑA UNIÓN EUROPEA Y DE ESPAÑA DE DEFENSA
COOPERACIÓN
MINISTERIO
GOBIERNO DE ASUNTOS ECONÓMICOS GOBIERNO MINISTERIO
DE ESPAÑA Y TRANSFORMACIÓN DE ESPAÑA DE CULTURA Y DEPORTE
DIGITAL
Collaborating Entities
Príncipe de Vergara, 51
28006 Madrid (Spain)
[Link]
[Link]
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