DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA
COURSE: POLS 810 CLASSICAL POLITICAL THEORY
TOPIC:
THE CONCEPT OF EQUALITY
BY
NUHU SAMAILA
P21SSPS8045
LECTURERS
DR. ISAH SAIDU
MAY, 2024
Abstract
This research work looked into the concept of equality. The study sourced it data from secondary
sources such as textbook, journals and internet based source. The research work adopted the
social Exchange and structural Functionalism theory. The research also looked at the origin of
equality, principles of equality, equality in the Nigerian context and factors that hinders equality
in Nigeria. The research recommended that areas like tribes; sex religion should not be criteria
for equal right employment in Nigeria. Committee should be form companies all zones to
formulate policies that will not be bias in employment opportunity in federal and state civil
services commission in Nigeria. Social equity should be put into action which will make it clear;
how broad ranging and fundamental the commitment to social equity is for partitions and
scholars. Stories of social equity should be put in films and video merging a single mothers
involving two jobs and still falling behind hold some prospect for mobbing watchers and
readers. It is important to dramatize social equity issues, to bring them to life. The research
concluded that Nigeria is not a poor country yet millions are living in hunger. The government
must work with the international community to get food and aid to hungry people now. But it
can’t stop there. It must free millions of Nigerians from poverty by building a new political and
economic system that works for everyone, not just a fortunate few.
INTRODUCTION
The terms ‘equality’, ‘equal’, and ‘equally’ signify a qualitative relationship. ‘Equality’ (or
‘equal’) signifies correspondence between a group of different objects, persons, processes or
circumstances that have the same qualities in at least one respect, but not all respects, i.e.,
regarding one specific feature, with differences in other features. ‘Equality’ must then be
distinguished from ‘identity’, which refers to one and the same object corresponding to itself in
all its features. For the same reason, it needs to be distinguished from ‘similarity’ the concept of
merely approximate correspondence. (Amartaya,2020).
Judgements of equality presume a difference between the things compared. According to this
definition, the notion of ‘complete’ or ‘absolute’ equality may be seen as problematic because
it would violate the presumption of a difference. Two non-identical objects are never
completely equal; they are different at least in their spatiotemporal location. If things do not
differ they should not be called ‘equal’, but rather, more precisely, ‘identical’, such as the
morning and the evening star. Here usage might vary. Some authors do consider absolute
qualitative equality admissible as a borderline concept (Charles, 2019).
THE CONCEPT OF EQUALITY
Equality is a state of affairs where every person has equal status, rights, and liberties. Social
equality stands, therefore, in opposition to societal settings where individuals face social
barriers because of some component of their social identity. This is a context of discrimination,
usually encountered by people who are not societally equal because of their race, sex, gender,
ethnicity, age, class, disability, or religion.(Dwarkin, 2017)
Equality is a state of affairs in which all individuals within society have equal rights, liberties,
and status, possibly including civil rights, freedom of expression, autonomy, and equal access to
certain public goods and social services. (Ibid)
‘Equality’ can be used in the very same sense both to describe and prescribe, as with ‘thin’:
“you are thin” and “you are too thin”. The approach taken to defining the standard of
comparison for both descriptive and prescriptive assertions of equality is very important. In the
descriptive case, the common standard is itself descriptive, for example when two people are
said to have the same weight. In the prescriptive use, the standard prescribes a norm or rule,
for example when it is said people ought to be equal before the law. (Fred,2015).
The standards grounding prescriptive assertions of equality contain at least two components.
On the one hand, there is a descriptive component, since the assertions need to contain
descriptive criteria, in order to identify those people to which the rule or norm applies. The
question of this identification – who belongs to which category? – may itself be normative, as
when we ask to whom the U.S. laws apply. On the other hand, the comparative standards
contain something normative – a moral or legal rule, such as the U.S. laws – specifying how
those falling under the norm are to be treated. Such a rule constitutes the prescriptive
component (Fayol, 2019).
Sociological and economic analyses of (in-)equality mainly pose the questions of how
inequalities can be determined and measured and what their causes and effects are. In
contrast, social and political philosophy is in general concerned mainly with the following
questions: what kind of equality, if any, should obtain, and with respect to whom and when?
Such is the case in this article as well.(Gooden, 2014).
For this reason, it helps to think of the idea of equality or inequality, in the context of social
justice, not as a single principle, but as a complex group of principles forming the basic core of
today’s egalitarianism. Different principles yield different answers. Both equality and inequality
are complex and multifaceted concepts. In any real historical context, it is clear that no single
notion of equality can sweep the field. Many egalitarians concede that much of our discussion
of the concept is vague, but they believe there is also a common underlying strain of important
moral concerns implicit in it. Above all, it serves to remind us of our common humanity, despite
various differences. In this sense, egalitarianism is often thought of as a single, coherent
normative doctrine that embraces a variety of principles. Following the introduction of different
principles and theories of equality, the discussion will return in the last section to the question
how best to define egalitarianism and its core value.(John, 2019).
PRINCIPLES OF EQUALITY
Equality in its prescriptive usage is closely linked to morality and justice, and distributive justice
in particular. Since antiquity equality has been considered a constitutive feature of justice. (On
the history of the concept, cf. Albernethy 1959, Benn 1967, Brown 1988, Dann 1975, Thomson
1949.) People and movements throughout history have used the language of justice to contest
inequalities. But what kind of role does equality play in a theory of justice? Philosophers have
sought to clarify this by defending a variety of principles and conceptions of equality. This
section introduces four such principles, ranging from the highly general and uncontroversial to
the more specific and controversial. The next section reviews various conceptions of the
‘currency’ of equality. Different interpretations of the role of equality in a theory of justice
emerge according to which of the four principles and metrics have been adopted. The first
three principles of equality hold generally and primarily for all actions upon others and affecting
others, and for their resulting circumstances. From the fourth principle onward, i.e., starting
with the presumption of equality, the focus will be mainly on distributive justice and the
evaluation of distribution. (John, 2011).
Formal Equality
When two persons have equal status in at least one normatively relevant respect, they must be
treated equally with regard in this respect. This is the generally accepted formal equality
principle that Aristotle articulated in reference to Plato: “treat like cases as like” (Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics, V.3. 1131a10–b15; Politics, III.9.1280 a8–15, III. 12. 1282b18–23). The
crucial question is which respects are normatively relevant and which are not. Some authors
see this formal principle of equality as a specific application of a rule of rationality: it is
irrational, because inconsistent, to treat equal cases unequally without sufficient reasons
(Berlin 1955–56). But others claim that what is at stake here is a moral principle of justice, one
reflecting the impartial and universalizable nature of moral judgments. On this view, the
postulate of formal equality demands more than consistency with one’s subjective preferences:
the equal or unequal treatment in question must be justifiable to the relevantly affected
parties, and this on the sole basis of a situation’s objective features.(Brara, 2014)
Proportional Equality
According to Aristotle, there are two kinds of equality, numerical and proportional (Aristotle,
Nicomachean Ethics, 1130b–1132b; cf. Plato, Laws, VI.757b–c). A way of treating others, or a
distribution arising from it, is equal numerically when it treats all persons as indistinguishable,
thus treating them identically or granting them the same quantity of a good per capita. That is
not always just. In contrast, a way of treating others or a distribution is proportional or
relatively equal when it treats all relevant persons in relation to their due. Just numerical
equality is a special case of proportional equality. Numerical equality is only just under special
circumstances, namely when persons are equal in the relevant respects so that the relevant
proportions are equal. Proportional equality further specifies formal equality; it is the more
precise and comprehensive formulation of formal equality. It indicates what produces an
adequate equality.(Richard, 2012).
Presumption of Equality
Many conceptions of equality operate along procedural lines involving a presumption of
equality. More materially concrete, ethical approaches, as described in the next section below,
are concerned with distributive criteria – the presumption of equality, in contrast, is a formal,
procedural principle of construction located on a higher formal and argumentative level. What
is at stake here is the question of the principle with which a material conception of justice
should be constructed, particularly once the approaches described above prove inadequate.
The presumption of equality is a prima facie principle of equal distribution for all goods
politically suited for the process of public distribution. In the domain of political justice, all
members of a given community, taken together as a collective body, have to decide centrally on
the fair distribution of social goods, as well as on the distribution’s fair realization. Any claim to
a particular distribution, including any existing distributive scheme, has to be impartially
justified, i.e., no ownership should be recognized without justification.
Applied to this political domain, the presumption of equality requires that everyone should get
an equal share in the distribution unless certain types of differences are relevant and justify,
through universally acceptable reasons, unequal shares.
ORIGIN OF EQUALITY
Time and again, with almost worrying ease, historical studies have revealed the incredibly
violent origins of various kinds of inequality. Those approaches that treat equality as a primary
concept of investigation predominantly Marxism, but also radical feminism, queer theory, and
postcolonialism are characterized by a methodological historicism that focuses on exposing the
historical sources of inequalities involving class, gender, sex, race, culture, or geography. A
great deal of theoretical attention has been placed on analyzing the various ways these
structures of inequality have been masked or concealed first and foremost by presenting
certain social structures and identityformations as natural and a-historical, and hence as pre- or
a-political. The historicity of the concept of equality itself, however that is to say, the question
how equality turned into a central object of political claims-making in the first place, and hence
how these concealments of inequality could be scandalized seems to have been largely
neglected.(John, 2011).
The varying presence of inequality throughout history has to do primarily with the varying
degree of scandal it involves. Tracing the principle of equality through history thus requires a
meticulous, comparative reconstruction of the fluctuating “scandalousness” that appearances
of inequality raised in different cultures at different [Link] do we explain that at certain
historical moments in a certain political culture the egalitarian view began to expand, whereas
other moments saw the emergence of blind spots within its field of vision? How come outrage
over certain forms of inequality erupted in certain junctures and receded in others? It appears,
however, that over and above these unending patterns of transformation, a certain fault line
can be traced. (Ibid)
At a certain point in the history of the West, there occurred a fundamental disturbance in the
mechanisms in charge of neutralizing the outrage over the absence of equality; of refracting
every egalitarian view by regarding every form of inequality as simply a natural difference. This
fault line is the advent of modernity. It can be located somewhere between Hobbes (1651),
who regarded the equality of human beings as a grim natural condition politics ought to
remedy, and Locke (1690), who elevated this natural, self-evident equality as what politics
ought to preserve. It is around that period that scandals over appearances of inequality turn
from episodic incidents.
EQUALITY IN NIGERIAN CONTEXT
Economic inequality in Nigeria has reached extreme levels, despite being the largest economy
in Africa. The country has an expanding economy with abundant human capital and the
economic potential to lift millions out of poverty. 5 millionThe combined wealth of Nigeria’s five
richest men - $29.9 billion - could end extreme poverty at a national level yet 5 million face
hunger. More than 112 million people are living in poverty in Nigeria, yet the country’s richest
man would have to spend $1 million a day for 42 years to exhaust his fortune.(Charles, 2019).
2 millionThe amount of money that the richest Nigerian man can earn annually from his wealth
is sufficient to lift 2 million people out of poverty for one year. 79%Women represent between
60 and 79 percent of Nigeria's rural labor force but are five times less likely to own their own
land than men. Women are also less likely to have had a decent education. Over three-quarters
of the poorest women in Nigeria have never been to school and 94% of them are illiterate.
(Gooden, 2014).
Between 1960 and 2005, about $20 trillion was stolen from the treasury by public office
holders. This amount is larger than the GDP of United States in 2012 (about $18 trillion).
Poverty and inequality in Nigeria are not due to a lack of resources, but to the ill-use,
misallocation and misappropriation of such resources. At the root is a culture of corruption
combined with a political elite out of touch with the daily struggles of average Nigerians. (Ibid).
57 millionIn 2012, Nigeria spent just 6.5 percent of its national budget on education and just
3.5 percent on health (by comparison, Ghana spent 18.5 percent and 12.8 percent respectively
in 2015). As a result, 57 million Nigerians lack safe water, over 130 million lack adequate
sanitation and the country has more than 10 million children out of school. 21.5%Another
consequence of the mismanagement of the nation’s resources is the high rate of
unemployment, especially among the young. In 2016, between 12.1% and 21.5% of Nigeria’s
youth were without a job.(Ibid).
During the year (1994) constitutional conference which was organised by Abacha’s Military
Government, equal rights in political appointment, and in the civil service were the major
issues. Conference members recognised the serious issue of the president of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria coming continuously from one section of the country or in the real sense
from a particular tribe. Also, they recognized the issues if the civil service being dominated by a
particular tribe In arriving at solutions to these national issues the constitutional conference
decided on rotational presidency between the North and the south. (Fred, 2015).
University admissions are still on quota basis. Employment ;n the federal public agencies are
also regulated to reflect federal character Recently, the Federal Military Government set up a
Federal Character committee to investigate the issues involved in maintaining a Federal
character and then to make recommendations to the military government. This committee is at
work now. (Ibid).
They were sworn in the month of March, [Link] major issue involved in equal rights is that
of equal employment opportunity for every-one in the country. The objective behind equal
employment opportunity is to eliminate discrimination. As we observed above it can lead to
adverse poverty. In Federal Government appointments some job levels must be advertised
during recruitment activities. In the U.S.A Federal Government contractors are even regulated
and must give affirmative information that employment activities in their organisations are not
discriminatory. (Ibid).
Nigerian politicians, Military or intellectuals, etc. started taking the issue of equal right very
serious due to cancellation of June 12, election 1993 which was won by Chief M K O Abiola a
Yoruba Tribe. The election which was observed by international organisations and the Nigerian
electoral commission and proclaimed fair by both agencies was later on cancelled by President
Ibrahim Babangida, a Northerner and Hausa tribe. Most of the Nigerian presidents since
independence have come from the North. In the forth coming presidential election of 1997/98
equal right may likely became a major issue. It is expected that the recommendations of the
Federal Character Committee which is now at work may go far in initiating actions which will
promote equal employment opportunities.(Fayol, 2019).
Hindrance To Equality in Nigeria
Disparate Discrimination in Employment: Disparate discrimination is the commonest and most
observable form of discrimination. If someone is treated differently from the way others are
treated may be because of sex, age, tribe, religion, national identity, etc. This is an aspect of
disparate discrimination.(Dwarkin, 2017)
Disparate Effect in Employment Relations
This type of discrimination occurs when any practice has an adverse effect or impact upon a
protected group. Where the Enugu State government for example passes an edict that only
those that have University education or qualification are eligible to seek employment or work in
a particular branch of the civil service; this edict could have disparate effect on women in Enugu
state. This is because only few women have got their university degrees in Enugu state.
Previously, women education was discouraged in Nigeria generally. Disparate effect exists in
many forms in Nigeria today. It is believed that women are suited for the work of secretary
typists, telephone operatress, receptionists, etc. These practices bring disparate effects on men.
(Ibid).
Present Effect of Past Discrimination in Employment
Some practices and procedures in some organisations or countries may appear to be neutral in
their face. This means that such procedures and practices may have positive intended goals. At
the same time they may have negative unintended goals. Such practices freeze prior
discrimination into present situation; such practices can be discontinued or modified. For
example, traditional rituals which the Christians have rejected previously can be reintroduced
into the church e.g. the reintroduction of Ozo title and chieftaincy systems. Such practices can
lead to certain discriminatory practices in the traditional villages. In Nigerian political scene the
Northerners are nominated mostly as presidential candidates and the southerners as vice-
presidential candidates. These practices were challenged in the just concluded constitutional
conference by the delegates recommending rotational presidential systems between the North
and Southern. (Ibid).
Sex Discrimination
Both men and women can be discriminated in the work place since the discrimination among
women is more rampant people tend to use women discrimination synonymously as sex
discrimination. In Nigeria sexdiscrimination has more to do with culture. In almost all the tribal
cultures in Nigerian society arrangements; practices and procedures don’t give women active
roles but passive roles, this situation has affected the formal educational institutions. As a result
of this educational deprivation, women have been hindered from occupying very high positions
in both the public and private sectors. (John, 2019).
Occupation and Salary Inequity
In Nigeria, one’s occupation affects one’s salary and wages. Occupation is a group of jobs that
are similar and can be found in other organizations throughout the Nation e.g. lecturing, legal
practice, medical doctors, receptionists, etc. Some occupations attract high salaries while
others attract low salaries, One can observe that in Nigerian Universities the annual salary of a
messenger may be less than one month salary of a deputy registrar or a senior lecturer. The
annual salaries of deputy registrars and senior lecturers may be far below those of junior
clerical officers in the banks and other commercial enterprises. (Ibid).
Tribal Discrimination
Nigerian tribalism is widely discussed in and outside the country. Nigeria has over 250
languages and dialects. However, it is widely written and discussed that three tribes exist in
Nigeria. These include Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa tribes. In short tribalism is a major problem
hindering Nigeria from attaining a high level integration and stability among its citizens. Tribal
problems are experienced in employment, University admission, religious organisations,
political appointments, sports representations, etc. So, tribal discrimination is a major social
issue in Nigerian and the contributions of the business sector in finding solutions to tribal
problems will be a major contribution to development.(Ibid).
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Social Exchange Theory
This theory proposes that individuals who perceive themselves as either under-rewarded or
over-rewarded will experience distress, and that this distress leads to efforts to restore equity
within the relationship. Equity is measured by comparing the ratios of contributions and
benefits of each person within the relationship. Partners do not have to receive equal benefits
(such as receiving the same amount of love, care, and financial security) or make equal
contributions (such as investing the same amount of effort, time, and financial resources), as
long as the ratio between these benefits and contributions is similar. Much like other prevalent
theories of motivation, such as Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, equity theory acknowledges that
subtle and variable individual factors affect each person’s assessment and perception of their
relationship with their relational partners. According to John in 2011 anger is induced by
underpayment inequity and guilt is induced with overpayment [Link] whether hourly
wage or salary, is the main concern and therefore the cause of equity or inequity in most cases.
In any position, an employee wants to feel that their contributions and work performance are
being rewarded with their pay. If an employee feels underpaid then it will result in the
employee feeling hostile towards the organization and perhaps their co-workers, which may
result in the employee not performing well at work anymore. It is the subtle variables that also
play an important role in the feeling of equity. Just the idea of recognition for the job
performance and the mere act of thanking the employee will cause a feeling of satisfaction and
therefore help the employee feel worthwhile and have better outcomes. Employees can also
feel positive inequity which may cause the worker to feel guilty and attempt to compensate for
those feelings of guilt.
Structural Functionalism
Structural functionalism, or simply functionalism, is "a framework for building theory that sees
society as a complex system whose parts work together to promote solidarity and stability".
This approach looks at society through a macro-level orientation, which is a broad focus on the
social structures that shape society as a whole, and believes that society has evolved like
[Link] approach looks at both social structure and social functions. Functionalism
addresses society as a whole in terms of the function of its constituent elements; namely
norms, customs, traditions, and institutions.
A common analogy called the organic or biological analogy, popularized by Herbert Spencer,
presents these parts of society as human body "organs" that work toward the proper
functioning of the "body" as a whole. In the most basic terms, it simply emphasizes "the effort
to impute, as rigorously as possible, to each feature, custom, or practice, its effect on the
functioning of a supposedly stable, cohesive system". For Talcott Parsons, "structural-
functionalism" came to describe a particular stage in the methodological development of social
science, rather than a specific school of thought.
Auguste Comte believed that society constitutes a separate "level" of reality, distinct from both
biological and inorganic matter. Explanations of social phenomena had therefore to be
constructed within this level, individuals being merely transient occupants of comparatively
stable social roles. In this view, Comte was followed by Émile Durkheim. A central concern for
Durkheim was the question of how certain societies maintain internal stability and survive over
time. He proposed that such societies tend to be segmented, with equivalent parts held
together by shared values, common symbols or (as his nephew Marcel Mauss held), systems of
exchanges. Durkheim used the term "mechanical solidarity" to refer to these types of "social
bonds, based on common sentiments and shared moral values, that are strong among
members of pre-industrial societies". In modern, complex societies, members perform very
different tasks, resulting in a strong interdependence. Based on the metaphor above of an
organism in which many parts function together to sustain the whole, Durkheim argued that
complex societies are held together by "solidarity", i.e. "social bonds, based on specialization
and interdependence, that are strong among members of industrial societies".
RECOMMENDATION
1. Tribalism is areas like tribes; sex religion should not be criteria for equal right employment in
Nigeria. Committee should be form companies all zones to formulate policies that will not be
bias in employment opportunity in federal and state civil services commission in Nigeria
[Link] equity should be put into action which will make it clear; how broad ranging and
fundamental the commitment to social equity is for partitions and scholars
[Link] of social equity should be put in films and video merging a single mothers involving
two jobs and still falling behind hold some prospect for mobbing watchers and readers. It is
important to dramatize social equity issues, to bring them to life.
CONCLUSION
Nigeria is not a poor country yet millions are living in hunger. The government must work with
the international community to get food and aid to hungry people now. But it can’t stop there.
It must free millions of Nigerians from poverty by building a new political and economic system
that works for everyone, not just a fortunate few.
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