J.

P Movement – A Study

601 History Major

Submitted by

Richa ayengia

SF0121048

3rd year, 6th semester

Submitted to

Ms. Upasana Devi

Faculty of History

National Law University and Judicial Academy, Assam

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER – 1 ....................................................................................................................................... 3
INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................. 3
1.1 Literature Review: ........................................................................................................................ 4
1.2 Research Question: ....................................................................................................................... 4
1.3 Research Objectives: ..................................................................................................................... 5
1.4 Research Methodology: ................................................................................................................ 5
CHAPTER – 2 ....................................................................................................................................... 6
THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN BIHAR PRECEDING THE MOVEMENT . 6
Agrarian Unrest: ................................................................................................................................. 7
Student Agitation: ............................................................................................................................... 8
March 18th ........................................................................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER – 3 ..................................................................................................................................... 11
THE MOVEMENT ............................................................................................................................. 11
The Leadership.................................................................................................................................. 12
CHAPTER – 4 ..................................................................................................................................... 15
Total Revolution – The Objective ...................................................................................................... 15
Price Rise: ......................................................................................................................................... 16
Educational Challenges:.................................................................................................................... 16
Corruption: ........................................................................................................................................ 17
Democracy: ....................................................................................................................................... 17
Assembly Dissolution: ...................................................................................................................... 18
CHAPTER – 6 ..................................................................................................................................... 22
CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 22
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................... 23

2
 CHAPTER – 1

INTRODUCTION

The Bihar movement, also known as the JP movement, emerged as a significant political
uprising in the Indian state of Bihar in 1974, orchestrated by students disillusioned with the
rampant misrule and corruption within the state government. Spearheaded by the venerable
Gandhian socialist, Jayaprakash Narayan, affectionately referred to as JP, this movement later
expanded its focus to challenge the governance of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's central
government. Referred to as the Sampoorna Kranti or Total Revolution Movement, it marked a
period of profound upheaval in India from 1974 to 1977. “During this tumultuous period, India
grappled with two unprecedented crises of national scale. From January 1974 to June 1975, the
nation experienced a turbulent phase characterized by a series of disruptive agitations. These
included widespread bandhs (strikes), gheraos (encircling buildings), strikes, shutdowns, and
the closure of educational institutions. Notably, two massive popular movements erupted in
Gujarat and Bihar, demanding the resignation of state governments and the dissolution of state
assemblies. While the agitation in Gujarat achieved its objectives, the Bihar movement,
synonymous with the JP movement, fell short of its goals. However, it swiftly gained
momentum, particularly in North India, evolving into a broader movement aimed at toppling
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's regime. The culmination of these events led to another
significant juncture in India's history: the imposition of Emergency by Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi on June 26, 1975. This decisive step reverberated across the nation, plunging it into a
period of trauma that persisted for nearly nineteen months. Political commentators, both
domestic and international, speculated about a crisis within India's political framework and its
democratic institutions. Many feared the onset of a prolonged dictatorship, casting a shadow
over the nation's democratic ethos. This project seeks to delve into the JP movement within the
socio-political context of Bihar preceding the movement”. It aims to scrutinize the
philosophical underpinnings of Jayaprakash Narayan, the architect of the movement, and
analyse the organizational structure, issues, and objectives of Total Revolution championed by
JP Narayan. By exploring these facets, this study endeavours to unravel the intricacies of a
transformative period in India's history and its enduring implications on the nation's political
landscape.

3
1.1 Literature Review:

1. Chandra, Bipan. In the name of democracy: JP Movement and the emergency. Penguin
UK, 2017.
Chandra presents a nuanced analysis, revealing the potential dangers posed by the JP
movement, which he argues had a risk of veering towards fascism due to its ambiguous
ideology of Total Revolution, disorganized leadership, and reliance on the RSS for
organizational support. Despite the authoritarian undertones of the Emergency,
particularly exemplified by the increasing influence of Sanjay Gandhi and his Youth
Congress brigade, Chandra notes that Indira Gandhi eventually terminated the
Emergency and called for elections. This incisive and original study provides profound
insights into the tumultuous period and contributes to the ongoing debate on the
boundaries of popular protest within a democratic framework.
2. P JJ. The dream of revolution: A Biography of Jayaprakash Narayan review: A man of
the people who redefined the idea of India. The Hindu, 2022.
It offers a detailed and critical biography of Jayaprakash Narayan, exploring his
influential yet controversial role in modern India's post-colonial movement for freedom
and democracy. The book traces JP’s ideological journey from his radical days in
American universities in the 1920s, through his political evolution and disillusionment
with Gandhi, to his relentless fight against dissent suppression. While celebrating his
commitment to transformative politics and equality, the authors also critique his naivety
in political strategy and his tumultuous relationships with key figures like Nehru. Rich
with anecdotes and previously untold stories, this biography challenges clichés and
widely held perceptions, providing a nuanced portrait of JP’s complex legacy. However,
it sometimes glosses over the deeper flaws in his approach and the practical
implications of his revolutionary ideas.

1.2 Research Question:

1. What led to the Bihar Movement?

2. What was the philosophy professed by Jayaprakash Narayana While leading the
Movement?
3. Can it be considered a Revolutionary Movement?

4
1.3 Research Objectives:

1. To understand the various socio, political and economic scenarios of Bihar which led
to the Movement.
2. To understand the Philosophy of Sarvodaya and its implementation in the Movement.
3. To analyse the objective of Total Revolution.

1.4 Research Methodology:

1. Approach to Research: This project is researched and compiled using only doctrinal
methods of research. It has been written using library and online resources, which
included books and journal articles.
2. Type of Research This project requires the exposition of certain topics hence
explanatory research was done while producing this project.
3. Sources of data collection: Secondary sources were liberally used in producing this
project. Secondary sources are written by an author who has no direct connection to the
events described or concepts outlined in the journal or book.
4. System of citation and footnote: The researcher has followed the APA style of citation
throughout the project to maintain uniformity.

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 CHAPTER – 2

THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN BIHAR PRECEDING THE

MOVEMENT

In the lead-up to the Bihar Movement, the political and social landscape of the region was
characterized by growing discontent and unrest among the populace. Following the Congress's
consecutive victories in 1962 and the subsequent years, opposition parties found themselves
increasingly marginalized, prompting heightened restlessness and militancy among them.
Protests in various forms, including dharnas, gheraos, processions, fasts, and bandhs, became
more frequent as disillusionment with the ruling party spread. “The year 1965 saw a significant
escalation in demonstrations, with students, government employees, and trade unions
organizing protests in August. The call for a bandh in Patna by the Samyukta Socialist Party
(SSP) on August 9 garnered widespread support from various opposition factions.1 However,
what began as peaceful dissent soon descended into chaos as clashes erupted between protesters
and law enforcement, leading to outbreaks of violence not only in Patna but also in other towns
across the region. The situation escalated to the extent that numerous arrests were made, and
reports of police firings emerged from multiple locations. Amidst this turmoil, the SSP and the
Communist Party of India (CPI) emerged as key players, spearheading efforts to unite
opposition forces against the Congress. Their shared belief that the Congress hindered the
implementation of socialist policies fuelled their determination to oust the ruling party from
power at all costs. Despite ideological similarities, the SSP and the CPI faced challenges in
mobilizing support due to fluctuating membership and a lack of ideological commitment
among their ranks. 2The unrest extended beyond political circles, permeating various segments
of society”. Discontent simmered among different occupational groups, including rich and
new-rich farmers, urban middle-class professionals, and marginalized agricultural labourers.
The latter, neglected by mainstream political parties, began asserting themselves, demanding
attention to their plight. Meanwhile, corruption seeped into every facet of governance, further
exacerbating public disillusionment. Instances of ministers accepting bribes, nepotism in land
allocation, and shady transactions tarnished the integrity of the political establishment. Reports

1
Pranab Mukherjee‟s The Dramatic Decade, The Indira Gandhi Years (2015)
2
Chandra, Bipan. In the name of democracy: JP Movement and the emergency. Penguin UK, 2017

6
of widespread corruption documented by commissions only deepened public distrust in the
government and its institutions. As tensions continued to mount and dissatisfaction with the
status quo reached a boiling point, the stage was set for the Bihar Movement. The agitation that
followed would come to symbolize the culmination of years of political and social upheaval,
driven by a shared desire for change and reform.

Agrarian Unrest:

In the late sixties, tensions in agrarian communities reached a boiling point, as reflected in the
surge of agrarian protests, which numbered 649 in 1970 alone, marking a sevenfold increase
from the previous year. “The Naxalites and other leftist factions capitalized on the discontent
among impoverished peasants and landless labourers, inciting frequent clashes with landlords.
A notable incident occurred in June 1973 in Ghorbanki village, south Bihar, where around
5,000 individuals, primarily landless labourers and impoverished peasants, affiliated with the
CPI, ransacked a farmer's residence, seizing his assets and allegedly usurping 70 bighas of his
land. This incident, emblematic of numerous similar cases, exemplified the widespread unrest
permeating rural areas, with approximately 15,000 agrarian dispute cases pending in the
district. Simultaneously, discontent brewed in urban centres, where teachers, government
employees, and the burgeoning urban middle class vocally protested against soaring prices and
escalating hardships. The implementation of a professional tax in 1973 further fuelled
resentment, affecting not only the middle class but also the working class.3 Opposition parties
and trade unions united under the banner of the Bihar Rajya Mahgai Abhaab Pesha Kar Virodhi
Mazdur Sangharsh Samiti to combat the imposition of this tax, organizing massive rallies and
demonstrations before the Vidhan Sabha in December 1973. Over 120 trade unions participated
in the protests, encompassing diverse sectors such as industry, education, journalism, and
transportation. The rallying cry, "Putra Rashan Pura Karo, Nahin To Hoga Chakka Yam"
(provide full rations to ensure full work, or else all work will come to a grinding halt), echoed
throughout the demonstrations, which saw the participation of trade union leaders representing
various political ideologies, including the CPI and the Jan Sangh. Subsequently, the Samyukta
Sangharsh Samiti, comprising the CPI, CPI(M), SSP, Jan Sangh, and other factions, called for
a Bihar Bandh on January 21, 1974, denouncing high prices and the scarcity of essential goods.
Nearly 400 trade unions supported the bandh, although some dissent emerged within the Jan

3 Devasahayam, M. G. JP Movement, Emergency, and India’s Second Freedom. Vitasta Publications, 2012.

7
Sangh ranks. Despite internal divisions, the Jan Sangh orchestrated an independent procession
in Patna in solidarity with the bandh, during which CPI volunteers burnt effigies of the prime
minister and chief ministers, denouncing their policies”. The bandh, albeit met with clashes
between demonstrators and authorities in various locales, including Patna, Ranchi, and Gaya,
achieved its objectives, highlighting the widespread discontent and social upheaval prevailing
in Bihar during this period. 4

Student Agitation:

In the early 1970s, student unrest surged across Bihar, driven by a fervent demand for improved
campus amenities, reduced fees, and concessions like discounted cinema tickets. The epicenter
of this upheaval was Patna, where on December 5, 1973, students commandeered buses,
sparking clashes with transport authorities that persisted for days. Patna University students,
alongside non-teaching staff and Anand Margis, converged outside the secretariat on December
10, met with forceful dispersal by police wielding tear gas. In the wake of the December 16
anti-price rise demonstration, leaders of the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in
Bihar, sensing an opportunity for political mobilization, devised plans for a statewide agitation,
excluding communist affiliations. “This move was discussed at a conference in Dhanbad,
where ABVP's growing influence, particularly post-1972, underscored its dominance over the
All-India Students Federation (AISF) of the Communist Party of India (CPI). In early January,
a three-day camp in Muzaffarpur convened student leaders to strategize, with ABVP extending
invitations exclusively to those aligned with their ideology, excluding CPI and CPI(M)
representatives. A pivotal figure in this unfolding drama was Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), whom
ABVP leaders deemed ideal for guiding their non-communist agitation.5 JP's vision, articulated
in a December meeting in Muzaffarpur, called for students to make a year-long sacrifice of
studies to "save democracy," aligning with ABVP's broader agenda”. His rhetoric gained
momentum, especially as ABVP-dominated Patna University Students Union invited him to
preside over a symposium titled "Youth for Democracy" on January 22. Despite limited

4 One Nation, many India’s. The Hindu Business Line, 2018.

5 Dutt K. JP Movement to Advani Rath Yatra: How Bihar events have influenced national politics. The Print,
2022. [Link] advani-rath-yatra-how-bihar-events-have-influenced national-
politics/1077161/

8
participation from other youth factions, JP's call to action resonated, further emboldening
ABVP's push for reform and political mobilization.

“The student unrest persisted into February and early March 1974, manifesting in violent
processions and demands for price reductions and educational reforms. ABVP's clash with CPI-
aligned groups, particularly the Samajwadi Yuvjan Sabha (SYS) and Tarun Shanti Sena (TSS),
underscored the ideological divisions within student ranks. While ABVP advocated for
Bharatiya education and non-alignment policies through the formation of the Bihar Chhatra
Sangharsh Samiti (BCSS), leftist students rallied under the banner of the Bihar Chhatra
Naujawan Sangharsh Morcha (BCNSM), pressing for subsidized essentials and enhanced
student participation in governance. In this climate of unrest and political fervor, JP emerged
as a central figure, championing student activism and challenging Marxist ideologies. 6His
impassioned speeches, including one in Muzaffarpur, galvanized students to take leave from
their studies and assert their democratic rights. Despite dissent and opposition, JP's influence
continued to grow, with ABVP-led students embracing his call for reform and political
engagement”. As Bihar braced for further agitation, the role of students in shaping the political
landscape became increasingly pronounced, laying the groundwork for broader social and
political transformation.

March 18th

The events of March 18 plunged Bihar into chaos, as mobs targeted government buildings,
hotels, and newspaper offices, prompting widespread criticism of the government's failure to
maintain law and order. “Amidst calls for the resignation of the Ghafoor Ministry and the
dissolution of the state assembly, former Chief Ministers and other political figures joined the
fray, amplifying demands for political reform.7 Amidst this turmoil, Jayaprakash Narayan
emerged as a beacon of hope, as student representatives sought his leadership to guide the
movement. Moved by the unfolding crisis, JP accepted the mantle of leadership, advocating
for non-violent resistance and mass mobilization. In the ensuing weeks, protests, strikes, and
civil disobedience campaigns continued unabated, with diverse sections of society joining the

6 Devasahayam, M. G. JP Movement, Emergency, and India’s Second Freedom. Vitasta Publications, 2012.
7 Prakash S. Jayaprakash Narayan, the Gandhi of the emergency era. The New India Express, 2021.

9
movement”. Despite sporadic incidents of violence, the momentum of the movement remained
strong, underlining the convergence of various voices in a collective struggle for justice and
democratic reform.

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 CHAPTER – 3

THE MOVEMENT

Following March 18, 1974, Jayaprakash Narayan channelled sporadic outbreaks of riots and
protests into a coherent, planned, and ostensibly 'peaceful' movement. “He imbued it with a
philosophical foundation, a definitive objective, and a clear trajectory. The Bihar Chhatra
Sangharsh Samiti (BCSS) served as the central body of the movement, comprised mainly of
non-communist students. Housed in the Taruna Shanti Sena (TSS) building in Patna, it oversaw
and guided local Chhatra Sangharsh Samitis (CSS). Various student leaders managed different
tasks such as drafting press releases, disseminating information to local CSSs, handling
correspondence, and maintaining records. 8The BCSS also published an irregular weekly
publication called Tarun Kranti. Under the supervision of JP, the BCSS functioned through
Sarvodaya or TSS workers. CSSs were established across cities, district headquarters, towns,
and villages, often utilizing spaces like Gandhi Peace Foundation buildings or the residences
of prominent political figures for meetings. Despite efforts, the connection between local CSSs
and the central organization remained weak, leading to complaints from both sides about lack
of communication and guidance. Sarvodaya workers bridged this gap by conveying activities
and instructions between CSSs and the BCSS. Comprising mainly students from upper castes
and upper-middle-class backgrounds, the BCSS leadership reflected these demographics.
However, the engagement of Brahmins, prominent in Bihar politics, was limited due to their
association with the Congress party. Politically, members of various affiliations, notably ABVP,
SYS, TSS, Congress, and Chhatra Parishad, were part of the BCSS, while some leaders
remained unattached to any party.” 9Local CSSs exhibited similar leadership patterns to the
central organization. Student leaders, though enthusiastic, often lacked deep understanding of
JP's ideology of total revolution. Conflicts emerged within the movement, notably between
ABVP and other groups, leading JP to call for the resignation of all BCSS office bearers for
reorganization, though this remained incomplete. In response, Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini
was formed, emphasizing non-partisanship. The Bihar Jan Sangharsh Samiti (BJSS), a non-
student central body formed under JP's leadership, was less active, mainly providing occasional

8
Frankel, Francine R. Indian Political Economy, 1947-1977: The Gradual Revolution. Princeton University Press,
1978.
9
Patil V.T, and I.A. Lokapur, Jayaprakash Narayan, Sarvodaya to Total Revolution, Deep & Deep Publications,
New Delhi, 1989.

11
statements to the press. Despite formations of Jana Sangharsh Samitis (JSSs) in various areas,
they often existed on paper. Dominated by upper castes and the middle class, BJSS chapters
were controlled by different socio-economic groups depending on the locality, reflecting the
diverse landscape of Bihar's social and political dynamics.

The Leadership

Jayaprakash Narayan emerged as the central figure in the Bihar movement, wielding influence
not only through his philosophical insights but also by actively formulating strategies and
providing guidance at every juncture of the struggle. His leadership style was characterized by
a firm assertion of authority, making it unequivocally clear from the outset that while he valued
input from various quarters—be it students, the general populace, or the Jana Sangharsh
Samitis—the ultimate decisions rested solely with him. This unequivocal leadership style
earned him the moniker of 'the JP movement', as the Bihar movement became colloquially
known.10

Understanding the Bihar movement in its entirety necessitates delving into the complexities of
Jayaprakash Narayan's persona. Often described by both critics and admirers through a myriad
of lenses—ranging from being perceived as a moralist, Marxist, liberal, democrat, humanist,
politician, saint, to a dreamer—JP's multifaceted character played a pivotal role in shaping the
trajectory of the movement. While attempting a comprehensive exploration of JP's character
falls beyond the purview of this discourse, the aim here is to delineate the facets of his persona
that bear relevance to the movement.11 Born into a Kayastha family in a village straddling the
Uttar Pradesh-Bihar border in 1902, JP's life journey led him through various ideological
phases, each leaving an indelible mark on his worldview. His 12
formative years in Bihar,
coupled with his exposure to Marxist ideals during his academic pursuit in the USA, laid the
groundwork for his ideological evolution. Initially captivated by the tenets of Marxism, JP's
intellectual journey took a divergent turn as he grew disillusioned with the practical
manifestations of Marxist principles, particularly observing what he perceived as moral
shortcomings among fellow adherents. Returning to India in 1929, JP found himself at a

10 Ajit Bhattacharjea, "Jayaprakash Narayan: A Political Biography", Delhi, Vikas Publishing House, 1975.
11 P JJ. The dream of revolution: A Biography of Jayaprakash Narayan review: A man of the people who
redefined the idea of India. The Hindu, 2022.
12 Jayaprakash Narayan, Essential Writings, 1929-1979: A Centenary Volume, 1902 2002, Konark Publishers,
2002

12
crossroads, grappling with the ideological schism within the Indian nationalist movement.
While aligning with the Congress, he spearheaded the formation of the Congress Socialist Party
(CSP) within its ranks in 1934, signalling his intent to infuse socialist ideals into the broader
nationalist discourse.13 However, JP's disillusionment with orthodox Marxism continued to
deepen, eventually culminating in his decisive break with the CSP in 1957.

“ The pivotal turning point in JP's ideological journey came through his association with Vinoba
Bhave's Bhoodan movement, which served as a catalyst for his complete immersion into
Gandhian principles. Embracing Gandhism wholeheartedly, JP underwent a profound
transformation, shedding the vestiges of his Marxist past and embracing a holistic worldview
grounded in Gandhian ethics. Thereby we see him along with his fellow leaders in the Bihar
movement, consciously endeavored to integrate Sarvodaya principles into their campaign.
Embracing Gandhian ethics and economics, they disseminated literature on Gandhi and
Jayaprakash, fostering a Sarvodaya ethos within the movement. However, to understand why
the majority of Sarvodaya workers rallied behind the Bihar movement, it's crucial to delve into
the essence of Sarvodaya philosophy. Rooted in the Gandhian movement pre-Independence,
Sarvodaya emerged as an offshoot, aspiring to create a society based on truth and non-violence.
Central to its ethos is the principle of sadhan-suddhi, advocating purity of means, synonymous
with non-violence.14 This foundational principle, articulated by Vinoba Bhave, underscores the
unity sought among Sarvodayaists. Sarvodaya envisions a society devoid of caste or creed
distinctions, eliminating opportunities for exploitation while fostering individual and collective
development. Yet, the definition of 'good' and 'honest' remains open to interpretation, reflecting
the philosophy's idealistic yet nebulous nature.” To realize its vision, Sarvodaya proposes
constructive programs like Bhoodan, Gram swaraj, communal unity, and Khadi development,
emphasizing non-partisan engagement.15 It disavows affiliation with any specific ideology,
welcoming individuals aligned with its aims of truth and non-violence as members. However,
the application of Sarvodaya philosophy faces challenges in defining concrete actions and
navigating political realities. The Bihar movement's adoption of Sarvodaya principles
highlights both its aspirational appeal and the complexities of translating idealism into tangible
change within a dynamic socio-political landscape. Furthermore despite his withdrawal from

13
Bharti S. Social Justice and Jayaprakash Narayan socialism. Forward Press, 2022.
14
Prakash S. Jayaprakash Narayan, the Gandhi of the emergency era. The New India Express, 2021.
15
Patil V.T, and I.A. Lokapur, Jayaprakash Narayan, Sarvodaya to Total Revolution, Deep & Deep Publications,
New Delhi, 1989.

13
active participation in formal politics, JP remained a potent force in shaping the political
landscape through his public interventions on matters of national significance. 16
His
impassioned calls for youth mobilization to safeguard democracy, coupled with his unwavering
commitment to Sarvodaya ideals, endeared him to the masses, ensuring his continued influence
over the Bihar movement. Yet, JP's leadership was not without its contradictions. His aversion
to political exigencies often led to actions that appeared contradictory, as he grappled with the
tension between his moral ideals and the pragmatic demands of political reality. However, it
was precisely this tension that lent depth to his leadership, endearing him to the masses while
simultaneously confounding his detractors. In essence, Jayaprakash Narayan's charismatic
leadership, rooted in his unwavering commitment to moral rectitude and Gandhian principles,
served as the guiding force behind the Bihar movement. His ability to transcend ideological
boundaries and mobilize masses around a common cause underscores the enduring legacy of
his leadership, leaving an indelible imprint on the annals of Indian political history.

16 Ajit Bhattacharjea, "Jayaprakash Narayan: A Political Biography", Delhi, Vikas Publishing House, 1975.

14
 CHAPTER – 4

Total Revolution – The Objective

Following June 5, 1975, Jayaprakash Narayan elucidated the notion of "total revolution" as the
ultimate objective of the movement, aiming for a holistic overhaul encompassing social,
economic, political, moral, and cultural spheres. “In a public gathering at Gandhi Maidan,
Narayan emphasized that the struggle transcended mere fulfilment of student demands, such
as the resignation of the Minister and the dissolution of the Assembly in Bihar. Instead, he
advocated for Total Revolution or Sampoorna Kranti, positing it as the sole remedy for the
pressing issues confronting the nation and as the catalyst for ushering in a new societal
paradigm. Originating from Karl Marx's "The Poverty of Philosophy (1847)," Total Revolution
signified a profound transformation encompassing both material conditions and the moral
fabric of individuals. 17Narayan had been championing the cause of social revolution since the
mid-forties, with particular emphasis during his engagement in the Bhoodan movement in the
fifties. He articulated the concept of Total Revolution to encapsulate the objective of the
Sarvodaya movement in India in a 1969 article. Narayan viewed Gandhi's non-violence as a
revolutionary philosophy, embodying personal and social ethics, and influencing economic,
political, and social institutions. While Total Revolution emerged as a prominent theme in
Narayan's discourse since 1974, its prominence in Indian political discourse developed
thereafter. Highlighting the revolutionary essence of the struggle, Narayan stressed the
imperative for internal and external transformations to fundamentally reshape society. He
envisioned a Sarvodaya society devoid of exploitation, caste divisions, and class distinctions,
guided by Gandhian principles. 18Narayan proposed a comprehensive reform agenda spanning
agricultural development, equitable land distribution, technological advancements, rural
industrial promotion, governance decentralization, educational restructuring, and the
dismantling of hierarchical societal structures . However, specific strategies for land
”

redistribution and the eradication of social and economic disparities were not explicitly
delineated. This objective is said to be derived from the various issues which gave rise to the
agitation. The major issues being:

17
Kawaljeet., J.P.’s Total Revolution and Humanism, Buddhiwadi Foundation, Patna, 2002.
18
N S Jagannathan, 'A Revolution in the Making', The Hindustan Times, August 26, 1974.

15
Price Rise:

The surge in prices was rooted in economic grievances, igniting widespread discontent.
Particularly among the urban middle class, there was a prevailing sentiment that consumers
were being exploited by traders and industrialists through arbitrary pricing, hoarding, and illicit
market practices. It became increasingly apparent that scarcity disproportionately affected
“

those with limited financial means. Calls for the identification of hoarded goods and the fair
distribution of essential items at fixed rates gained momentum. Government officials faced
accusations of collusion with black-market operators and hoarders, fuelling protests and
sporadic outbreaks of civil unrest. And the economic hardships experienced by the populace
were ascribed largely to government policies than to the actions of traders and industrialists.
That stringent government regulations and controls compelled businesses to adjust prices
upward. Consequently, the government emerged as the primary focal point of the agitation,
transforming it into a distinctly political movement. ”

Educational Challenges:

A significant portion of students' demands centered around "educational problems,"

categorized into two main types. Firstly, concerns were raised regarding students' prospects
“

post-education, emphasizing the need for employment-oriented curricula, assurances of job

placement, unemployment benefits, access to bank loans for entrepreneurial ventures, among
others. Secondly, issues pertaining to educational infrastructure and resources were
highlighted, with calls for increased scholarships, affordable access to essential supplies like
books and stationery, improved hostel accommodations, student representation in university
governance bodies, establishment of college-level student unions, examination
decentralization, relaxation of admission criteria for medical colleges, and other related
reforms. Additionally, demands for discounted transportation and cinema rates were voiced.
While refraining from direct commentary on these demands, Jayaprakash Narayan criticized
the prevailing educational paradigm as "flawed and antiquated." He viewed the current system
as confining students to a state of "bondage" post-graduation. In contrast to the students'
demands, Narayan advocated for dissociating education from employment pursuits, lamenting
the prevalent pursuit of degrees solely for their vocational utility rather than genuine pursuit of
knowledge. He urged a shift in societal attitudes towards education, emphasizing the

16
importance of fostering a genuine thirst for knowledge and skills among the youth as a
fundamental prerequisite for meaningful educational reform. ”

Corruption:

The issue of corruption has been consistently raised in the past. Mahamaya Prasad prioritized
it during the 1967 elections as a key platform against the Congress party. Subsequently, students
frequently demanded action against corrupt ministers and administrators. Jayaprakash Narayan
elevated it to the central theme of his movement, warning of dire consequences if left
unchecked. “He emphasized that without addressing corruption, economic development and
social equality would remain elusive. Narayan stressed that corruption not only posed ethical
dilemmas but also undermined the very fabric of society, diverting funds meant for
development into the pockets of the corrupt. He identified political corruption as particularly
pernicious, as it engendered other forms of corruption. Narayan attributed the root of corruption
to the central government, viewing its policies, such as the licensing and quota system, as
facilitating corruption by compelling businesses to engage in corrupt practices to secure favors
from politicians. While Narayan clarified that the movement was not targeting the business
community, he underscored that the focus was on challenging governmental policies that fueled
corruption. However, not all of Narayan's followers shared his perspective on corruption. In a
survey conducted among students and teachers in Bihar, many defined corruption broadly,
encompassing activities such as hoarding, black marketing, economic exploitation, as well as
bribery by officials and politicians. There were doubts among some respondents whether
”

simply changing the ruling party would eradicate corruption from society.

Democracy:

Following the 1972 state assembly elections, Jayaprakash Narayan expressed grave concerns
about the state of democracy in India. He repeatedly warned that the country was veering
perilously close to dictatorship beneath the veneer of democracy. Throughout the movement,
Narayan frequently accused the ruling party and the Prime Minister of leaning towards
dictatorial tendencies. He vehemently protested against repressive measures aimed at stifling
dissent, asserting that freedom of speech, assembly, and peaceful protest were fundamental
rights within a democratic framework. Narayan and his associates lamented the erosion of
democracy, arguing that the mechanisms for self-correction had collapsed: political parties
prioritized their own power over the interests of the people, while the populace lacked political

17
awareness. Consequently, Narayan advocated for the cultivation of "Jana Shakti," people's
power, as a remedy. The political system exhibited glaring inequalities in representation.
Narayan highlighted instances where certain castes, comprising significant proportions of the
population, were entirely unrepresented in the legislature. He criticized the exploitation of
lower castes by political parties as mere vote banks, manipulated through financial influence.
Narayan called for radical reforms in the electoral system to address these issues. 19He decried
the rampant use of money, voter impersonation, electoral violence, and manipulation tactics
that undermined the integrity of elections and eroded public trust. Narayan warned that if faith
in the electoral process continued to decline, it would pave the way for dictatorship. He
advocated for measures to curb the influence of money in elections, including limiting election
expenses to enable participation from poorer candidates and parties. Narayan also proposed
empowering constituents in candidate selection and introducing provisions for the recall of
elected representatives to enhance accountability.

Assembly Dissolution:

“ Jayaprakash Narayan unequivocally stated his willingness to engage in dialogue with the Prime
Minister or the Congress President on any issue except the dissolution of the state Assembly.
He insisted on the resignation of the Ghaf oor ministry due to its failure in maintaining law and
order in Patna on March 18, 1974. Following the police firing in Gaya in early April, Narayan
criticized the Assembly for endorsing the government's repressive actions, labeling it a symbol
of dishonesty. He identified the Assembly as the root of the government's wrongdoings and
demanded its dissolution, arguing that it had relinquished its legislative role to the executive,
which ruled the state through ordinances. Narayan lamented the Assembly's lack of legislative
activity and its failure to address administrative and political corruption, accusing ruling party
MLAs of reneging on their electoral promises. He asserted that Bihar's MLAs lacked moral
and political legitimacy and called for their return to the electorate. Narayan argued that the
right to demand Assembly dissolution was fundamental to democracy, citing legal scholar
Dicey to support his stance.” Consequently, the agitation, initially focused on economic and
educational issues, evolved into a broader political movement, with themes such as saving

19 Frankel, Francine R. Indian Political Economy, 1947-1977: The Gradual Revolution. Princeton University
Press, 1978.

18
democracy and addressing political corruption taking precedence20. While there may have been
differences among Narayan and his supporters on certain issues, there was unanimous
agreement on the imperative of Assembly dissolution.

20 Devasahayam, M. G. JP Movement, Emergency, and India’s Second Freedom. Vitasta Publications, 2012.

19
 CHAPTER – 5

THE END OF THE MOVEMENT:

“In 1975, Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) led a monumental march to Parliament, garnering support
from various non-Congress opposition parties. This move positioned him as a formidable
alternative to Indira Gandhi's leadership. However, amidst the swell of momentum, criticisms
emerged regarding the tactics employed in mass agitation. The movements in Gujarat and
Bihar, once hailed as expressions of dissent against state governments, began to be perceived
primarily as protests against Indira Gandhi's leadership. Both the Gujarat and Bihar agitations
were seen as anti-Congress and rather than opposing the State governments, they were seen as
protests against the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Meanwhile, in Gujarat, the Assembly had been
dissolved after Morarji Desai went on an indefinite fast and President's rule imposed.21 Under
intense pressure from students, supported by the opposition political parties, assembly elections
were held in Gujarat in June 1975 after Desai went on a fast again and they brought the first
non-Congress government to power in the State. The Congress was defeated in this election.
Results were announced on June 12. This was also the day when the Justice Jagmohan Lal
Sinha of the Allahabad High Court, in a petition filed by Raj Narain who was a socialist leader
and a 1/4 candidate who had contested against Indira in 1971, passed a judgment declaring
Indira Gandhi's election in the 1971 general election to the Lok Sabha invalid on grounds of
electoral malpractice. The petition, challenged the election of Indira the Gandhi on the ground
”

that she had used the services of government servants in her election campaign. The judgment
of the High Court meant that legally she was no more an MP and therefore, could not remain
the Prime Minister unless she was once again elected as an MP within six months. On June 24,
the Supreme Court granted her a partial stay on the High Court order - till her appeal was
decided, she could remain an MP but could not take part in the proceedings of the Lok Sabha.
The stage was now set for a big political confrontation. The opposition political parties led by
Jayaprakash Narayan pressed for Indira Gandhi's resignation and organised a massive
demonstration in Delhi's Ramlila grounds on 25 June 1975. Jayaprakash announced a
nationwide satyagraha for her resignation and asked the army, the police and government
employees not to obey "illegal and immoral orders". This too threatened to bring the activities
of the government to a standstill. The political mood of the country had turned against the
Congress. Now the Government responded by imposing the Emergency on June 25, 1975,

21 Chandra, Bipan. India since independence. Penguin UK, 2008.

20
clamping down on basic freedoms for 21 months. “It was one of the darkest chapters in Modern
India. The government declared that there was a threat of internal disturbances and therefore,
it invoked Article 352 of the Constitution. Under the provision of this article the government
could declare a state of emergency on grounds of external threat or a threat of internal
disturbances.22 The government decided that a grave crisis had arisen which made the
proclamation of a state of emergency necessary. Most newspapers caved under heavy
censorship, on 28 June 1975, The Indian Express and The Statesman protested against
censorship by leaving blank spaces where news items had been censored. Magazines like the
Seminar and the Mainstream chose to close down rather than submit to censorship. Many
journalists were arrested for writing against the Emergency. This brought the agitation to an
abrupt stop; strikes were banned; many opposition leaders were put in jail; the political
situation became very quiet though tense. Deciding to use its special powers under emergency
provisions, the government suspended the freedom of the Press. Newspapers were asked to get
prior approval for all material to be published. This is known as press censorship. Protests and
strikes and public agitations were also disallowed. Most importantly, under the provisions of
emergency, the various Fundamental Rights of citizens stood suspended, including the right of
citizens to move the Court for restoring their fundamental rights. The government made
extensive use of preventive detention. Under this provision, people are arrested and detained
not because they have committed any offence, but on the apprehension that they may commit
an offence. Arrested political workers could not challenge their arrest through habeas corpus
petitions. In April 1976, the constitution bench of the Supreme Court over-ruled the High
”

Courts and accepted the government's plea. It meant that during emergency the government
could take away the citizen's right to life and liberty. This judgment closed the doors of
judiciary for the citizens and is regarded as one of the most controversial judgments of the
Supreme Court. There were many acts of dissent and resistance to the Emergency. Many
political workers who were not arrested in the first wave, went 'underground" and organised
protests against the government.

22
Pranab Mukherjee‟s The Dramatic Decade, The Indira Gandhi Years (2015)

21
 CHAPTER – 6

CONCLUSION
The Bihar movement, often hailed as a harbinger of change, underwent scrutiny to ascertain its
revolutionary potential. Originating with aspirations for a comprehensive overhaul termed
'Total Revolution,' it envisioned transforming every facet of society. “However, lacking a clear
blueprint for an alternative social order, it confronted skepticism about its revolutionary
character. Ideological underpinnings rooted in the Sarvodaya ideology shaped the movement,
yet its efficacy in effecting revolutionary societal shifts was questioned. Despite initial fervour,
the movement's trajectory veered away from economic restructuring, prioritizing political and
moral dilemmas. Criticism mounted as electoral reform proposals appeared tailored to
opposition party interests rather than tackling systemic issues like electoral corruption.
Moreover, the movement's reliance on student activism, perceived as agents of change, was
met with skepticism. While students showcased dissent, their engagements often centered on
class or caste dynamics, not systemic upheaval. The disconnect between Sarvodaya ideals and
student realities underscored the movement's ideological fissures. The movement's reliance on
the 'Janata' as the catalyst for revolution faced scrutiny, revealing a support base predominantly
composed of urban elites and vested interests. Consequently, the movement's trajectory seemed
more aligned with political upheaval than societal transformation. Jayaprakash Narayan's
acknowledgment of the movement's limitations, within constitutional confines, hinted at its
reformist aspirations. However, the movement's identity crisis—oscillating between
”

revolutionary fervor and pragmatic reform—undermined its efficacy as a catalyst for

substantive change. Ultimately, the Bihar movement emerged as a rebellion, venting grievances
against Congress rule rather than effecting revolutionary change. It showcased the complexities
of socio-political movements, where aspirations for revolution often intersect with pragmatic
political realities, leaving behind a legacy of aspiration tempered by pragmatism.

22
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23