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Anudhyan 23

Q: How did Savitribai Phule's actions reflect her opposition to caste and gender discrimination?

Savitribai Phule's actions were inherently tied to her firm opposition against caste and gender discrimination. She co-founded the Satyashodhak Samaj with Jyotirao Phule to promote equality for all classes and actively worked to end untouchability and gender discrimination. By educating women and marginalized communities, she sought to dismantle the traditional caste hierarchy that limited their societal roles. Her adoption of a child from a Brahmin widow also defied prevailing caste norms .

Q: What were the significant contributions of Savitribai Phule towards women's education in India?

Savitribai Phule was a pioneer in women's education in India. She became India's first female educator and established the first school for girls in Pune in 1848 with her husband, Jyotirao Phule, significantly advancing women's education, especially for marginalized communities. She also set up a shelter for homeless women in 1864 and established a clinic during the bubonic plague pandemic . Her work emphasized the importance of education in freeing individuals from societal and caste restrictions .

Q: Discuss the legacy of Savitribai Phule in the context of 21st-century women's education in India.

Savitribai Phule's legacy in women's education continues to influence contemporary educational policies and feminist movements. Her pioneering work laid the foundation for increased female literacy rates and greater educational inclusion for marginalized communities in modern India. Institutions continue to honor her by being renamed after her and her story inspires women's rights activists today .

Q: How did Savitribai Phule contribute to health care during the bubonic plague pandemic in India?

During the bubonic plague in the 1890s, Savitribai Phule demonstrated exemplary commitment by establishing a clinic in Hadapsar, Pune, with her adopted son Yashawant Rao to treat victims. Her actions were driven by empathy and a sense of responsibility towards the community. She risked her life during this work and eventually contracted the disease herself .

Q: In what manner did Savitribai Phule's personal experiences shape her reformist ideologies and actions?

Savitribai Phule's personal experiences, such as being taught by her husband and experiencing societal resistance as a woman and a Dalit, profoundly influenced her reformist ideologies. Her own journey from illiteracy to becoming an educator and activist inspired her to make education accessible to women and marginalized communities. She sought to dismantle societal structures that limited her potential and those of others .

Q: In what ways did Savitribai Phule's work intersect with the broader social reform movements in India during the 19th century?

Savitribai Phule's work was a crucial part of the broader social reform movements in 19th-century India. She collaborated with her husband in founding the Satyashodhak Samaj, which sought to challenge and reform societal norms related to caste. Savitribai actively criticized societal practices such as child marriage and advocated for widow remarriage. Her actions merged with movements focusing on caste equality and women's rights, setting a precedent for later reformers .

Q: What was the role of Savitribai Phule in the Satyashodhak Samaj and how did it relate to her overall social reform agenda?

Savitribai Phule was instrumental in the Satyashodhak Samaj founded by her husband, Jyotirao Phule, focusing on social liberation from caste oppression and gender inequality. She assumed the leadership role after Jyotirao's death, becoming the president. Her participation in this organization highlighted her agenda of social equality and her proactive stance in the social reform movement .

Q: What was Savitribai Phule's approach to poetry, and how did it reflect her broader social reform goals?

Savitribai Phule utilized poetry to advocate against social injustices and promote education. Her poems were vehicles for expressing her criticisms against caste discrimination and gender inequality. By writing about social issues, she utilized poetry as both a creative outlet and a means to mobilize public opinion towards progressive reforms .

Q: How did Savitribai Phule address the issue of coercive practices related to festivals and family obligations in her writings?

Savitribai Phule critiqued coercive practices and obligations related to festivals and family through her writings. She expressed opposition to excessive financial burdens caused by social obligations, like borrowing money for festivals, which often led to debt. She argued for practicality and the need to break free from societal pressures that perpetuated such financial traps .

Q: What challenges did Savitribai Phule face in her efforts to promote education and social reform?

Savitribai Phule faced significant opposition from conservative sections of society who were against women's education and social reform. Despite societal resistance, she persevered in establishing schools and combating social norms, even risking her life during the bubonic plague. Abusive tactics from those who opposed her efforts to educate girls were common, yet her resilience and commitment to the cause remained unwavering .

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Anudhyan 23

Research Journal

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ISSN : 2455-6319

Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences

(AIJSS)
Volume 8  Issue 1

Raja Narendralal Khan Women’s College (Autonomous)

Gope Palace • Midnapur • Paschim Medinipur • West Bengal • India
Website:[Link]

1
Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Anudhyan: An International Journal of Social Sciences

(AIJSS)
Volume 8  Issue 1
Published on: August 2023
CHIEFEDITOR
Dr. Rina Pal, Associate Professor, Department of History, RNLK Women’s College
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
Dr. Sujoy Kumar Maity, Associate Professor, Department of Bengali, RNLK Women’s College
ASSISTANT EDITORS
Dr. Bipul Kumar Mandal
Associate Professor, Department of Bengali, RNLK Women’s College
Dr. Krishna Kumar Sarkar
Assistant Professor, Department of History, RNLK Women’s College
COPY EDITOR
Dr. Bhibhas Chand, Assistant Professor, Department of English, RNLK Women’s College
EDITOREAL BOARD
Prof. Mesba Kamal, Professor of History, Dhaka University
Prof. Sanjoy Mukherjee, Professor of Film Studies, Jadavpur University

Dr. Sarbani Ganguly, Professor, Department of Sanskrit, Jadavpur University.

Prof. Layek Ali Khan, Professor, Department of Bengali, Vidyasagar University
Prof. Tanveer Nasreen, Professor, Department of History, Burdwan University.
Prof. Rajkumar Kothary, Professor, Department of Political Science with Rural Administration, Vidyasagar University
Prof. Anil K. Jana, Retd. Professor, Department of Political Science with Rural Administration, Vidyasagar University
Prof. Prabhat Mishra, Retd. Professor, Department of Philosophy and the Life-world, Vidyasagar University
Dr. Sobhan Lal Datta Gupta, Rtd. Professor, Department of Political Science, Calcutta University.
Dr. Durga Shankar Rath, Professor, Department of Library Science, Vidyasagar University
Dr. Sankar Prasad Sinha, Retd. Professor, Department of English, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Ambarish Mukhopadhay, Professor, Department of Political Science with Rural Administration, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Sumanta Kumar Mandal, Professor, Department of Physical Education, Biswabharati University.
Prof. Rabindranath Chattopadhay, Emeritus Professor, Architecture and Regional Planning, IIT-Kharagpur

Prof. Jayanta Jaydeb, Visiting Professor, Department of Philosophy, Utkal University, Former Director, School
of Women Studies, Utkal University.
Dr. Alak Pal, M.D., FRCOG, Consultant Obstetrician and Gynaecologist at Ealing Hospital NHS Trust, London.
Dr. Sebak Jana, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Debashis Bandopadhyay, Associate Professor, Department of English, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Papia Gupta, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Tapan De, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Vidyasagar University.
Dr. Ramkrishna Maity, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Vidyasagar University.

Sri. Ladli Mukhopadhay, Film Director and Film Critic.

Dr. Pradip Kumar Ghosh, Musicologist

2
Anudhyan: An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS) is an open access, peer-

reviewed Journal of Raja Narendralal Khan Women's College, Midnapore. The main objective
of AIJSS is to provide an intellectual platform for the faculty members, researchers and
scholars.
The Journal publishes research papers in the fields of Social Sciences such as
Economics, Education, Ethics, Geography, History, International Relations, Information
Science, Law, Linguistics, Library Science, Media Studies, Human Rights, Philosophy,
Political Science, Population Studies, Psychology, Public Administration, Sociology, Social
Welfare, Literature, Performing Arts (Music, Theatre, Dance), Anthropology, Cross-cultural
Studies, Demography, Development Studies, Visual Arts, Women’s Studies and so on.
The Journal will be published annually in both Print and Online versions. IJSS
publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual frame work, analytical and simulation
models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes and book reviews. Special issues
devoted to important topics in humanities and social science will occasionally be published.

Editorial Policies
Subject to the editorial screening at the preliminary stage, all papers are sent to the
experts of university/IIT level for review.
The author of the manuscripts is provided with the opportunity to revise the
manuscript, if necessary, to improve the standard by incorporating the suggestion of the
Reviewer within a given time.
Manuscript submitted for publication is under the Jurisdiction of Copyright Act.
The Editorial Board reserves the full copyright of the published paper. Editor reserves the
right to make cosmetic/stylistic changes which do not affect the motive of the paper without
consulting the author.
The Journal receives manuscripts anytime during the year and considers for
publication in the forthcoming issue.
The views expressed in the paper are of the authors’ own and the Editorial Board
bears no responsibility for it.
Page Charges – There are no page charges for this Journal.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Manuscript Preparation : Instruction to the Author

Manuscripts must be submitted electonically as an attachement in MS Word and PDF Version

through e-mail to the chief editor at ijssrnlk@[Link]
Language
The language of the manuscript must be in English (either American or British standard, but not the
mixture of both except for Bengali literature).
Type and Length of paper
Original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies,
empirical research, technical notes, and book reviews will be considered for publication. An article
would normally consist of 8-10 pages with about 4000 words (excluding figures, tables and references),
“although high-quality articles which exceed the word limit will be considered. Manuscripts must be
typed in MS word.
Title Page
Title page is a separated page before the text. It should include the following information:
Title
Title should be concise and informative. Try to avoid abbreviations.
Author’s names and affiliations
Please indicate the given name and family name clearly. Present the authors’ affiliation addresses
(where the actual work was done) below the names. Indicate all affiliations with a lower-case
superscript letter immediately after the author’s name and in front of the appropriate address.
Provide the full postal address of each affiliation, including the country name, and, if available, the
e-mail address, and telephone number of each author.
Corresponding author
Clearly indicate who is willing to handle correspondence at all stages of refereeing, publication and
also post-publication. Ensure that telephone numbers (with country and area code) are provided
in addition to the e-mail address and the complete postal address.
Abstract
A concise abstract is required with a maximum length of 150 words. The abstract should state briefly
the purpose of the research, the principal results obtained and major conclusions. An abstract is often
presented separately from the article, so it must be able to stand alone. References should therefore
be avoided, but if essential, they must be cited in full, without reference to the reference list.
Keywords
Immediately after the abstract, provide a maximum of 8 keywords, avoiding general and plural terms
and multiple concepts (avoid, for example, ‘and’, ‘of’).
Subdivision of the article
Divide your article into clearly defined and numbered sections. Sections should be numbered 1, 2. etc.
The abstract is not included in section numbering.
Main Body or text can be subdivided into headings and subheadings (subsections). Subsections
should be numbered as 1.1, 1.1.1, 1.1.2 etc.)
Table and Figures
Present tables and figures at appropriate positions in the text. Caption should be placed at the bottom
of the table/figure. Number the captions as 1., 2., 3. etc. Please note that the article will be published
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Acknowledgement
If the research is sponsored or supported by an organization, please indicate it here.

4
References
Citations in the text
Please ensure that every reference cited in the text is also present in the reference list (and vice versa).
Avoid citation in the abstract. Unpublished results and personal communications should not be in the
reference list, but may be mentioned in the text. Citation of a reference as ‘in press’ implies that the
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References should be arranged first alphabetically and then further sorted chronologically if necessary.
More than one reference from the same author(s) in the same year must be identified by the letters
“a”, “b”, “c”, etc., placed after the year of publication.
Examples:
Reference to a journal publication:
Van der Geer, J., Hanraads, J. A. J., & Lupton R. A. (2000). The art of writing a scientific article.
Journal of Scientific Communications, 163, 51-59.
Reference to a book:
Strunk, W., Jr., & White, E. B. (1979). The elements of style. (3rd ed.), (Chapter 4). Macmillan, New
York.
Reference to a chapter in an edited book:
Mettam, G. R., & Adams, L. B. (1994). How to prepare an electronic version of your article. In B. S.
Jones, & R. Z. Smith (Eds.), Introduction to the electronic age (pp. 281-304). New York: E-Publishing
Inc.
Reference to a web source:
Smith, Joe, (1999), One of Volvo’s core values. [Online] Available: [Link]
[Link] (July 7, 1999).
Submission Preparation Checklist
Before submitting the manuscript, author(s) should check the following list.
1. The submission has not been previously published, nor is it before another journal for
consideration.
2. The submission file is in Microsoft Word file/ PDF format.
3. Manuscript has been made in the light of Journal’s author guidelines.
4. Author(s) did not mention his or her name and affiliation in the main text but only on the title
page.
5. Author(s) has read all the terms and conditions of the journal.
6. Authors may prepare a list of three reviewers with Institute name and designation , full address,
contact number and email and submit separately with the manuscript.
Sample Of The Title Page
Title (First Letter in Caps)
Studies on Some Historical Sites in Midnapore
Author’s names and affiliations
Maity, Jayantaa ; Ghosh, Subhrab and Pal, Dilipb*
a
Vidyasagar University, Address, Phone Number/Mobile, email
b
University of Calcutta, Address, Phone Number/Mobile, email
*Corresponding author
Copyright
Copyrights for articles published in IJSS are retained by the authors, with first publication rights
granted to the journal. The journal/publisher is not responsible for subsequent uses of the work. It is
the author’s responsibility to bring an infringement action if so desired by the author.

5
Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

6
From the Desk of the Editor

Anudhyan: An International Journal of Social Science has gained a reputation

over the years. It is a matter of pleasure that this journal has maintained its regularity
of publication, unlike many academic journals of Indian universities. Anudhyan
has now been the target place for bringing out research articles by young
researchers, PhD scholars, and professors from various colleges and universities.
As per the UGC regulations, Anudhyan is always an Academic, Peer-reviewed,
and Non-commercial research journal. The 2023 volume of this journal has
addressed the variegated critical research areas such as Ramakrishna Mission
Movement, Left Politics, Sundarbans studies, Industrialisation of colonial India,
Tribal studies, Etymology, Music etc. Several new research articles have been
accommodated in this volume.
Dasarath Paul, a Ph.D. Research Scholar, in his paper on “Sri Sarada Math
and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission” tries to evaluate the role of Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission to spread the basic ideals and methods of the Ramakrishna movement in
providing education, medical services, distribution of relief materials, rehabilitation,
etc. irrespective of all caste, creed, class, colour, and religion. “The Plight of the
Tiger-Widows in the Sundarbans” is an empirical study of Sundarbans tiger-human
conflicts and their impact on widows whose husbands were killed by tigers. The
study attempts to analyze the socio-economic profile of the tiger-widows and to
measure the impact of the incident including the cultural stigma related to being
killed by a tiger. This is ethnographic research to excavate how the lives of
Sundarbans-women have been influenced by the incident of tiger-human conflicts
leading to their economic and social insecurity, deprivation, abuse, and exploitation.
Interviews of tiger-widows and focused group discussions help to unfold the cultural
stigma related to tiger killings and how their life has been squeezed. Souvik Das in
his paper “The Intoxicating Drug Culture of Colonial Bengal” shows how several
intoxicating substances were common in pre-colonial Bengali society. The British
rulers introduced new factors that profoundly altered Bengal's social and cultural
perceptions and drug intoxication patterns. Consumption of intoxicating drugs was
not only a social concern but also a subject of colonial power's excise regulations
to impose imperial control over the colonised people, with the drug industry being
an essential source of revenue.
Dr. Sanjib Ghosh has written on the pioneering contribution of Sir Rajendranath
Mookherjee in Engineering and entrepreneurship during colonial rule in India.

7
Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Puspendu Routh's paper is a historical study of the Portuguese Trade in Mediaeval

Bengal. The Portuguese came to Bengal in the early part of the sixteenth century.
Since the Portuguese came to Bengal for trade purposes, they started ways and
means to set up trade centres in various parts of Bengal. The granting of trade
licences to the Portuguese greatly accelerated the growth of Bengal as a European
trading nation in India. The entry of the British in the later centuries came in the
wake of the exploitation of Bengal's resources by the Portuguese. Thus, although
the Portuguese helped in the progress of trade in Bengal, they also paved the way
for British imperialism in India via Bengal.
Bhumij is one of the tribes who still retain a set of totemic exogamous subdivisions
closely resembling those of the Munda and Santal. As a result, there was an impact
of both tribal Mundari socio-cultural traits and Hindu traits on the Bhumij people.
Rupa Ghosh has written on the Tribal Theology of the Bhumij of South-Western
Bengal. Dr. Arnab Adhikary's paper “Allegory of an Alternative Politics” throws
new light upon, a comparatively less-touched subject, women empowerment in
Left Regime in West Bengal. It attempts to investigate how and why the women of
Bengal were left behind from the main political realm during the Left Front era in
West Bengal. It also tries to analyse how much CPI (M)'s class politics was
accountable for that. Dr. Bibhas Chand in his paper has written, quite interestingly,
on the development and transmission of Bengali anglicized words by analysing
their components.
All other papers on various areas of humanities and social science are equally
rich in research and innovative way of representation.
The 'Anudhyan Team' heartily acknowledges the support received from all
corners, especially the reviewers, the copy-editors, the printer, and above all, Dr.
Jayasree Laha, Principal, Raja N.L. Khan Women's College (Autonomous) for
bringing out the present issue of the journal.

8
Contents

Sabitri Bai Phule : The First Woman Teacher of India

Rina Pal 11
Allegory of an Alternative Politics: Women Empowerment in Left
Regime
Dr. Arnab Adhikary 26
State of Exception and Embrace: Analyzing the rise of the K-Wave in
Northeastern India
Dr. Sourish Ghosh 37
Use of Social Networking Site for Academic Purposes
Sk Sabbar Hossain 53
The Tribal Theology: A Brief Case Study on Bhumij of South-Western
Bengal
Rupa Ghosh 75
Portuguese Trade in Mediaeval Bengal : A Historical Overview
Puspendu Routh 87
Indian Migration and Its Impacts on Indian Women
Dr. Malyashree Mandal 96
From Engineer to Entrepreneur: Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee, a
Torchbearer of Indian Industrialization
Dr. Sanjib Ghosh 108
The Intoxicating Drug Culture of Colonial Bengal and the Altered Taste
Souvik Das 116
Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission: An important stream
of the Ramakrishna Movement
Dasarath Paul & Kakoli Tah 135
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee: Partition of Bengal and its Aftermath
Dhiraj Choudhary 149
Secularism in Swami Vivekananda’s Religious Philosophy
Gargi Medda 159

9
Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Prominent Interpretations and Translations of ørãmadbhagavadgãtà:

Perspectives and Outlook
Dr. Pratim Bhattacharya 167
Affectionate Mother: Divinity and Humanity of Sarada Devi
Dr. Rajesh Biswas 182
The Plight of the Tiger Widows in the Sundarbans: An Empirical Study
Moitrayee Basu & Dr. Atish Prosad Mondal 187
Ethnicity, Identity and Power: A Study on Contemporary Thailand
Dr. Purabi Barman 197
Simulation: An Alternative to Mindreading
Dyuti Ghosh 213
Bankim Chadra Chattopadhyay's Rajmohan's Wife: An Eastern Figure in
Western Dress
Atasi Sahoo 221
Therapy of Mind through Indian Classical Music and Yoga: The Concept
Dr. Sujata Roy Manna 229
Chārvāka Ethics and Its Practical Impact in Our Life
Swarnali Maitra 234
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ö¢… ¢y!î¹îû ö£yöì¢˜ 240
Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå[ [Uãú-WýáURá : *@üâýIý #áïí]áýEýRá

aå]d…á UóáRáªãß 252

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vþ. x!›“þ „%þ›yîû ˜r”# 273
Xbáïír‡Nýá íPUã[ `#âd…BWÞý' : *@üâýIý SYÞáïí]áýEýRá
På]á]ã aïí[R 280

10
Sabitri Bai Phule : The First Woman Teacher of India
Rina Pal

Abstract
Savitribai Phule was a prominent figure in Maharashtra at the time and a significant social
reformer. She was the first woman to teach at an Indian girl’s school. She was a great social
reformer as well as a teacher. She was a powerful advocate for women’s education and
empowerment in the nineteenth century. She also helped establish contemporary Marathi
poetry. In 1848, during a time of crisis, she and Jyotirao Phule established a nine- student
girl’s school in Bhide Wada, Pune, and she also taught there. She did not stop there; in the
interest of the human race and society, she spoke out against child marriage, sati pratha,
and child widows. She also advocated for a positive outlook on widow remarriage. She, like
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, was a hero to the Dalit and Mang communities. Additionally, she
advocated against untouchability and caste and gender discrimination. Savitribai Jyotirao
Phule was a well-known poet, educator, and social reformer from India who was instrumental
in advancing women’s education and empowerment in the nineteenth century. Savitribai,
along with her husband Jyotirao Phule, is credited with founding the first girl’s school in
Pune in Bhide Wada.
Keywords : First female educator, Savitribaiphule, Caste Discrimination, Women’s Liberation
Indian culture, education, and feminist thought

Introduction
Savitribai Phule was born on January 3, 1831, in Naigaon, Maharashtra’s Satara
district. Lakshmi Bai and Khandoji Nevse Patil were her parents. She married
Jyotirao Phule, also known as Mahatma Jotiba Phule, when she was 9 years old in
1840. In addition, Jyotirao Phule was a great thinker, writer, social activist, and
social reformer who opposed caste. Jotirao Phule and Savitribai Phule had no
children of their own. They adopted the child of a Brahmin widow. That child went
by the name Yashawant Rao. After getting married, Savitribai Phule started going
to school. Jyotirao Phule insisted that she start learning on her own because of her
interest in education. She became interested in teaching after passing a normal
school’s third and fourth year exam. After that, she attended training at Ms. Farar’s
Institution in Ahmednagar to improve her skills. Jyotirao Phule was continuously
standing and enormously upholds movements of every sort of Savitribai Phule.
With her husband, she runs numerous social services. Savitribai Phule and Jyotirao
Associate Professor, Department of History, Raja N.L. Khan Women’s College, Paschim Medinipur,
West Bengal.

11
Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Phule made many school for ladies training and low cast kid. In honor of the Phule
family’s contributions to education, the British government held this event on
November 16, 1852. In 1983, the Pune City Corporation constructed a memorial in
her honor. On March 10, 1998, the Indian government issued a postal stamp in her
honor. The name of the university was changed to Savitribai Phule Pune University
in 2015 from The University of Pune. On January 3, 2017, Google created a Google
Doodle to commemorate her 186th birthday.
On her birthday today, Savitri Bai Phule, the first female educator in modern
India, is being honored. She was born in Naigaon, a small village in Maharashtra,
on January 3, 1831. In India, her life is celebrated as a shining example of women’s
rights. In 1840, she married Jyotirao Phule when she was only nine years old.
Savitribai was taught to read and write by Jyotirao, who was impressed by her
eagerness to learn. In 1847, she completed teacher education and became a licensed
educator. In 1848, Savitribai and Jyotirao opened a school for girls in Pune with the
intention of improving the situation of women in the country. She became India’s
first female educator. In 1864, Savitribai also established a shelter for homeless
women because she was sympathetic to the plight of widows in the country.
Satyashodhak Samaj, founded by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, was shaped by Mrs.
Savitribai. Savitribai established a clinic for plague victims in Hadapsar, Pune, in
the 1890s, as the bubonic plague spread throughout Maharashtra. She also contracted
the disease while transporting a 10-year-old plague victim to the clinic. Savitribai
Phule passed away on March 10, 1897. The life and work of Savitribai are examples
of social change and female empowerment in Indian society.
Savitribai was born on January 3, 1831, in Naigaon, British India, into a farming
family. She was the eldest daughter of Khandoji Neveshe Patil and Lakshmi. In
1840, Savitribai, who was nine years old at the time, wed Jyotirao Phule, who was
12 years old at the time, in accordance with the custom. Jyotirao went on to become
an anti-caste social reformer, thinker, writer, and social activist. He is regarded as
one of the most influential members of the social reform movement in Maharashtra.
After Savitribai got married, she started going to school. After he noticed that she
was eager to learn and educate herself, it was her husband who taught her to read
and write. She passed a normal school’s third and fourth year exams and became
passionate about teaching. She took preparing at Ms Farar’s Foundation in
Ahmednagar. Savitribai had Jyotirao’s full support throughout all of her social

12
Rina Pal

endeavors. She was one of the few women of her time who were literate. She put
in a lot of effort to educate and free child widows, opposed child marriage and sati
pratha, and supported widow remarriage. She is regarded as an icon of the Dalit
Mang caste alongside the likes of B. R. Ambedkar and Annabhau Sathe. She was
a leading figure in the social reform movement in Maharashtra. She actively worked
to end caste and gender-based discrimination and campaigned against untouchability.

Objectives of The Study:

This study aims to
 Investigate Savitribai Phule’s pragmatic outlook and feminist ideology.
 To examine Savitribai Phule as a revolutionary and social reformer.
 To learn about Savitribai Phule’s impact on education
 In the 21st century to learn about Savitribai Phule’s impact
 On women’s education in the 21st century.
Before the early nationalists used social reform as a campaign strategy, Savitribai
Phule started several initiatives for social change. The challenge she posed to the
well- established patriarchal and Brahmanical relationships, particularly in terms of
combating female illiteracy and the caste system, was one of her main interventions.
Savitribai and Jyotirao Phule were the first to make numerous efforts among Stree-
Shudra-Atishudra, opening their schools to “women and lower castes,” providing
untouchables with access to drinking water, and providing their homes to widows
and orphans. According to the report, “The prejudice against teaching girls to read
and write began to give way the good conduct and honesty of the peons in conveying
the girls to and from school, as well as the parental treatment and indulgent attention
of the teachers made the girls love the schools and literally run to them with joy.”
During a time when women were oppressed, Savitribai Phule fought against injustice
against women. Her contributions to women’s education in India, including the
establishment of the nation’s first school for women, have earned her a reputation.
She has been referred to as a feminist for each of these exceptional works. In fact,
she is often referred to as the first modern Indian feminist. We call this perspective
on her the feminist perspective. The first modern Indian feminists who advocated
for women’s rights and opposed window shaving of their heads.
Role in Women Education & Empowerment
In 1848, while Savitribai was still in her teens, Jyotirao and Savitribai established

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Poona, Pune’s first indigenously run school for girls. The determined couple was
provided shelter by a friend, Usman Sheikh, and his sister, Fatima Sheikh, who also
gave the Phule couple a place in their premises to start the school, despite the fact
that they were ostracized by both their family and the community for taking this
action. The school’s first teacher was Savitribai. Later on, Jyotirao and Savitribai
established schools for children from the Mang and Mahar castes, which were
thought to be untouchable. In 1852, there were three Phule schools in operation.
The Phule family was honored by the British government on November 16 of that
year for their contributions to education, and Savitribai was named the best teacher.
She also established the Mahila Seva Mandal that year with the intention of raising
women’s awareness of their rights, dignity, and other social issues. She was able to
successfully organize a strike by barbers in Mumbai and Pune to oppose the
widespread practice of shaving widows’ heads.
By the year 1858, the Phules had closed all three of their schools. This was
due to a number of factors, including the end of private European donations following
the Indian Rebellion in 1857, Jyotirao’s resignation from the school management
committee due to disagreements over the curriculum, and the government’s
withdrawal of support. Jyotirao, Savitribai, and Fatima Sheikh also took charge of
educating members of oppressed communities, despite the circumstances. Savitribai
taught children from various castes in 18 schools over the course of her life. Savitribai
and Fatima Sheikh started teaching women and people from underprivileged castes.
Many people didn’t like this, especially the upper caste of Pune who didn’t want
Dalits to learn. The locals threatened Savitribai and Fatima Sheikh, and they also
socially harassed and humiliated them. Savitribai was confronted as she made her
way toward the school with mud, cow dung, and stones. Savitribai, determined to
achieve her goal, would carry two saris, but such atrocities would not deter her.
Saguna Bai, who later rose to prominence as a figurehead in the education movement,
later joined Savitribai and Fatima Sheikh. In the meantime, in 1855, the Phules
opened a night school for farmers and laborers so that they could work during the
day and go to school at night. Savitribai instituted the practice of providing stipends
to children who enrolled in school in order to monitor the dropout rate. For the
young girls she taught, she remained an inspiration. She encouraged them to engage
in artistic and writing endeavors. Mukta Salve, one of a student’s essays, became
the poster child for Dalit feminism and literature during that time. She held parent-

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teacher conferences on a regular basis to educate parents about the value of

education and encourage them to send their children to school. Jyotirao and Savitribai
also opened a care center in 1863 under the name “Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha,”
which is thought to have been the very first home in India dedicated to the prevention
of infanticide. It was established so that pregnant Brahmin widows and rape victims
could deliver their children in a secure location, thereby reducing the number of
infanticides and preventing widow deaths. In 1874, Jyotirao and Savitribai, who
had no children of their own, adopted a child from a Brahmin widow named Kashibai,
sending a clear message to society’s progressives. Yashavantrao, the adopted son,
went on to become a doctor.

Contribution of Savitribai Phule on Education in 21st Century As a Mother

of Modern Education:
Today, we found women working in every field in India. Because Savitribai Phule
initially struggled and was frequently criticized in the past, they are able to walk,
talk, and engage in social activities freely. Not only did she fight for girls to get an
education, but she also fought for widows, single mothers, and women who had
unwanted pregnancies the right to dignity. She recognized the significance of
women’s education as well as the significance of knowing English. She continued
to exert herself despite the ongoing harassment. There have been numerous
revolutions around the world, including the agricultural revolution, the industrial
revolution, the information revolution, and the bio revolution, but none of these
revolutions have been able to alleviate human suffering or problems. She worked
for the ladies when ladies were objects to be utilized, training for them was viewed
as a wrongdoing. Because she was a modern woman, she defied all boundaries
when she spoke. The women of today should be thankful for the numerous lives
she ignited. Women of today are enjoying the fruits of the education tree that was
nurtured and planted by Savitribai Phule. She saw education as igniting the minds
and personalities of everyone, not just literacy or knowing the words. The concepts
of the Earn and Learn program, the Midday Meal Program, and the Right to
Education Act of today are novel. However, Savitribai Phule incorporated all of
these ideas into her education. She once provided students with a stipend to keep
them from dropping out of school. She inspired students to request a library rather
than present her with gifts. She used to direct the parent-educators meeting at

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ordinary stretches so guardians can comprehend the significance of instruction and

they can propel their kids for training. She used to feed students because she was
well aware of the connection between education and malnutrition.

Role of Women Empowerment in Society:

Schools for children from the Mang and Mahar castes, which were thought to be
untouchable, were established by Jyotirao and Savitribai. In 1852, there were three
Phule schools in operation. That same year, she also established the Mahila Seva
Mandal to educate women about their rights, dignity, and other social issues. Jyotirao
and Savitribai also started a care center in 1863 called “Balhatya Pratibandhak
Griha,” which may have been the first home in India to ban infanticide. It was
established so that pregnant Brahmin widows and rape victims could deliver their
children in a secure location, thereby reducing the number of infanticides and
preventing widow deaths. Savitribai tirelessly opposed social problems like child
marriage and sati pratha, two of the most sensitive social issues that were gradually
reducing women’s ability to exist. She also worked to integrate child widows into
society by educating and empowering them, as well as by advocating for their
remarriage. Such pursuits additionally met areas of strength for with from the
moderate upper rank society

Women Education
A year in the wake of finishing her preparation in 1848 Jyothirao Phule opened a
young ladies school with Savitiri as headmistress. She established India’s first school
for women. People were opposed to her running a school for girls at the time
because women’s education was not considered to be of any importance.
Particularly the upper positions emphatically went against Dalit instruction. Only
nine students from the community of Sudra – Atisudra, at the bottom of the caste
ladder, made up her first batch. Due to a lack of funds, the school had to close after
six months of operation. In Pune’s Rastapeth, they opened a second girl’s school.
Later, they opened a third girl’s school in Pune’s Bataalpeth. The subject included
Grammer, Maths, Geology and the Historical backdrop of Maratha’s rather than
Brahmanical texts like Vedas and Shastras. The Phule family was honored by the
British government on November 16, 1852, for their contributions to education, and
Savitribai was named the best teacher. By 1858, all three schools had been closed.

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This was due to a number of factors, including the cessation of private European
donations following the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the jyotirao’s resignation from the
school management committee due to disagreements over curriculum, and the
government’s withdrawal of support. Despite the circumstances, they and Fatima
Sheikh assumed responsibility for educating oppressed communities as well. Savitribai
taught children from various castes at 18 schools over the years. To deter her, the
high rank individuals tossed cow-waste and mud at her separated from obnoxious
attacks while she strolls towards the school. She carried two sarees with her every
day and continued her journey despite the atrocities she had to endure. Jyotirao
and Savitiri made a formidable team, and their ultimate goal was to bring together
all oppressed communities in one place. They were the first modern Indians to fully
challenge the Brahminical casteist social structure. They eventually included Muslims
and Adivasis, and they fought fervently for their emancipation as well. She offered
stipends to children who attended school in order to control the dropout rate. She
used to hold parent-teacher meetings to make parents aware of the requirements
for education because she believed that parents played a significant role in educating
their children. In the 1850’s the phule couple started two instructive trusts - the
Local Female School in pune and The General public for advancing the Training of
Mahars, Mangs and Etceteras which came to have many schools under them. One
of these schools’ headmistress was Savitri. In 1855, a request came to Fatima
Sheikh to take over a school. In addition, in 1855, the couples established a night
school for workers and peasants. There are a lot of poor people who can’t go to
regular schools because they can only work at night, so a couple started a night
school to meet their needs.
According to Thakur (2012), a number of factors contribute to girls’ lower
educational attainment rates, including being tasked with household chores, being
raised to accept a domestic role, having mothers who are illiterate and unable to
educate their children, relying economically on men, and sometimes facing child
marriage. Savitribai Phule’s efforts to raise awareness about women’s education
at the time led to boycotts and criticism primarily from men. As she worked to
improve the status of women in India and raise awareness of the significance of
women’s education, her husband Jyotirao Phule was one of her most ardent
supporters. When Jyotirao Phule was nine years old and illiterate, Phule married
her. In 1851, Savitribai Phule established three schools and taught 150 students.

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She would later establish Dalit and lower caste women’s schools as well as 18
schools across the country, the majority of which were for upper caste women.
She gave women stipends to encourage them to go to school.

Social Activist
Savitribai, like her husband, was a revolutionary who led numerous progressive
movements on her own. She began the MahilaSeva Mandal in 1852 which worked
for the consciousness of ladies’ privileges and thoroughly crusaded against the
dehumanization of widows and pushed widow remarriage. She also opened a
rehabilitation center for illegitimate children and spoke out against infanticide.
Savitribai also successfully orchestrated a strike by barbers in Mumbai and Pune
to protest the inhuman practice of shaving the heads of widows. Additionally, she
never hesitated to implement her reforms within her own home. Savitiribai valued
Jyotirao as her teacher as well as her husband. He had helped her get back on her
feet, educated her, and given her a new lease on life. She gave her husband her full
cooperation and endured all of the difficulties they faced together. The Phules’
primary goal was education, but they also participated in a number of other charitable
endeavors. A sastri from the neighborhood raped a young Brahmin widow who
was working as a cook in the house of jyotiba’s friend. The sastri refused to take
responsibility when the widow Kashibai gave birth to a child. She gave birth to a
son after all attempts to kill the baby failed. She killed the child out of fear of the
social stigma that comes with having children outside of marriage. Kashibai was
charged by the police, and she was later given a life sentence in the Andaman
Islands. In 1863, a Phule couple established an infanticide prevention home for the
benefit of pregnant women and their children.
They distributed provocative pamphlets in Brahmin colonies to promote the facility.
This not only saved the lives of numerous pregnant widows but also drew the ire of
many Brahmins. because upper-caste Hindu widows were shunned by society and
prohibited from remarrying. When people were unwilling to provide thirsty
untouchables with water, even their shadow was regarded as impure. In 1868,
Savitribai and Jyotirao Phule made their house’s well available to untouchables.
The Samaj’s goal was to educate backward communities about their rights as
human beings and assist them in escaping Brahminical society through this symbolic
act, which challenged the caste system’s notions of purity and pollution. This bold

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move questioned the Brahmins’ authority, who had long presided over religious
ceremonies. Savitribai started to lead the pack here and aided a young lady, the girl
of a dear companion, wed youthful single man she was enamored with. The wedding
went off without a Brahmin in charge, despite opposition. In British India, this may
have been one of the first civil weddings. Even though jyotiba had already made
arrangements for police protection, the second wedding went off without a hitch.
At the age of sixteen, their son Yashwant also wed a woman from a different
caste. In British India, this was the first marriage between people of different
castes that was recorded. Jyotiba and Savitri invited Radha, Yashwant’s fiancee,
to stay in their home well in advance of the date so that the young couple could get
to know each other better and see if they were compatible. Savitri personally
tutored Radha and sent her to school during this time. In a society that believed in
marrying children without their consent, this was a revolutionary step. With the
assistance of Satyashodhak volunteers, the couples in Maharashtra provided the
famine victims with all the assistance they could. In addition, they established 52
boarding schools to educate and feed orphaned children.

Literature Review
A study titled “Savitribai Phule Contribution to Indian Social Elements – A Study”
was conducted in 2019 by S. M. Katke. In this study, it was mentioned that Savitribai
Jyotirao Phule was a well-known Indian social reformer, educator, and poet who
actively contributed to the education and empowerment of women in the 19th
century. With her husband, Jyotirao Phule, Savitribai established the first girls’ school
in Pune, Bhide Wada, making her one of the few educated women of her time. She
went to great lengths to raise and free child widows, she opposed Sati Pratha and
child marriage, and she advocated for widows to remarry. She is regarded as an
icon of the Dalit Mang caste alongside B. R. Ambedkar and Annabhau Sathe
because she was a major player in the social reform movement in Maharashtra.
She battled against unapproachability and effectively lobbied for the cancelation of
station and orientation segregation.
A study titled “Locating Savitribai Phule’s Feminism in the Trajectory of Global
Feminist Thought” was conducted by R. Pandey in 2019. When she talked about
self- reliance, the ability to reason, and public schools, she drew inspiration from
the first wave of feminism. As she spoke out against shelters and marriages between

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castes, her feminism showed traces of the second wave. When she talked about
bringing Stree Shudra Atishudra together and raising women with different identities,
her feminism also displayed some useful characteristics of third wave feminism.
Savitribai was also the first woman in India’s history to stake her husband’s claim.
The most extreme feminists must have been shocked by her decision to light her
husband’s pyre.
Mangala, K. D. (2018) carried out the study titled “Savitribai Phule: Savitribai’s
educational philosophy is an era promoter, and this study’s key issues are
revolutionary work and literature. Savitribai Phule is widely regarded as a positive
influence on Maharashtrian women’s lives. It is gratifying to note that Savitribai
elevated the woman as a result of her status as a noble and revolutionary observer
of her activities and personality. Women who have demonstrated their worth through
work in a variety of fields find inspiration in this new light of innovation. Because
Savitribai advocated for the liberation of all women and the Shudratishudra society
from slavery in the then-orthodox society of the nineteenth century, her work was
a challenge to the difficulties of the time. In the wake of India’s first teacher
women’s liberation movement, Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule’s position as a champion
of the oppressed and supporter of teaching is unavoidable. The medium of
phenomenal education is social change. Through education, he wanted to raise
society’s awareness. One of India’s great educators, Savitribai Phule established
the foundation for universal education approximately 175 years earlier. The social
and educational work that Savitribai Phule does is amazing and phenomenal.
Savitribai also wrote books at the same time. The society was being educated by
her writings. The entirety of his writing focused on social awareness. The public
good was the focus of all literature.
S. Jain conducted a research project titled “Caste and Education: The Vision
of Mahatma Jotirao Phule” The main findings are that the anti-caste movements’
ideologies were focused on Dalits’ “emancipation,” which all intellectuals desired.
Phule was the first anti-caste intellectual to advocate for Dalit mass education.
According to Omvedt, Dalit Visions 8: “superstition, bag of tricks, weapon of
domination,” he opposed Brahmanism. His wife, Savitribai Phule, is the primary
contributor to the education mission for oppressed women. Phule is not only regarded
as the primary figure of the anticaste movement; she is also a protester for the
empowerment of women. Jyotirao Phule says that women’s and lower-caste

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people’s education should be the top priority because their social positions and
conditions are so bad.
The study “Dalit Women Poets and New Themes in Poetry” by P. Somkuwar
(2014) focuses on the following major issues: Dalit literature written by contemporary
women writers has undergone a multifaceted revolution. It hardly remains the
literature of the lower classes, judging new themes and concepts. These
contemporary poets’ works are feministic, reflective, and universal, in addition to
being praising, lamenting, or even considering. They have elevated the Dr. Ambedkar
movement to new heights through the representation of universal themes in their
text. Their society and Dalit writers of the first and second generations have lofty
expectations for these contemporary Dalit women poets. The quote from Dr.
Ambedkar, “I measure the progress of the community by the degree of progress
that women have achieved,” concludes all discussion.
Savitribai Phule was the subject of a study by Wolf, T. (2011). It is argued that
the influence of the four original and extraordinary ideas shared by Comenius and
Savitribai can be seen in today’s literate Indian women anywhere in the world: that
education must be accessible to all children, child-friendly, intellectually critical,
and socially transformative for every child. In addition, every girl child in any school
in India sits with boys to read, browse the Internet, and learn new things. It is of the
Savitribai variety in India. Could such a different arrangement lead to a different
kind of social structure in the future—a world venue for education that is different
from the culture of the detention center where Savitribai lived? If that’s the case,
then I don’t know if the Indian children can still sing in a pleasant house and be
released into a truly original and extraordinary future, similar to that of Comenius
and Savitribai.

Role In Women Education & Empowerment

Savitribai Phule is well-known for her significant involvement in the fight against
slavery, inequity based on religion, caste, and race, and education for women’s
empowerment and emancipation. Savitribai Phule and Jyotirao Phule founded a
nine- student girl’s school in 1848 in Bhide Wada, Pune, to make this idea a reality.
Both faced social rejection as a result of this step. A friend, Usman Sheikh, and his
sister, Fatima Sheikh, offered assistance in this dangerous circumstance. They
likewise gave over their convenience to begin school. Savitribai Phule became the

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school’s first teacher. The social studies, mathematics, and science sections of the
Western curriculum were taught in this school. In 1852, Savitribai Phule and Jyotirao
Phule opened a second school for children from the Mang and Mahar castes in an
effort to combat untouchability. Savitribai Phule and her husband opened three
different schools for girls in Pune in 1852. There were a total of 150 students
enrolled in these three schools. Savitribai Phule opens 18 schools over the course
of a year to educate women, children, and other members of disadvantaged castes.
For the upper castes of Pune, all of these social activities became an eyesore.
They opposed educating dalits or members of lower castes. The upper caste people
repeatedly harassed and humiliated Savitribai Phule. They hit Savitribai Phule with
cow dung, mud, and stones, but she stuck to her goal and started an evening school
with her husband for farmers and day laborers.
Savitribai Phule was a feminist or social reformer who established the foundation
for women’s education in India around 180 years ago, when there was a lot of
orthodoxy, strict caste division, and superstition. The revelation of all aspects
demonstrates this. She also spoke out strongly against issues like caste discrimination,
child marriage, and feticide. At the time, this was a very inspiring event in India.
Later, great thinkers like Rabindranath
Tagore, Swami Vivekananda, and Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar also had similar
ideas about women’s education and empowerment. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, with
the assistance of Lord Bentinck, abolished the crucial practice of satidaha pratha
in 1829, approximately two years prior to the birth of Savitribai Phule. After that, in
1856, the Widow Marriage Act was approved by the government on the initiative
of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar. Savitribai Phule’s contemporary Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar also established 38 women’s education centers in West Bengal in 1858.
That is, the positive influence of Savitribai’s voice in Maharashtra spread to West
Bengal through Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar,
Rabindranath Tagore, and Swami Vivekananda, who then spread it throughout
India and the world, resulting in today’s improved society.

Role as Social Reformer

The Mahila Seva Mandal was established by Savitribai Phule to educate women
about their rights, self-respect, and other social issues. In protest of the conventional
narrow-mindedness toward widows, she participated in numerous social activities.

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After that, Savitribai Phule and Jyotirao Phule established the Balhatya Pratibandhak
Griha, a center for pregnant Brahmin widows and rape victims, where they assisted
with childbirth and saved their children. This wonderful movement made it possible
to prevent infanticide. Savitribai Phule and Jyotirao Phule adopt a child from Kashibai,
a Brahmin widow, at this time. Society benefits greatly from this adoption. In addition,
Jyotirao Phule promotes remarriage of widows, opposition to child marriage, and
sati pratha. After that, in 1897, Savitribai Phule and her adopted son Yashawant
Rao open a clinic in pune to treat people in the Nalasopara area who were affected
by the bubonic plague pandemic. Everyone fled the pandemic situation, but Savitribai
Phule did not hesitate to fight the crisis. In order to fight this pandemic, she even
risked her life.
Savitribai even composed expositions on issues like liquor fixation and obligation
traps. She vehemently opposed the practice of borrowing money to celebrate
festivals in “Karz” [Essays] because it led to enormous debt. She wrote about how
religious superstitions ensnared the poor. She was also a great speaker, and many
of her speeches were published while she was alive. She wrote, “The Shudras are
irreversibly blind due to lack of education. The Shudra does not understand his
happiness; he considers his sorrows to be his blessings.” in one of them. He has
carried this burden for 2000 years. She and her husband had attempted to shake it
off as a burden. Savitribai wrote his verse biography, Bavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar,
or The Ocean of Pearls, as an ode to Jyotiba’s outstanding life. Additionally, she
edited and published four speeches on Indian history by Jyotiba. Savitribai carried
on with the vision she had presented to Jyotiba. She was elected president and
assumed control of the Satyashodhak Samaj. She was the only female leader in
India in the 19th century who actively opposed caste and patriarchy and understood
its intersectional nature. Savitribai was a loving but fiercely revolutionary spirit
who changed many lives. She was referred to as Kaku, which means “paternal
aunt,” by all of her students. In 1983, the Pune City Corporation constructs a
memorial in her honor. On March 10, 1998, one hundred years after her death,
India Post issued a stamp in her honor. In 2015 the College of Pune was renamed
as Savitribai Phule Pune College in her honor.

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Conclusion
A name that was closely associated with women’s education and equal rights was
Savitribai Phule. In the nineteenth century saw the start of spread of ladies schooling
essentially by Savitribai Phule. She assisted women and members of the lower
caste to live in society with dignity in addition to providing education. She was a
social reformer as well as qualified instructor. She was such a lady whose
fundamental object was to teach the whole human race. Additionally, she established
numerous schools to serve those ends. His contributions to social welfare and
education are greatly appreciated by not only the nation but the entire world. She
paved the way for women’s education and served as a counterweight to B R
Ambedkar in the fight to reduce racial inequality in India.
Savitribai Phule set the standard for educating marginalized groups of society
and girls. Together with her husband, Jyotirao Phule, she established a school for
girls and became India’s first female educator in 1848. She went on to start a
shelter in 1864 for homeless women and helped Jyotirao Phule start the first institution,
Satyashodhak Samaj, in 1873, to fight for equality between people of all classes. In
India, her life is celebrated as a shining example of women’s rights. She is frequently
referred to as Indian feminism’s “mother.” Along with her revolutionary husband,
Savitribai Phule also struggled and suffered. She is little known outside of academia,
except for the fact that she is known as Jyotirao Phule’s wife.
The first woman teacher in modern India, a radical advocate for mass and
female education, a proponent of women’s liberation, a pioneer of engaged
poetry, and a brave mass leader who fought against caste and patriarchy are all
examples of her distinct identity and contribution. She advocated for education and
wrote a lot of poems about discrimination. Savitribai was the first Shudra woman,
and she was also the first Indian woman whose poems were read in Britain. She
was the founder of contemporary poetry, and her poems emphasized the importance
of English and education. In Indian society, her life and work are examples of
social reform and female empowerment. She continues to be a source of motivation
for many modern activists for women’s rights. She is frequently referred to as
Indian feminism’s “mother.” Everyone ought to be familiar with the name Savitribai
Phule in order to comprehend the current state of affairs. Despite the British era,
her ideas are still relevant and useful today. She separated every one of the
conventional generalizations and biases of the nineteenth hundred years to support

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up another time of reasoning in English colonization of India. She emphasized secular

education as a means of social liberation. She thought that education could help
socially backward classes change their circumstances. Beyond promoting education,
the idea was to get rid of the idea that Dalits, untouchables, lower-caste people,
and women weren’t eligible. Others admire her because she was the first woman
to work for social change and advocate for women’s rights and empowerment.
She tried to create a society with inequality.

References
• "Women's Day | american marathi mission misses Cynthia Farrar Girl's education at early
age". 10 March 2023
• Savitribai Phule-Pioneer of Women's Education and Liberation". eSakal- 3 January 2022.
• "How Savitribai Phule, India's one of the pioneer female teachers, dealt with abusers hell
bent on preventing her from educating girls". India. 3 January 2022
• "Goswami, Shreya 15 June 2021. "Schooling Women: The Story Of India's First Schools
For Girls".
• "Sundararaman, T. 2009. Savitribai Phule first memorial lecture, 2008. National Council of
Educational Research and Training.
• Kandukuri, Divya 11 January 2019. "The life and times of Savitribai Phule". Mint. Archived
from the original on 19 April 2019.
• Savitribai Phule-Pioneer of Women's Education and Liberation | Sakal". [Link].
24 June 2021.
• Rege, Sharmila 2009. Savitribai Phule Second Memorial Lecture, 2009. National Council
of Educational Research and Training.
• "Life Sketch of Savitribai Phule- Timeline". Velivada. 9 November 2017.
• O'Hanlon, Rosalind 2002. Caste, Conflict and Ideology: Mahatma Jyotirao Phule and
Low Caste Protest in Nineteenth-Century Western India.

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Allegory of an Alternative Politics: Women Empowerment

in Left Regime
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

Abstract
After capturing the state level state machinery, CPI (M) promised that they would provide
good governance and promote alternative politics. They also said they were going to
decentralize the political power and also assured that people of lower strata would be
benefitted from that. But the reality was far beyond from their promises. From the beginning
of the parliamentary democracy in India we found that there was a vacuum regarding the
voice of marginalized people especially the case of the [Link] Bengal was not an
exception of that in any sense. Though the Lefts claimed that they stood for the rights of
the oppressed but in their entire regime they never took any alternative initiative to ensure
the empowerment of the women. As most of the party leaders were male, the empowerment
of their female counterpart of the society remained a myth during the Left rule in Bengal.
Due to their ideological dogma they overlooked the perpetual deprivation of the women.
The left seems to have deliberately ignored the question how the tiny Hindu middle class
erudite male section in Bengal could monopolize the power and authority in all spheres of
the states since independence. And this procedure of monopolization of political power
continued throughout their regime. In this paper there is an attempt to investigate how and
why the women of the Bengal were left behind from the main political realm during the Left
Front era. And also tried to analyze how much CPI (M)’s class politics was accountable for
that.
Keywords: Women, Empowerment, Class politics, Representation, Patriarchy, etc.

Introduction
From the beginning of the parliamentary democracy in India, we find that there
was a vacuum regarding the voice of marginalized people especially the case of
the women. West Bengal is not an exception of that in any sense. Though the Lefts
claimed that they stood for the right of the oppressed but in their entire regime they
never took any alternative initiative to ensure the empowerment of the women. As
most of the party leaders were male, the empowerment of their female counterpart
of the society remained a myth during the Left rule in Bengal. Due to their ideological
dogma, they overlooked the perpetual deprivation of the women. The left seems to
have deliberately ignored the question how the tiny Hindu middle class erudite
SACT-I, Department of History, Syamaprasad College, Kolkata, 700026, West Bengal.

26
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

male section in Bengal could monopolize the power and authority in all spheres of
the state since independence. This procedure of monopolization of political power
continued throughout their regime. Now it is necessary to investigate how and why
the women of the Bengal were left behind from the main political realm during the
Left Front regime. It is also important to analyze how much CPI (M)’s class politics
was accountable for that.
This paper tries to relate and argue how the champion of class-politics, CPI
(M), totally ignored the question of women empowerment. It also tried to find the
modus operandi of the Lefts regarding the women issues.
Participation of Women in Core Political Circle during the Left Front Rule
Political participation is an obvious procedure of every political system. But it
is not unprecedented that in various regions of our society, political power is
monopolized by only a few incumbents of political authority and in the name of
culture or religious dogma or ideology they resisted the ‘others’ in participating in
politics. According to N.D. Palmer, political participation helps the individual to be
effective and it associates her or him with the political system. The higher the rate
and levels, the more varied the forms of participations, the higher is the democratic
system.1 On this occasion L.W. Milbrath and M.L. Goel said that the citizen must
at least participate in the choice of their public officials in order to keep public
action responsive to the wishes and desires of the people. They also state that
‘participation in politics and in public debate helps to build a better and
noble character.’ According to them, it helps the people to build a strong well-
structured democratic society where everybody’s choices and rights are secured.2
So, to build a truly democratic and politically sensitive society, it is necessary to
maintain some kind of balance in the power structure through the equal representation
of women in the main circle of power. Now, in this context it is essential to analyze
the situation of political representation of the women in Left regime.
To understand the real situation of the political representation of women, it is
necessary to analyze it in two sections, first, the electoral representation of the
women in West Bengal Assembly, in Lok Sabha and also in LF ministry and secondly,
representation of the women inside the political organization of CPI (M). The second
thing helps us to understand the patriarchal structure of the party. So, it would be
better to discuss it in a separate way. If anyone has gone through the local body
election statistics, the figures might not reflect the reality because the 73rd and

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74th constitutional amendments ensured the minimum representations of women

in the Panchayats and Municipalities i.e., 33% of total numbers. Areas were also
reserved only for the female candidates to ensure their political representation. If
half of the elected members were women, then it was mandatory that the post of
pradhan or chairperson or mayor should be appointed from the female candidates.
So in this context, the Indian Constitution forced the concerned political parties to
ensure political representation of women. But in the case of general and assembly
election, there is no restriction. That’s why the representation of women in their
respective political parties, both in the national and state level is not very encouraging.
In West Bengal, the number of women candidates contesting the Assembly
elections had been highly discouraging. It is true that the fault did not lie only to the
Marxist, but it is a continuous process. But the important thing is that CPI (M) did
nothing for the empowerment of the women. First state Assembly election was
held in 1952, where 13 women contested3 and only 2 got elected and the percentage
of women members in that Assembly was only 0.8%. In the Seventh Assembly
election i.e. 1972’s election, the figures were the following- 11 women candidates
contested, 5 became successful and the percentage of women members in Assembly
was then 1.78%. 4 The scenario remained more or less same even after the
empowerment of Lefts. In 1977’s election, total 27 women candidates contested
and 4 became successful and in this year the percentage of women candidates in
Assembly was 1.36%. But the interesting fact was that, only 3 women contested
on behalf of CPI (M). In Ninth Assembly Election (1982) where 23 women contested
and only 7 were elected and, in this Assembly, only 2.38% members were female.
In this election only 5 women candidates got ticket to fight from the side of CPI
(M). The next State Election was held in 1987, where 26 women contested and 10
got elected as MLA. The percentage of female representatives during the Tenth
Assembly was only 3.40%. Only 8 women candidates fought in this election in
favor of CPI (M). If anyone ever goes through the statistics of 1991’s Assembly
Election, the overall situation did not improve much. Only 27 women participated in
this election and 21 were successful and during this Eleventh Assembly session,
only 7.62% of members were female. In this Assembly, only 17 women got ticket
from the main ruling party. Next State Election was held in 1996, where 55 women
contested from main premier political parties of the state and 20 became successful
and during this assembly session only 7.40% members were female. CPI (M)

28
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

gave ticket only to 26 women candidates to fight the election. The situation was
more or less same during Twelfth Assembly session (2001), 63 women contested
and 29 were successful and 9.86% members of assembly were female. In this
election, 26 women fought on behalf of Marxist Communist party.5
Likewise, on the daunting situation of political representation of female in
assembly, the statistics speak volumes about the dismal state of affairs as far as
participation of women in the parliament is concerned. Between 1980 and 1999,
the number of women Parliamentarian (Lok Sabha) from West Bengal varies from
2 to 5. In Seventh Lok Sabha, (1980) the number of elected females from Bengal
were 2. In 1984, it increased to 5 but in the very next session (1989) it decreased to
2. During the Tenth session of the Parliament (1991-1996), the number was only 3,
and then in 1996’s election it became 4. In the last two Lok Sabha Election of last
millennium, the number of elected women members was only 5.6 During these
elections, winning MPs were Geeta Mukherjee (CPI), elected from Panshkura
constituency consecutively for 7 times (from 1980-1999), Bibha Ghosh Goswami
[CPI (M)] for 4 times (1972, 1977, 1980 & 1984), Mamata Banerjee (Congress &
AITMC) for 5 times (1984, 1991, 1996, 1998, 1999 and so on), Sandhya Barui
(CPI (M)) for 3 times (1996, 1998 and 1999), Malini Bhattacharya [CPI (M)] for
two times (1989, 1991), Indumati Bhattacharya (Congress) for once (1984), Krishna
Bose (Congress & AITMC) for 3 times (1996, 1998, 1999), Phulrenu Guha
(Congress) from Contai for once (1984), Minati Dey [CPI (M)] from Jalpaiguri for
two times (1998, 1999 and so on). So, in-betweens these 20 years only 5 Communist
MPs were elected. 7
Rajya Sabha is also a very significant constitutional body. Elected MLAs of
various states were elected as the MPs of Rajya Sabha. So, sometimes it becomes
interesting to know how the political parties were looking in this aspect. Other than
some exceptions whenever the concerned seats of Rajya Sabha becomes empty, it
turns easy for the political parties to easily win over their candidates. These mindsets
of the political parties are reflected whenever they chose their Rajya Sabha
candidates. During this discussion period, (1982-2001) CPI (M) sent only 4 female
members to the Upper House; they were Kanak Mukherjee (two times from
03.04.1978 to 02.04.1990), Sarala Maheshwari (for two times from 03.04.1990 to
02.04.1996 and 19.08.1999 to 18.08.2005), Chandra Kala Pandey (from 19.08.1993
to 8.08.2005) and Bharati Roy (from 03.04.1996 to 02.04.2002).8 The interesting

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fact was that, two members of these four candidates were not from Bengal. So, it
is quite clear that CPI (M) never did too much for the empowerment of women
separately.
Very few women had been able to reach the high level of power and authority
during the Left regime. Actually, this phenomenon is also an inheritance of the age-
old political culture of the state. Though West Bengal had a women Governor for
almost a decade, from 1957-1966, but it didn’t effect on the female representation
in Legislatures and also in State Ministries. Lefts too never tried to get over from
this. In the year 1977, the First Left Front Govt. was formed and since then, they
retained their position up to 2011. In the First LF Ministry of 1977, out of 30 ministers,
only one woman MLA was selected as a Minister of State post. Since then, the
Second (1982) and Third (1987) Left Front Govt. also retained its position, both in
1982 and in 1987 though it comprised of 45 and 32 ministers respectively, but the
Lefts appointed only one female MLA as Minister of State. Finally, a Forward
Block MLA Chaya Ghosh was appointed as a cabinet minister by Jyoti Basu during
the 4th Left Front Government. This ministry also comprised of 3 more women as
MoS. But the number of four ministers was actually next to nothing when the
strength of ministry was 44 in total. During the Fifth LF Govt. Lefts were expanding
their cabinet and the number was 46, but it constituted of only one woman as
cabinet minister and three as MoS. The Sixth LF Govt. was formed in 2001 under
the Chief Ministership of Buddhadev Bhattacharyya and with the number of 48
ministers it became the largest Left Front Cabinet. Five female MLAs (Nandarani
Dal and Chaya Ghosh joined as Cabinet Ministers and Anju Kar, Bilasi Bala Sahis
and Ibha Dey were appointed as MoS) were recruited as the members of this vast
cabinet.9 After analyzing these disgraceful statistics some interesting facts came
out, like during the first three LF Govt. no Female MLAs were recruited as the
cabinet ministers, Smt. Chaya Bera and Smt. Nandarani Dal, were the only two
CPI (M) candidates who worked as Cabinet Minister during this period.10 Women
ministers, during the rule of Left Front governments, though few in numbers, held
portfolios which were not much important or challenging in terms of political
significance, such as, social welfare, adult and continued education, Family Welfare,
cooperatives, agriculture marketing and tribal welfare. However, ministries like
home, police or finance still remained the male bastion and have never been held
by a woman. Thus, the story of political significance through equal participation in

30
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

all constitutional bodies still remained bunged up for women during the entire
communist rule.

Patriarchal Political Structure of CPI (M) and Alienation of Female

Counterpart
Now the main question is- what then is causing such gender disparities in
political participation? Strong patriarchal traditions, coupled with religious and socio-
cultural and ideological norms are the crucial factors holding women back from
active participation in politics. Some of these constraining factors are very subtle
and derived from deeply entrenched social relations, whilst others are overt, such
as blatant discriminatory legislation. But in a matured democratic political system,
it is expected that every section of citizens should participate in various political
activities to secure their equal rights and they have to take part in the decision-
making process. The most appropriate way by which people can take part in the
decision-making process is to become a member either of the constitutional
institutions like National Legislature, State Legislative Assembly and local-self
institutions or they should go for party membership, attending public meetings and
joining the decision making body of a political party. In a Parliamentary Democracy
like India, it always depends on the concerned political parties about who is eligible
as their candidate. In this connection it should be mentioned here that, regarding
the measurement of the nature and extent of political participation, what was the
position of the women in CPI (M)’s political structure.
In a democratic set up, the political road to decision making usually leads to the
system via the political parties. Discussing about the political involvement of women
in various movements and activities, Ms. Mamata Roy, an ex-member of WBLA
from the CPI (M), said that participation of women in politics is not active enough,
day by day the percentage of women members is decreasing; in this situation more
women political activists are definitely required.11 Senior CPI (M) leader Sarojini
Balanandan once said that the party was dominated by men and that many leaders
still nursed “male-feudalistic mentality.” 12 Anyone can find the authenticity of these
remarks within the CPI (M) party’s internal structure. One interesting fact is that,
CPI (M) never elected a Bengali woman as a politburo member. Actually until
2005’s 18th party congress, CPI (M) never elected a single woman in their Politburo.
13
The situation was almost the same in state level also. It would be clearer if we

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go through a table, comprising with the numbers and positions of women in all
national parties of Bengal.

Participation of Women in Four National Political Parties in West Bengal

(2000)
Name of the party Total Name of the Number of Percenta Total Number of
members women’s women ge of members in women
of the Organizations of members in women highest representative
party the party the party members decision- s in highest
in the making body decision-
party making body
Communist Party 2,65,000 Ganatantrik 25,440 9.6% 85 8
of India (Marxist) Mahila Samiti
Communist Party 70,156 Paschimbanga 10,285 14.66% 9 1
of India Mahila Samiti
Indian National 3,50,000- Mahila Congress Not available - 80 27
Congress 40,00,00
Bharatya Janta 5,60,000 Mahila Morcha 186,675 32.67% 11 1
Party

Source: Data provided by the all-Respective political parties. The author computed the
data.

The scenario is clearly depicted in the table, where we found that regarding
the women participation both in numbers of the women party members or their
presence in decision making committee, Lefts hold the worst position. Anil Biswas
of the CPI (M) said that, women membership in the party had increased by 60 per
cent from the early seventies to 2000. In 2000, at the district level, 8 to 10 per cent
members were women. In every frontal organization of the CPI (M), women’s
representation is adequate. He said that both at the administrative and policy making
levels, women have a voice in the party. Anil Biswas claimed that the CPI (M) had
already targeted 2003 for an increase in the number of women members in every
party branch. Usually, each party branch has 9 to 10 per cent women members
and there are 34,000 party branches in the state. He said that the party also has a
special syllabus for women cadres for acquainting them with its policies.14 But the
statistical data are showing exactly the opposite to what Mr. Biswas had said.
Leftist leader Rekha Goswami upholds the basic fact and said that the number of
women members of the CPI (M) did not reflect the strength of its women’s
organization (Ganatantrik Mahila Samiti). Feudal attitude and the party’s
recruitment policy were responsible for this, she thought.15 Though Mrs. Goswami

32
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

said that district-wise separate as well as joint sessions are held for men and women
and more than 60 per cent women participate regularly in these classes and women
are much more serious about attending these sessions. And also, the party emphasizes
women’s equality in its general policy and views women’s rights as basic human
rights16 but regarding the participation of women in decision making body of CPI
(M) remained minimal during this time.
Sometimes CPI (M) accepted the reality. In their various plenums, the Party
emphasized to build a stronger women front. But due to their patriarchal mindset
and ideological dogma, CPI (M) never fixed their focus on this thing.17 Actually the
Lefts never tried to bring women in decision-making body with some special care.
Sandip KumarGhatak had explained this aspect in a different way. According to
him, the male leaders of CPI (M) never wanted to lose their control within the
party both in local or upper level. He said women’s participation to the local level
has always been satisfactory. Before 1990, women in the local politics were generally
either politicians who had lost membership of higher institutions, or those who were
given such an opportunity to serve the purpose of publicity. In most of the cases,
the motive was partially to satisfy the aspirations of these few women, since they
could then be kept under virtual political control and denied higher aspirations.18
Trijita Gonsalves states that patriarchal mindset of the political parties was always
very common in West Bengal. CPI (M) was never being an exception to this.
According to her, the politicians have rarely attached ‘political’ importance to
‘gender’ as a separate category deserving attention. As the Left ideology and
culture has an extremely uneasy relationship with anything relating to ‘gender’ or
‘feminist issues, feminism or women’s issues have always been looked at with
suspicion and treated as Western imperialist imports by the Left parties.19 An eminent
scholar Sanghamitra Sen Chaudhuri conducted a case study in early 90’s regarding
the socio-political affiliation of women in West Bengal. She concluded her study by
emphasizing on some crucial findings. According to her, women largely participated
in political rallies or meetings, they also casted their votes but regarding the leadership,
women were least interested. She states that it might be the age-old tradition which
stands as an obstacle in the path of women empowerment. She concluded that the
mainstream political parties including the Lefts never took any practical initiative to
overcome this situation.20

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Conclusion
During their regime, Lefts always received complete subordination from the
women and other oppressed section of the society. Left-front decentralized the
power via Panchayet elections. Due to the reservation women get the chance to
be elected in panchayets. But the upper caste male leaders of the CPI (M) used to
exercise actual power as they were in the superior position within the party hierarchy.
As most of the party leaders belonged to the upper caste male erudite sections,
known as ‘bhadralok’, the empowerment of the lower strata and the deprived
sections and also women of the society remained a myth during the loft Left rule in
Bengal. Due to their ideological dogma, they overlooked the perpetual deprivation
of the women. Due to this disproportion of the Lefts, it caused a serious poisonous
effect in society. Generations of Bengali people never relate or understood the
historic faults and the necessity or importance of women empowerment in politics.
Female members of CPI (M) never raised their voice against the symbolic violence
with the women by suppressing their equal rights in the name of class politics. Due
to their ideological dogma, Lefts never specified or separated the general issues of
women from theory of class struggle. It is evident from this brief analysis that,
women question and their movement did not have any significant theoretical position
in the experiment of communist movement in Bengal during these years. By analyzing
the game of political representation, it can be said that CPI (M) was established as a
patriarchal, middle-class, upper-middle caste dominated somewhat elitist party
structure, where the people of lower strata and women surrendered their political
ambitions and remained subordinate to the supreme command of the party. The elitist
leaders of the party command which was always dominated by the ‘bhadralok’
class ensured their political superiority on behalf of some hollow promises.

Notes and References:

1. Palmer, N.D., 1976, Elections and Political Development in India, Vikas, New Delhi,
pp-60
2. Milbrath L.W., Goel. M.L., 1977, Political Participation: How and Why Do People Get
Involved in Politics, Rand McNally, Chicago, pp-2,3.
3. From the very beginning some women were contested as individual candidate or some

34
Dr. Arnab Adhikary

irrelevant political parties gave tickets to them. If we try to understand the actual
situation of the women in main stream politics we should maintain our focus only to the
relevant political parties of the state like CPI (M), Congress, GNLF, CPI, RSP, AIFB,
AITMC and BJP and also to their female nominees. It helps us to analyze the actual
situation. So, in this context whenever the statistics of ‘total number of female
participants’ displayed it refers to those candidates who were represented these parties.
4. Banerjee, D. (2012). Election recorder: An analytical reference. Kolkata: Star Publishing
House. Data was computed by the author from the election records of 1952, 1972.
5. Statistical Report on The Legislative Assembly of West Bengal, from 1977-2001,
computed by the author, Election Commission of India, New Delhi.
6. Banerjee, D. (2012). Election recorder: An analytical reference. Kolkata: Star Publishing
House. Data was computed by the author from the election records from 1980 to 1999
Lok Sabha elections.
7. Banerjee, D. (2012). Election recorder: An analytical reference. Kolkata: Star Publishing
House. Data was computed by the author from the election records from 1980 to 1999
Lok Sabha elections.
8. Sources were collected from The Statesman newspaper. Data was computed by the
author.
9. Sources were collected from various newspapers like The Statesman, The Hindu,
Anandabazar Patrika, Times of India, Bartaman etc. Data was computed by the author.
10. Sources were collected from various newspapers like The Statesman, The Hindu,
Anandabazar Patika, Times of India, Bartaman etc. Data was computed by the author.
11. Roy, Aloka, ‘Women Representation in Electoral Politics In West Bengal’, Asian Journal
of Multidisciplinary Studies, Vol. 5, Issue 5, May 2017, P-53
12. Hindustan Times, 10th February, 2012.
13. In 2005’s 18th Party Congress of CPI (M), held in New Delhi and Brinda Karat elected as
a politburo member.
14. Munshi Vidya, Political Participation,ed. Jasodhara Bagchi, The changing status of
women in West Bengal, 1970–2000: the challenge ahead, Sage Publications, New
Delhi, 2004. pp-90-91
15. Ibid, p-91.
16. Ibid, p-91
17. Our Tasks On Party Organization, adopted by Central Committee of the C.P.I (M),

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Calicut session-1967, OCT-28th –Nov 2, 1967 and Resolution adopted by central

committee of the CPIM its Muzaffarpur Session on March 9-15, 1973.
18. Ghatak, Sandip Kumar, Political Participation of Women of West Bengal its Nature And
Extent, The Indian Journal of Political Science, JAN. MAR., 2010, Vol. 71, No. 1, p.
289.
19. Gonsalves Trijita, ‘Where Aare The Women?: A Study of Electoral Promises in the
West Bengal Assembly Elections’, The Indian Journal of Political Science , OCT-
DEC., 2011, Vol. 72, No. 4., 2011,p. 983.
20. Sen Chaudhuri Sanghamitra, Women and Politics: West Bengal A Case Study, Minerva
Associates, Calcutta, 1995, pp-128-133.

36
State of Exception and Embrace: Analyzing the rise of the
K-Wave in Northeastern India
Dr. Sourish Ghosh

Abstract
A state of exception has been prevalent in the northeastern part of India since it has been
amalgamated within the territory of India. In the garb of national security, a draconian act
like Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) had been introduced by Indian state since
1958 to control the secessionist tendencies. The Act gave immense power to the armed
forces which led to massive human rights violations. The coercive measures created have
created a sense of isolation for the northeastern people. Above all, in the mileau of a so-
called national culture, the people and culture of the northeast has been marginalized. They
are ethnically sidelined too for their mongoloid features. This has also created a crisis of
cultural identity for them in the national plane. The ban on Hindi films and TV channels by
the insurgent forces created a void in entertainment. With the rise of K-Wave the people of
the north-eastern India has found a new way of articulating their cultural distinctiveness.
The reception and appropriation of K-Wave among them is increasing.
The paper will intend to understand how the state of exception has facilitated the rise
of the new cultural identity for the north-eastern India under the hex of a deterritorialized
global cultural import. The method is primarily based on field work documents in terms of
survey of existing literatures and public documents in this area; analysis of the accounts of
experts and life stories of north-eastern youth, who are the major consumers of the K-wave,
will be collected.
Keywords: State of Exception; Embrace; K-Wave; Culture; Identity, etc.

Introduction
The events which occurred after the 9/11 incident and the announcement of “war
on terror” had the hallmarks of what Carl Schmitt, an anti-liberal German philosopher
of the 20th century, describes as a “state of exception”. Presently, it has been
argued that the state of exception is becoming a permanent feature of governance
across nations. In the contemporary political situation, a state of exception can be
defined as the ways by which democratic states are driven by the growth of
discriminatory executive power, increasingly evading legislature and judicial
institutions. To analyze the state of exception turning into a widespread phenomenon
in democracies, the political writings of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben
ICSSR Post-Doc Fellow, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata-700032,
West Bengal
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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

become relevant. Agamben theorizes the state of exception from the Foucauldian
aspect of biopolitics and claims that it has become ‘a dominant paradigm of
government in contemporary politics’ (Agamben, 2005, p.2).

Theorizing the State of Exception

The state of exception as a concept can be traced to the time of the French
Revolution. It defines a special condition in which the juridical order remains
suspended due to emergency or a serious crisis threatening the state. In such a
situation, the sovereign, which is the Executive in democracy, prevails over the
others and basic norms and laws can be violated by the state while facing the
crisis. Carl Schmitt in his book Politische Theologie, which was published in 1922,
established the adjacency between the state of exception and sovereignty. Schmitt
defined the sovereign as ‘he who decides on the state of exception’ (Schmitt, 2005,
p.5) and followed the Hobbesian concept of sovereignty which is the secularization
of a theological concept but as a decisionist one rather than a rational theology.
Sovereignty is not just a technical concept in state theory; it is a personal
privilege of the ruler. It is a mix of decision and domination. David Held was much
more technical in his understanding of sovereignty as he differentiated between
internal and external aspects (Held, 1995, p.100). But who will decide on the
exception? The answer is contained in the stature of the sovereign. Schmitt had
mentioned that sovereignty is a ‘borderline concept’, ‘one pertaining to the outermost
sphere’ but he moved on to argue that though the sovereign ‘stands outside the
normally valid legal system, he nevertheless belongs to it’ (Schmitt, 2005, p.7). He
belongs to it on his capacity to decide on the exception. As Tracy B. Strong had
pointed out in the forward of the 2005 edition of Political Theology, for Schmitt ‘it
is the essence of sovereignty both to decide what an exception is and to make the
decisions appropriate to that exception’ ([Link]). But Bruno Gulli argues that what
provides the sovereign that special capacity to see that there is an exception, a
state of emergency and subsequently decides on it? Does the sovereign become
sovereign because he can decide on the exception, or he can decide on it because
he is already a sovereign? (Gulli, 2009, pp.23-30). The answers to these questions
may not be found distinctly in Schmitt’s work because he only mentions about the
decision and not about any understanding of recognition and judgement. Rather the
answer can be found in Walter Benjamin’s writing as he had argued that violence

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Dr. Sourish Ghosh

is always ‘implicated in the problematic nature of the law itself’ (Benjamin, 1978,
p.287). Gulli mentions that any person with special powers could be acknowledged
as sovereign but objectively a sovereign is that person who can recognize the
exception and tackle it (Gulli, 2009, pp.23-30).
Agamben challenges Schmitt’s logic of sovereignty and affirms to Benjamin’s
argument as he mentions, ‘it not only appears increasingly as a technique of
government rather than an exceptional measure, but it also lets its own nature as
the constitutive paradigm of the juridical order come to light’ (Agamben, 2005,
p.7). He continues to argue that ‘the transformation of a provisional and exceptional
measure into a technique of government threatens radically to alter rather or has
already altered the structure and meaning of the traditional distinction between
constitutional forms. From this point of view, the state of exception appears as a
threshold of indeterminacy between democracy and absolutism.’ (Agamben, 2005,
pp. 2-3).
The state of exception engages into an exclusive interplay between sovereign
states and their laws. During national crisis such as natural disasters or war,
government suspends the law by means of asserting order. This suspension has
different names across nations; for example, the ‘State of Seige’ in France, ‘Martial
Law’ in Canada, ‘Patriot Act’ in the USA, and ‘Armed Forces Special Powers
Act’ in India etcetera, but in actuality they are fundamentally the same thing, a
state of exception. The state of exception is frequently accomplished under the
guise of suspending laws and the rights to guarantee the protection of citizens, so
they may be reinstated once normality is restored. On this point, Agamben criticizes
Schmitt and argues that ‘all such theories remain a prisoner in the vicious circle in
which the emergency measures they seek to justify in the name of defending the
democratic constitution are the same ones that lead to its ruin’ (Agamben, 2005,
p.8). The laws that undermine the capability of the state to uphold control, such as
the right to free movement or rights of privacy are stopped all along the crisis until
the normalcy is restored. This sublimation of regulation by the executive allows the
state to act unhindered by legal accountability, bestowing it with power and stripping
rights from citizens (Durantaye, 2005, p.182). The state of exception is the state’s
mode of self-sustenance while compromising the law and the rights of the citizens.
Agamben argues that the state of exception has become a norm for liberal
democracies across the world. The slow decline of the law making capacities of

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

the legislature and simultaneous increase in the powers of the executive has led to
the dissolution of democracy. He traces many instances of its implementation
especially after the First World War and its continuation in the twenty-first century.
Through various examples, Agamben demonstrates how the state of exception has
become a frequently used political tool. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the
construction of the camp. For Agamben, the camp, be it Auschwitz, Guantanamo,
Abu Ghraib, or Nauru, is the “spatial arrangement” of ‘the absolute space of
exception’ (Ross, 2012, p.423). As Bourke argued that it is a physical space outside
the juridical sphere where inhabitants are indefinitely detained and at the mercy of
unrestrained sovereign power (Bourke, 2012, p.443). The Australian Migration
Act of 1992, the United States Military Order of 2001, and the Patriot Act etcetera
undermine the personal freedom and thus turn the exception into a norm. These
orders radically erase the legal status of the individual, in a way producing a legally
unnamable and unclassifiable being leading to the birth of the ‘Homo Sacer’ (Ray,
2012, p.3). Agamben states ‘The immediate biopolitical significance of the state of
exception as the original structure in which law encompasses living beings by means
of its own suspension; emerges clearly in the “military order” issued by the President
of the United States on November 13, 2001, which authorized the “indefinite
detention” and trial by “military commissions” (not to be confused with the military
tribunals provided for by the law of war) of non-citizens suspected of involvement
in terrorist activities’ (Agamben, 2005, p.3).
The state of exception is not used as a singular reactionary measure to reinstate
order. It is instead used as a pre-emptive means of forestalling potential disorder.
The camp is not any more the sole indicator of a state of exception. The pre-
emptive measures are exemplified by the creation of temporary Protective Security
Zones. These are policification or militarization of a particular area where these
agencies have additional powers to search individual houses and vehicles in the
name of security. The forestalling of citizens’ rights in the face of a potential
emergency is a sign of the state of exception becoming a norm (Calarco et al.,
2007, p. 220). It diminishes the potential for political action as it anticipates the
disturbance of sovereign order. The creation of these Protective Security Zones
demonstrates how sovereign states use the state of exception to suspend laws and
rights as per their convenience.
While considering the normalization of the state of exception in liberal

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democracies, Agamben argues that through this normalization of exception liberal

democratic states descend into totalitarianism. He argued that ‘modern
totalitarianism can be defined as the establishment, by means of the state of
exception, of a legal civil war that allows for the physical elimination not only of
political adversaries but of entire categories of citizens who for some reason cannot
be integrated into the political system’ (Agamben, 2005, p.2). Agamben assumes
his concept as the essence of the sovereign right to kill and let live. The political
status and function of the legal exception is the crux of Agamben’s understanding
of biopolitics and it is through this he identifies the existing condition of politics
which he describes as abandonment and nihilism.

North East, AFSPA and the Exception

The Northeastern part of India comprises the state of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh,
Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Manipur. The North East is connected
to the rest of India by a narrow stretch of plains through North Bengal and Assam
known as the Siliguri Corridor which leads into the Brahmaputra river valley plains.
West of Gauhati, which is in Assam, the valley widens substantially to merge with
Bangladesh and the Gangetic plains. The Himalayan Mountains of Nepal, Sikkim,
North Bengal, Bhutan, Arunachal, and Tibet bound the Brahmaputra and the
Gangetic Valley Plains to the north, the eastern hills link the Indian mainland and
Myanmar to the east, and Meghalaya-Karbi Anglong Plateau, the Barak River
Valley and the plains of Bangladesh to the south. The Cachar and North Cachar
Hills, the Manipur Valley and Manipur Hill ranges, and the Piedmont Plains of
Tripura in turn bound the Barak Valley. The major part of the mountains is covered
with forests and dissected by a large number of rivers with deep gorges flowing
into the central river systems which segregate the valleys making them mutually
distinct and inaccessible to the extent that the ethnic groups remained in geographical
isolation.
The geographical isolation turned the Northeast into a region clouded with a
lack of knowledge and ambiguity for most of mainland India. Historically, the major
part of Assam, Tripura, and Manipur were princely states and acted as a buffer for
British India. There were different ethnic aspirations after India’s independence in
1947 as these states were not willing to join Indian territory. To quell the ethnic
aspirations, Indian government carved out new states from Assam and Nagaland

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in 1963, Meghalaya in 1972, Arunachal Pradesh, and Mizoram in 1987 were formed.
The concept of Northeast was formalized politically and the term became popular
with the formation of the North Eastern Council (NEC) in 1971 (Haokip, 2012,
p.304). Reportedly, a combination of baits and threats were used in integrating
Tripura and Manipur as well. The people of the Northeast could never digest it and
the urge among different ethnic groups to become independent made them rebel
against the Indian government. With over 500 different ethnic groups and a diverse
ethnic sub-nationalism governed by the primeval values of ‘tribe-land autonomy’,
there was a commonality- a partially mongoloid heritage (Mukherjee, 2005, p.13).
While the Dravidian culture of South India was recognized but the Mongoloid
cultures of the Northeastern region remained in oblivion. The ignorance of the
Indian government towards the Northeast and its urge for national integration
instigated it to shun conciliation and adopt coercive measures against the rebellion.
In 1958, the Indian Parliament passed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act
(AFSPA) to provide blanket cover to the Indian Army operating in the Northeast to
adopt any measure to maintain law and order. The implementation of ASPA not
only grievously damaged human security in that region but also permanently alienated
the Northeastern people from mainland India. This arrogance and ignorance to
bulldoze national integration and culture in the fear of Balkanization aggravated the
conflict as the people felt deceived and insulted because their values and identity
have not been respected and they have been alienated by segregation, social
deprivation, underdevelopment, and exploitation because they look, speak and believe
differently.
One of the main factors that lie behind the exclusion is the widespread lack of
understanding about the region and bulldozing of the ‘national culture’ and identity
in the name of ‘mainstream’. Sunanda K. Datta Ray, a notable journalist, made a
telling remark on the ignorance of the Indians in general about the Mongoloid heritage
of the North East, ‘deep in the Indian psyche lies the belief, lately encouraged by
obscurantist political groups, the Bharat is Aryavarta or the Hindi heartland, and
that outlying districts which do not conform to its manners, customs, language, and
religion are colonial possessions and must be ruled as such until they can be absorbed
in a superior code’ (Verghese, 1996, p.281). People of the North East frequently
claim that in the rest of the country they are regarded as foreigners and that an
attitude of misplaced superiority and disdain has characterized their treatment by

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‘mainstream’ Indians. They often face racist abuses and have even been heckled
in the mainland for their features and are equated with the Chinese. The sense of
exception and trauma has only increased with India’s enmity with China. The
perceived parochialism of successive Indian governments, taken together with
widespread ignorance about the region has encouraged the mentality of ‘them and
us’ which has been a significant contributory factor to civil unrest and armed conflict.
The implementation of AFSPA gave blanket power to the Indian armed forces
to quell any rebellion which led to enormous human rights violations in the region.
As violence breeds violence, several insurgent groups emerged to champion the
cause of sovereignty leading to a vicious cycle of violence and counter-violence
which turned the region into a war zone. Underdevelopment, illiteracy, poverty, and
corruption are high as successive Indian governments relied on coercive tactics as
an outcome to all problems and protests. A state of exception has been created to
isolate and coerce the so-called ‘disobedient’ people of the North East.
The promulgation of AFSPA was closely related to an event in 1953 at Kohima,
in Nagaland. Then Indian Prime Minister Nehru visited Kohima with his Burmese
counterpart U Nu, on March 30, 1953, the Nagas wanted an audience with Nehru
so that they can place their demand for sovereignty but no audience was allowed
on the meeting grounds, and that created discontent among the Nagas and they
turned their backs on the leaders. What Nehru saw was hundreds of Nagas
whacking their backsides as they left. This was a deliberate attempt to humiliate
Nehru and Nehru was so annoyed that he vowed never to visit Naga Hills and
never did (Hazarika and Chasie, 2009, p.8). After this incident, violence increased
in the North East and the Assam government in May 1953, introduced ‘Assam
Maintenance Public Order’ Act (AMPOA) to quell the revolt. This act was the
precursor to other draconian measures which eventually led to the birth of AFSPA.
The third clause of the AMPOA stated that ‘the individual of any area’ is to be
‘collectively’ fined in any manner the ‘authority’ thinks fit. A sub-inspector can
arrest any person on suspicion without a warrant and there was no mention of
requiring an arrested person to be produced in court, although the maximum penalty
was two years imprisonment or fine or both. To provide the police with the immunity,
no legal proceedings were allowed against any officer under the Act (Sanajoaba,
2003, p.216), which later became the core of AFSPA.

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AFSPA gives the Indian armed forces wide powers to shoot, arrest and search, all
in the name of aiding civil power. It was first applied to the states of Assam and
Manipur and was amended in 1972 to extend to all the seven states in the
Northeastern region. The enforcement of AFSPA has led to innumerable incidents
of arbitrary detention, torture, rape and looting by security personnel. But the Indian
government has always justified the legislation on the plea that it is required to stop
the Northeastern states from seceeding from the Indian Union. When India presented
its second periodic report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC)
in 1991, members of the commission asked numerous questions about the validity
of AFSPA as it clearly violates the Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (ICCPR). India relied on the sole argument that it is necessary
to prevent secession (SAHRDC, 2003). AFSPA even violates Article 21 of the
Indian constitution which guarantees the right to life to all people. There are several
cases pending before the Indian Supreme Court which challenges the constitutionality
of AFSPA but they are pending for many years. In 1997, to everyone’s surprise the
Indian Supreme Court endorsed the constitutionality of AFSPA, though the judgement
did make some cosmetic recommendations, basically a list of ‘Do’s’ and ‘Dont’s’
to check the flagrant abuse of the act (Legacy IAS, 2021). But for the people living
under the draconian law, it is practically useless. The use of AFSPA pushes the
demand for more autonomy, bestowing the people of the region more reason to
want to secede from a state that enacts aforementioned capacities. As resistance
increased many insurgent groups developed over the years as they resorted to
violent means to resist the Indian state which provoked more violence and civilian
casualty increased multifold. Apart from violence by state and insurgents, there
are ethnic and communal violences in the region which has also claimed many lives
in the region.
The insipid figures of death as a result of insurgency and security action which
appear in official records do not give a complete and accurate picture of the extent
of the violence. These figures only reveal deaths due to conflict; they do not include
deaths in custody, nor do they record non-lethal violent crimes such as rapes, tortures,
and beatings. The records blur the distinction between combatants and non-
combatants by regarding all suspects as genuine insurgents. Another problem was
the continuous disapperances of young people in army custody (CORE, 1998).
There are a few violent incidents from the security forces that need a mention, the

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first being the high-profile case where Assam Rifles (a regiment of Indian Army)
got involved in Malom massacre in November 2000 (Begum Ara, 2010). Assam
Rifles convoy was attacked near Malom in Manipur by insurgents. In retaliation
the troops shot at civilians at a nearby bus stop leaving 10 civilians dead, including
a 60-year-old woman and a boy. The incident was followed by a brutal combing
operation which led to the torture and arrest of many. The incident led Irom Chanu
Sharmila, a rights activist, to start fasting unto death in the demand of repealing of
AFSPA and it continued for 16 years but did not achieve its demand. The
Heirangoithong massacre of 1984 was another chilling incident in which thousands
were watching a volleyball match at the Heirangoithong ground in Imphal. Some
extremists tried to snatch weapons from the security personnel there which resulted
in the armed forces beginning to fire killing five people. As the injured extremists
fled, the security personnel at the spot started firing indiscriminately at the crowd
leading to the death of 13 civilians and 31 injured (Begum Ara, 2010). Operation
Blue Bird at Oinam in 1987 was another gruesome incident in the history of Manipur.
Insurgents raided the armoury of security personnel and killed 9 Assam Rifles
jawans and that triggered Operation Blue Bird. Three months saw a reign of terror
in 30 villages of Manipur. Around 14 civilians were shot dead and several others
died of hunger, starvation, and torture in camps. Reportedly, a woman was forced
by the security forces to deliver her child in public view in an open field, as the
troop’s jeered (Amnesty International, 1990). The level of brutality reached its
peak, and contempt for the Northeastern people became evident in the incident of
July 2004. At midnight a party of Assam Rifles broke their way into a house in
Bamon Kampu Mayai Leikei in Imphal and arrested a 32-year-old woman named
Thangjam Manorama Devi (Human Rights Watch, 2008, pp.25-32). After beating
up family members who tried to protest they blindfolded Manorama and tied her
hands and feet and beat her mercilessly on the corridor of the house and sexually
assaulted her. Her body was later found dumped in a village. She was half-clothed
and had seven bullet wounds in her back and knife wounds to the thigh. The story
of arresting troops was that she was trying to escape from the truck and was shot
while doing so. The forensic examination revealed that the small amount of blood
at the spot where the body was recovered demonstrates she had been shot
elsewhere. Manorama’s case became a cause of public uproar and Manipuri women
agitated fully naked on the streets of Imphal holding banners and placards ‘Indian

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Army Rape Us’. The issue also became a national concern and agitations spread
throughout the country which forced the security forces to release a press statement
that she was a cadre of an insurgent group. As per reports over 50,000 people have
been killed and 20,000 widowed in Manipur alone since the clamping of AFSPA in
1958 (Nepram, 2020). Random shootings and extra-judicial killings continue in North
East and the inhabitants’ lives in utter poverty, isolation, and under the aegis of
death.
One of the menaces in this war zone is the prevalence of drugs in the region.
Substance abuse in the North East is much higher than in the rest of India. The
spread of narcotics began in the North East around 1983 when Heroin became
prevalent, especially in Manipur. Within two decades, the North East states recorded
1, 10,000 drug addicts and over 6871 HIV-positive cases, with Manipur having
nearly 8 percent of India’s total HIV positive cases and ranked third in India.
Around 75 percent of HIV-positive cases in Manipur were intravenous drug users,
and the disease spread to their sexual partners and their children (Nepram, 2020).
HIV/AIDS has devastated society in the North East. As North East India shares a
1,643 kilometers border with Myanmar, which belongs to the Golden Triangle, a
drug-producing area where 68 percent of all known illicit opium production and
refining in the world take place (Haq, 1996, pp.945-963). The Government of India
has always accused China of providing huge money to the drug lords in Myanmar
to enhance their production of heroin in North East (Swami, 2022). China, on the
other hand, has been vocal on India’s human rights violations in North East region.
The worst sufferers in the region are children and women. Drug peddling is a
common scenario in the region because of unemployment and impoverishment.
The North East also has a matrilineal society which is in stark contrast to mainland
India. On the other hand, children are forced by traffickers to peddle drugs and
most of them are forced to do this for their livelihood. The rates of child addiction
are also very high in the North East especially in Manipur and Nagaland (Ghosh,
2010, p.210). The government has been insensitive and nonchalant regarding this
issue because to it the people of the North East are potential Homo Sacer, who are
unnamable and has been reduced to hold on to mere ‘naked life’ thereby nearly
abolishing all that is considered social and humane. For Agamben, a naked life is a
bare life; a life bereft of political and social status and stripped of any protocol of
citizenship (Agamben, 2000, p.9).

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Rise of the K-Wave in the North East

Korean Wave or Hallyu which primarily includes South Korean television series
and pop music has already become a worldwide phenomenon. It has created a
huge fan base, especially among youths, and is making a sweeping impact on the
western music industry. The Hindi music and film industry, popularly known as
Bollywood, which is often promoted by the Indian government as the model of
national culture is also feeling its impact. The Oscar-winning Indian music director
A.R. Rehman praised and posted the photograph of ‘BTS’ on his Instagram page
(Vaishnavi, 2020). Indian superstar Shah Rukh Khan had once tweeted that his
kids had recommended him the Korean film ‘Parasite’ (K-Pop High India, 2019).
The impact has been such that youths in major cities of India have not only started
using Korean beauty products and costumes and has even embraced Korean way
of living.
The K-Wave entered India from Manipur which is one of the underdeveloped
and insurgency-marred states in the region. In the year 2000, the Revolutionary
People’s Front of Manipur, an insurgent group, imposed a ban on Bollywood movies
and Hindi television series as an act to prohibit the ‘Indianisation’ of the region.
This created a void in the lives of the Northeastern people. ‘People who were
already reeling under the fear of death were left with no entertainment and people
were searching for an option to hold on to’ (Langpoklakpam, 2020). Since the late
90s, the Indian government was pushing the Look East Policy (it is an effort to
cultivate economic and strategic relations with the nations of South East Asia to
bolster India’s standing as a regional power) which centers on the North East.
With the opening of borders with Myanmar, pirated DVDs of Korean films and
music started entering Manipur. It became instantly popular, especially among the
youth and soon the streets of Manipur were filled with pirated Korean DVDs.
Then with the advent of Arirang TV Channel and Korea’s KBS World, Manipur
started resembling a mini-Korea. In an interview, Paul Ningthouja said, ‘If there is
electricity in the evening, people especially youths watch Korean programs leaving
every job undone’ (Ningthouja, 2020). Gradually the wave spread to the other parts
of Northeastern India and it became such a sensation that Northeastern fashion
changed and embrace the Korean way of dressing. This is considered the first
major change that occurred due to the impact of the Korean wave in the North
East. Popular Korean words became a day-to-day dialect like ‘annyeong’ (hello),

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‘kamsahamnida’ (thank You), ‘saranghaeyo’ (I love you), and others. The prevalence
of K-Fashion among the youths completely changed the way they used to look and
it became stereotypical with similar hairstyles, make-up, and clothes. Reportedly,
young people in the region started to sleep on floors instead of beds which are a
common practice in Korea. While K-Pop became a sensation among youths, Korean
soap operas attracted the middle-aged and the old. Dari Rynjah, who is in her early
forties, was excited to talk about Korean dramas ‘K-Drama is addictive. Many of
my friends who are either my age or senior to me are into K-Dramas. ‘The Heirs’
became very popular’ (Rynjah, 2019).
The Hornbill Festival is organized by the government of Nagaland to showcase
the local culture of the North East and it attracts tourists from all over the globe.
The influence of the Korean wave has been such that Korean musical troupes
have been regularly performing at the festival. In 2018, K-Pop band ‘Mont’
performed at the festival enthralling thousands of fans in Dimapur (Northeast Now,
2018). Often due to poor internet connections, K-fans in the region cannot attend
idol and fan meets, so they travel to nearby big cities like Kolkata or Guwahati to
participate in the meetings (Priyanka, 2020). The hype to converge with Korean
way of living is such that fashion brands like ‘Mumuso’, ‘Gashena’ and ‘Beccos’
stores in major cities of India regularly ships huge amount of products to the North
East region. The North East’s love for all things Korean has led to a rapid increase
in black marketing of products and it shows no sign of a slowdown. Nitesh Rohit,
the founder of K-Beauty Con India, mentioned in an interview ‘I have noticed that
skincare is fundamental to the beauty regime of Northeast’s millennials. At K-
Beauty Con, young entrepreneurs wanted to take dealerships, even if they hailed
from established business families with experience in the beauty industry. There
were doctors running beauty salons keen to invest in Korean cosmetics’ (Borah,
2018). The illegal infiltration to the North East emerged because online shopping
on sites was straddled with shipping costs and customs hassles. Many entrepreneurs
from the North East have come with local companies that specialize in Korean
beauty products to satisfy the dire need of the market.
Apart from beauty products, the demand for Korean food has increased leading
to the mushrooming of Korean restaurants and eateries. Wabang Chungtia, proprietor
of ‘The Korean Kitchen’ in Shillong had mentioned in an interview with a newspaper
that ‘the Northeastern youths are very much into Korean culture, music, fashion,

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and movies. And given the interest, the restaurant could provide an opportunity for
the people to taste the cuisine of a place they have been influenced by’ (The
Northeast Today, 2017). The craze has attracted South Korean citizens to come
and settle in India. The majority of Korean cafes in Kolkata, which is the nearest
metropolis to Northeastern states, are run by Koreans. The ever-increasing demand
for the Korean language has provoked them to open Korean language learning
centers, mostly adjacent to these cafes, and students are increasing every year.
The K-fans of the North East often travel to Kolkata to get enrolled in language
courses. Mr. Shin, who runs a Korean language institute, has agreed ‘[The] Youths
are interested to learn Korean. We are getting a good response. We arrange tours
to Korea as they want to go there meet their idols and even settle there’ (Shin,
2020). The hype of settling in South Korea is increasing among the Northeastern
people as they can feel a racial bonding with that country.
The rise of the Korean Wave in the North East came as a surprise to the
Indian government. Initially, it could not believe that a completely alien culture that
has originated far away from its borders with historical resemblance has swept
those whom it has always considered the ‘other’. So, varied arguments and
conspiracy theories cropped up, like China instigated the rise of this wave to destroy
Indian culture. But such claims were never validated. Initially, the Korean embassy
was not prepared to recognize the wave but as it gained momentum, Korean Cultural
Centre is now directly involved in promoting it. Now, the wave has spread to other
parts of India and has turned into a tsunami changing many popular dynamics and
forming a new cultural identity vis-à-vis the so-called Indian ‘national culture’ and
transnationality in the global south.

Conclusion
Agamben pointed out that the state of exception we experience in liberal
democracies ‘is not a dictatorship but a vacuum of space of law. That is a zone of
anomie in which all legal determinations and above all the very distinction between
public and private are deactivated’ (Agamben, 2005, p.50). Over the years the
prevalence of AFSPA has categorically diminished the distinction between public
and private in the North East region. The isolation and coaxing of the Northeastern
people have been a deliberate attempt to make them submit to the socio-political,
economic, and cultural framework of the Indian state. Even during the Covid

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pandemic, many leaders from the ruling party has accused the Northeastern people
to be the carrier of the virus and they had to face vulgar attacks in many towns and
cities and called out names as their racial features resemble the Chinese. As
Agamben has argued that the killing or vilification of the homo sacer should not be
viewed as capital punishment or sacrifice but simply the actualization of a ‘mere
capacity to be killed’ which was inherent in the condition of the Jews in Germany
(Agamben, 1995, p.114). The truth is the Jews were not exterminated in a mad or
giant holocaust but exactly as Hitler had announced, ‘as lice’ which is to say, as
‘bare life’. The deaths, torture, sexual violence, vilification, isolation, and judicial
ignorance that North East has been suffering are ideal examples of a bare life.
There are probably few or maybe no instances in the world where the potential
homo sacers are culturally resisting the juggernaut of an oppressive state. The
response to the Korean Wave has been phenomenal in the Northeastern region
and the cultural and ethnic identity which they have hardly been able to register in
the sphere of India’s national culture is being addressed through the wave. The
wave is being perceived as a shield against the pushing of the national culture and
so the embrace has been magical. It is the instinct when somebody is sinking, and
has nothing left to hold on to, that individual makes an extra push to survive. The
Northeastern people found that push in the Korean Wave and they have embraced
it with open arms. Though the debate continues whether Korean Wave will gradually
jeopardize the indigenous culture of the North East and will change their simple
way of living; there is no doubt that by embracing the Korean Wave they have
been able to find a new global cultural identity against the national culture or the
‘Indianness’ which it has opposed for years. So, it is important to understand that
the Korean Wave in the North East has a deep rooted political dimension than the
other parts of India.

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28. Sanajaoba, N. (2003). Manipur: Past and Present, Vol.1. Mittal Publications
29. Schmitt, C. (2005). Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty.
University of Chicago Press
30. Shin. Personal communication. (2020, January 10)
31. South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre (SAHRDC). (2003). Armed Forces
Special Powers Act: A Study in National Security Tyranny. SAHRDC.
32. Swami, P. (2022, May 11). In Myanmar, a new ‘criminal’ State is rising. And China is
paying to build it. The Print. [Link]
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33. The K-Pop wave washes over the youth of Northeast. (2017). The Northeast Today.
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34. Verghese, B.G. (1996). India’s North East Resurgent- Ethnicity, Insurgency, Governance,
Development, Konark Publishers

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Use of Social Networking Site for Academic Purposes
Sk Sabbar Hossain

Abstract
In India, young people in academic organizations and students are rapidly increasing their
use of social networking sites for academic communication. The current study aims to
assess how teachers and students use social networking sites for academic purposes. The
professors’ and students’ use of Social Networking Sites, as well as their frequency, duration,
issues, and level of satisfaction with higher education, will be investigated in this study.
The platforms themselves provide a vast array of communication channels and services
that can assist academic institutions in resolving a variety of administrative issues. However,
universities and other institutions in India have not yet officially recognized it. This article
investigations studies and examinations led by scholarly analysts all over the planet. This
study has elaborated on a number of studies and experiments to demonstrate the value and
significance of Social Networking Sites in the academic setting. As a result of the proposal,
the conclusion suggests that using social networking sites at educational institutions will
significantly alter how tasks and operations are managed.
Keywords: Social Networking Sites, E-learning.

Objectives of the Study:

The main objectives of the study are as follows:
1. To find out level of awareness among the students about various Social
Networking Sites.
2. To know the sources of information about how to use the Social Networking
Sites.
3. To find out that Social Networking Sites is helpful in receiving information.
4. To know the top three commonly using Social Networking Sites among the
users under study.
5. To identify the purpose of using Social Networking Sites by students.
6. To find out the frequency of use of Social Networking Sites per day.
7. To find out the satisfaction level of using Social Networking Sites by the teachers
and students.
8. To know teachers and student’s opinion about the positive use of Social
Ex Student of Library and Information Science (MLISC), Jadavpur University Qualified for UGC
NET JRF

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Networking Sites.
9. To know the reason involving to academic usage of Social Networking Sites.
10. Find out and analyze the problems being faced by the teachers and students of
colleges in Paschim Medinipur while using Social Networking Sites for academic
communication.

Review of Related Literature

A comprehensive summary of previous research on a subject is called a literature
review. The writing survey overviews insightful articles, books, and different sources
pertinent to a specific area of exploration.
Stephen (2014) conducted a study on “Use of Social Networking Sites among
the Students of Engineering & Education Colleges in Karaikudi. A Study”. The
study aims to find out the activities and reasons for using Social Networking Sites
by the students of Engineering and Educational colleges in karaikudi city, Tamilnadu,
India. In this study the survey method is used to collect the data. This study found
100% were aware about various SNSs, 95% of the respondents using for interact
with their friends, 62% respondents using Smartphones to accessing SNSs and
26% of the students are frequently using 2-5 hours per day. Despite the fact that
the majority of college students use social media and spend a lot of time on them,
these findings indicate that there was a negative aspect to their use of social media.
Kumari, Kantharaju (2014) studied “Awareness and use of Social networking
sites among the student of business Schools & management college libraries in
Mysore city”. They found that all the students are aware of social networking sites
and they use these sites to interact with their friends. It should be noted that social
networking sites can be used as an interactive platform for academic communication
and can be a source of information, knowledge and help.
Singh and Anil Kumar (2013) in their paper entitled ‘Use of Social Networking
Sites (SNSs) by the research scholars of Panjab University, Chandigarh: A study’
explored to study the activities and purposes for using SNSs by the scholars of
Panjab University, Chandigarh. The findings of their study shows that majority of
the respondents were found to be aware and making use of such applications in
their research work. Their study also reveals that Facebook is the most popular
SNSs by all categories of researchers.

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Jahan and Zabed Ahmed (2012) studied perceptions of academic use of social
networking sites (SNSs) by students of the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. That
study indicates a positive attitude towards academic use of SNSs by the students.
Although students have different opinions about how SNSs are used in academic
settings, the fact that these sites aren’t welldefined is largely to blame for the
differences. Higher education institutions need to come up with appropriate policies
and plans for how to use social networking sites to help students learn and educate
themselves outside of the classroom.
Kindi & Alhasmi (2012) conducted a study “use of Social networking among
Shinas college of Technology students in Oman”. According to the study, news
sharing and information discovery are the primary motivations for using SNSs
frequently.
Additionally, the study found that a lack of IT expertise, insufficient time, and
lack of experience are significant barriers to using SNSs. Finally, the study found
that Facebook, Google Groups, and Yahoo! Students at SHCT use 360 the most
frequently.
Yan Zhang (2012) explored college students’ use of social networking sites for
health and wellness information. Thirty-eight college students were interviewed.
The interview transcripts were analyzed using the qualitative content analysis method.
Overall, participants were skeptical about the quality of information. Based on the
results, a model of students’ acceptance of social networking sites for health and
wellness information was proposed and implications for designing social platforms
to better support health inquiries were discussed Using social networking sites for
health and wellness information is not a popular behavior among college students in
this study.
Mahajan (2009) in her paper entitled ‘Use of social networking in a linguistically
and culturally rich India’ explored the usage, impact and problems related to social
networking sites and their impact on the social and cultural values of India. She
also described the top most social networking websites of India along with their
bad and good factors.
Thanuskodi (2009) India has significant advantages in the 21st century
knowledge race. It has a large higher education sector – the third largest in the
world in student numbers, after China and the United States. Next to China, India

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is the most populated country in the world. The purpose of education is well-rounded
development. Students need a combination of arts, computer science, science, and
humanities or literature courses to achieve this kind of development. A well-equipped
and well- managed library is the foundation of modern educational structure. It is
said that education without library services is like a body without soul, a vehicle
without an engine, and building with bricks but no cement.
Jeff Cain (2008) in the research paper “Online Social Networking Issues Within
Academia and Pharmacy Education” has discussed that Facebook is a tool that
aids students in developing their identities and finding their ‘‘fit’’ within a college
community. Helping students connect, establish a network and stay in contact with
old and new friends is the center of attraction and significant benefits of Facebook.
Making connections on campus which help them feel that they belong to may be an
important factor in student retention.
Perryman (2011) states ¯Social networking is everywhere today and is being
used by people of all ages and for the widest variety of purposes . Social networking
tools are commonly used by individuals of all ages, but are used especially by
young people and college students.
Na´ndez and Borrego (2012) also reveal that the demographic profile of social
networking sites users varies, with junior and younger researchers more likely to
be frequent users of social networking sites.
Subrahmanyam (2008) conducted a study to assess the use of online social
networking sites among the college students of a large urban university in Los
Angeles. The study reveals that the students often used social networking sites to
connect and reconnect with their friends and family members.
Hargittai (2008) also conducted a study on usage habits of social networking
sites by college students. The findings of the study reveal that a majority of the
college students are active users of the social networking sites accessing these
sites seven times or more in a week, followed by semi-active users accessing them
less than seven times a week.
Bicen & Cavus (2011) study the social networking sites usage habits of
undergraduate students. The study reflects that most under-graduate students use
Facebook for more than four hours a day. Chatting, sending messages and sharing
links are common activities on Facebook. The researchers proposed that by

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integrating Facebook into teaching and education, a significant impact on student’s

lives in the university could be made.
Haneefa and Sumitha (2011) ‘conducted a study on use of social networking
sites by the students of Calicut University, Kerala’. The study shows that a majority
of the students were aware and make use of social networking sites. The results
reveal that 75.4 percent of the students used social networking sites for friendly
communication, 36.6 percent for academic communication, 29.1 percent for
discussing social issues, (11.2 percent) for promoting their work and 8.9 percent to
publish their writings.
Bhardwaj (2014) conducted a study on the use of social networking sites by
library and information science professionals in higher education institutions in India.
The results reveal that 71.9% respondents are members of more than 10 groups;
whereas 17.7% are members of 11 to 50 groups; 15 (7.8%) more than 50 groups
and 5 (2.6%) are not members of any group on SNS. Further, the study shows that
the majority of respondents (94%) preferred Facebook followed by 115 (60%)
LinkedIn, 84 (44%) Orkut, 78 (40%) Twitter, 72 (37%) YouTube and 27 (14%)
Flickr whereas Xing (1%) and Myspace (4%) are the least preferred SNS. Above
studies reveal that social networking sites are heavily used by a large population of
the globe. Youngsters, especially students, are the avid users of the social networking
sites and use these sites for a variety of purposes.
Ji-Hong Park (2010) explored the usage of a SNS by different university
students. Data were collected through semi-structured and open-ended interviews
conducted with undergraduates, graduates, and faculty members at Yonsei University
in Seoul, South Korea. Data were analyzed according to the three groups
(undergraduates, graduates, and faculty members) and within each group SNS
user perception and use were examined across the three different user activity
groups (active students, semi-active students, and non-active students). The analyses
indicated that the three groups of students demonstrated distinct patterns of SNS
use. Most faculty members were not active students. Six factors that affected
these different usage patterns were identified: desire for expression, peer influences,
familiarity with information technologies, sensitivity to privacy, nature of using the
internet, and perception of the SNS.

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Methodology of the Study

Introduction
Research methodology is the path through which researchers need to conduct
their research. It shows the path through which these researchers formulate their
problem and objective and present their result from the data obtained during the
study period. This research design and methodology chapter also shows how the
research outcome at the end will be obtained in line with meeting the objective of
the study. This chapter hence discusses the research methods that were used
during the research process. It includes the research methodology of the study
from the research strategy to the result dissemination. For emphasis, in this chapter,
the author outlines the research strategy, research design, research methodology,
the study area, data sources such as primary data sources and secondary data,
population consideration and sample size determination such as questionnaires
sample size determination and workplace site exposure measurement sample
determination, data collection methods like primary data collection methods including
workplace site observation data collection and data collection through desk review,
data collection through questionnaires, data obtained from experts opinion, workplace
site exposure measurement, data collection tools pre- test, secondary data collection
methods, methods of data analysis used such as quantitative data analysis and
qualitative data analysis, data analysis software, the reliability and validity analysis
of the quantitative data, reliability of data, reliability analysis, validity, data quality
management, inclusion criteria, ethical consideration and dissemination of result
and its utilization approaches. In order to satisfy the objectives of the study, a
qualitative and quantitative research method is apprehended in general. The study
used these mixed strategies because the data were obtained from all aspects of the
data source during the study time. Therefore, the purpose of this methodology is to
satisfy the research plan and target devised by the researcher (Jilcha, 2019).
The research design is intended to provide an appropriate framework for a
study. A very significant decision in research design process is the choice to be
made regarding research approach since it determines how relevant information
for a study will be obtained however, the research design process involves many
inter-related decisions (Aaker, 2000).

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Research Design & Methods

The following data collection instruments were used in order to collect the primary
data from the respondents:

Survey Method
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the use of social networking site for
academic purposes from the colleges in Paschim Medinipur using a survey. There
are currently 489 teachers and 38,046 students enrolled in 27 colleges that are the
subject of the study; the total population for this study is 135. As a result, the survey
research method has been found to be suitable for the current study.

Questionnaire Method
A well-designed questionnaire with pertinent study-related questions was developed
for the purpose of gathering primary data from respondents. A structured
questionnaire with 36 questions about how students and teachers use social
networking sites was given to 54 teachers (two from each college) and 81 students
(three from each college) to get the information needed to evaluate how students
and teachers use SNSs. From the 135 questionnaires that were given out, 55
respondents— 27 students and 28 teachers—from the 27 colleges did not receive
their questionnaires back. In order to evaluate the use of SNSs, a questionnaire
was completed by 54 students and 26 teachers.

Use of Social Networking Site for Academic Purposes

Introduction
The usage of social networking sites such as Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram
is increasing among students and teachers. Students and teachers use social
networking sites to share learning resources, collaborate and post content online,
manage and coordinate schedules, gain motivation for serious studies, participate
in peer education, socialize and enjoy a sense of community belonging, communicate
with their instructors, gratify themselves and get entertainment. Numerous studies
have demonstrated that through using social networking sites, students achieve
better academic performance. On the other hand, unwarranted use of social

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networking sites may negatively influence students’ academic performance.

Consensus on whether the use of online social networking among students
improves academic performance of user students or not is yet to be arrived at The
purpose of this study was, therefore, to investigate the effect of online social
networking usage on student academic performance among college students;
specifically to assess the direct effect of social networking sites usage and study
the indirect effect on academic performance; basing on Student and teacher general
characteristics and, whether this be the case with upper class men (people who
spend significantly more time using technology for academic and work-related
purposes) or under class men (people who spend significantly more time using
technology for non-academic purposes), student time management ability, student
major (arts or sciences) and student preferred mode of learning (using traditional,
hybrid or online).

Information Sharing Through E-Learning

E-learning is a method of obtaining knowledge through digital or, web-enabled
gadgets like computers, laptops, tablets, or smartphones. The technique of online
learning or e-learning enables remote access to systematic learning or any desired
course through a digital device aided by stable internet connectivity. With e-learning,
a learner can digitally access learnings or insights of any chosen subject from
anywhere across the world. E-learning or online learning extensively varies from
traditional learning methods as the latter mandates physical presence for both
teachers and learners. With the rise of the coronavirus pandemic, the system of
education underwent a radical change. The criterion of social distancing and
worldwide lockdown forced the educational institutions to shut down for an indefinite
span which then resulted in the advent of e-learning. With the availability of modern
technology and innovation, this revolutionary transition in the field of learning became
easy and possible even amidst the crisis (Inspiria, 2020).
Information dissemination (diffusion) has been a key social process, but especially
in modern information-centric societies, it has become one of the most critical
ones. Furthermore, it can be observed that most of the commercial communication
infrastructures have been initially developed in the last thirty years mainly to allow
transferring diverse types of information. There are different types of information

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disseminating in human societies and especially through the computer and

communications networks available. These different types range in scope (e.g.
academic, educational, healthcare, gossip, financial, and military to name a few),
criticality (e.g. confidential, noise-sensitive, and public information), value (e.g. low/
medium/high cost and invaluable), and overall desire by human consumers (e.g.
useful, harmful, and indifferent) (Karyotis, 2016). Technology based e-learning
incorporates the use of the internet and other important technologies to produce
materials for learning and teaching in organization. As a result internet and
information technology in tutoring and studying has created a different necessity to
modify how university students learn by using more modern, effective and alternative
such as e-learning system. Regarding to e-learning many people are now attracted
to training and education who previously would not have considered it as a relevant
part of their lives. With the development of computer and internet technologies, this
technology has a high interaction and collaboration level between instructors or
lectures and peers than traditional environment for learning. Hence, e-learning
system might be able to deliver a broad array of solutions to enable learning and
improve student’s performance.
E- Learning is commonly referred to the intentional use of networked information
and communication technology in teaching and learning. The concept of e-learning
is getting very popular these days, as many universities are offering degree and
diploma programs through e- learning mode. Subjects matter experts are developing
new and versatile tools to create e- learning modules. Thus, the day is not far away
when e-learning will become the future popular method of education throughout
the world (Goyal, 2012).
The development of multimedia and information technologies as well as the
use of internet as a new technique of teaching, has made radical changes in the
traditional process of teaching. E-learning has come to be more and more important
in institutions of higher education. The introduction and expansion of a range of e-
101 learning tools has been initiating several changes in higher education institutions,
particularly when it comes to their educational delivery and support processes. The
“adjunct e-learning” is the situation which e-learning is employed as an assistant in
the traditional classroom providing relative independence to the learners of students.
In this form of usage, the e-learning is total so that there is maximum independence
of the learners or students has gone further to explain that the online model is

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divided into the individual and collaborative learning, where the collaborative learning
also consists of the synchronous and asynchronous learning (Arkorful & Abaidoo,
2014).

Social Networking Site’s Effect on Academic Communication

The Internet is more than just a means of seeking information. People have
discovered that the Internet can be used to connect with other people for business
or commercial purpose, to make new friends, or to reawaken old friends and long
lost relatives. The emergence of social networking sites (SNSs) simplifies the process
because they do not require advanced internet knowledge or experience and are
made up of a wide array of different formats and topics. This means that anyone
can connect through SNSs. With such extensive acceptance, it is no surprise that
SNSs have impacted the way people live and socialize.
SNSs are also being used by teachers and students as a communication tool. It
is a bidirectional process as students are using these mediums to share comments
with their teachers. This study attempts to answer the questions: what are the
reasons students engage in the use of SNSs? And how does the use of SNSs
impact on students academic performance? According to Man is a social animal,
He needs to interact and live in society. Personality of man is directly or indirectly
reflected to his society. For becoming an active member of this larger unit one
needs to have efficient communication skills from all points and edges.
Communication has developed since ages as civilization and development goes
hand in hand. In 21st century the communication is faster, better and efficient and
the credit goes largely to technology.
Internet has profoundly changed the human experience; Socialization is an
important aspect of this technology. All internet users say one of their primary
purposes for going online is for communication. Socialization via the internet has
become an increasingly important part of young adult life. The primary tools that
enable socialization on internet are Social Networking Sites and instant messages.
Social Networking Sites are the example of techno-oriented communication.
Facebook, Whatsapp, Twitter, Yahoo Messenger, and Skype are examples of the
new phenomenon of online social networking. It is through these sites that people
come in contact of their society members to seek mates, search for entertainment
and participate in political activities.

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Social Network Service is also known as SNS. An SNS is an online service

platform, or site that focuses on facilitating the building of social networks or social
relations among people who, for example, share interests, activities, backgrounds,
or real-life connections. Adolescents who become members of these SNSs
communities such as Facebook and Twitter, they will firstly get a personal profile
which will show their personal information including the name, job, photo, relationship
status, religion, hobbies and so on then a network of friends are made and other
users can then click on their profiles and traverse ever broadening social networks.
Although this facility is used by people of all age groups, but the predominant Social
networking site users are young adults; three quarters of adult internet users under
age 25 have a profile on these sites. The popularity of these sites is attracting more
and more adult users.
The excessive use of these sites not only has long lasting effect on students but
also affects the physical, mental and social aspect of life. Sometimes these sites
also affect the Academic Achievement of the student because they don’t want to
leave that particular mood and thus their concentration stands divided.
Besides the above mentioned view there is yet an arena of knowledge that
holds the view that every student is unique in his/her own way; some who are able
to express themselves openly are termed as extroverts while others who are shy in
nature are called introverts. Social networking facilitates open communication,
leading to enhanced information discovery and delivery. In addition, it does not
require one to voice out their opinions and ideas. Individuals are able to choose the
preferred option and that is to communicate through social networks. Social
networking sites have brought both good and bad to the present generation. Social
networking site has helped many students to acquire knowledge from one another
over internet without necessarily have to meet physically. On the other hand, social
networking sites have caused many problems. For instance many students have
lost their interest in their studies as they spent most of the time on these sites. What
started out as a hobby for some computer literate people has become a social norm
and way of life for people from all over the world.
The youth use social networking sites as a means of interaction, socializing,
and for purely entertainment purposes? Although many people do not think of it,
social networking sites harbour many unsafe elements and many people are
concerned about some major problems that they contain, which includes education

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and poor academic performance.

Came up with a conclusion that social networking sites do affect one’s academic
performance adversely. It directly causes the gradual drop of grades of students. It
directly affects a student’s academic performance if the student invests his time in
social networking sites instead in his studies, in his research on effect of online
social networking on student academic performance found that there is statistically
significant negative relationship between time spent by students on online social
networks and their academic performance. The time spent on online social networks
was found to be heavily influenced by the attention span of the students. Specifically,
we determined that the higher the attention span, the lower is the time spent on
online social networks. Further, attention span was found to be highly correlated
with characteristics that predict or influence student behaviour, such as their
perceptions about society’s view of social networking, their likes and dislikes of
online social networks, ease of use of Online social networks, etc. On the other
hand there are many researches highlighting that there is a use of social networking
sites does not affect academic achievement adversely (Kado, 2017).

Social Networking Sites in Higher Education

Social Networking is one of the most promising technologies that can be used for
e-learning purposes to create an interactive learning environment and support student
learning. However, its uses for educational purposes are still in the early stages and
the potential advantages and benefits of social networking in education are still
very much underappreciated and undervalued (Rahamn, 2013).
When it comes to social media and education, some parents and teachers view
these platforms as distractions that negatively influence students. But in today’s
increasingly digital world, social media plays a meaningful role in higher education
every day. When used the right way, social media can enhance a student’s learning
journey, also making it much easier for pupils and educators to connect.
Research has shown how beneficial social media can be in terms of learning.
Through these various platforms, teachers can connect with students and incorporate
social media into their lessons, making them more interesting, relatable and engaging.
Social sites are a great tool when it comes to interacting with students since it’s
something they are so familiar with, using these sites frequently throughout daily life.

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So what are the most effective ways teachers can use social media in their
lecture halls and classrooms? David Altounian, marketing professor in Digital Media
Management at St Edward’s University, devised a way to teach his students how
to combine traditional marketing techniques with digital components.
His students are required to create a Tumblr blog about a subject they’re interested
in, marketing it as a product over the course of the semester. Then they were
asked to conduct market research about customer segmentation at the same time
as finding appropriate audience distribution channels.
Next, students used Hootsuite, a social media management platform, to collect
information about their customers, find content they’re interested in, and use this
knowledge to drive awareness of their product on social media.
It makes sense that marketing and communications professors can use social
media to their advantage, since it’s related to their major and can be easily integrated
into the curriculum.
But professors of other disciplines can also incorporate social media learning.
Richard Ng and Latifah Abdol Latif outlined their experience in a research paper
on how their university, Open University Malaysia (OUM), uses social media to
improve the teaching of mathematics in a distance learning course.
Students encountered a problem in their Management Mathematics and
Statistics courses, whereby adult students were finding it difficult to grasp the
subject due to their negative experiences with math or lack of self-confidence.
They also faced problems with the software Microsoft Equation Editor, used
to input mathematical symbols for their coursework, as they were unfamiliar with
the tool.
To overcome these problems, OUM started a pre-tutorial mathematics
workshop to teach students how to use the Microsoft Equation Editor software.
They were also taught how to access video clips and PowerPoint slides posted in the
blog, as some students were not well versed enough in technology to effectively use
these resources.
Students were then shown how extended discussion can be conducted through
a specially created Facebook group. At the same time, this increased their
engagement and encouraged interaction, reducing feelings of isolation which is one
of the major challenges of distance learning courses.

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Social media is also great for research, offering useful audience and subject
monitoring tools. Students can use polls, surveys, or even just post a simple question
to gauge how people feel about a particular topic.

A way to communicate with students

In a university setting, social media can be incredibly useful when it comes to
reaching out and engaging with students. It’s a less formal way for professors to
communicate, showing students a more personal side while improving the teacher-
student relationship.
A study that analysed the use of social networks as a communication tool
between teachers found that that they primarily communicate through social
networks for academic reasons.
Results of the study led researchers to conclude that teachers should use social
networks as communication tools for purely academic-related issues, such as
addressing aspects related to class organization and coursework. Teacher-student
interaction in the social media sphere should be kept strictly professional.
The study also uncovered that teachers found Facebook and WhatsApp to be
the most effective social media tools due to the popularity and versatility of Facebook,
and the easy-to-use communicative abilities of WhatsApp.
Professors should also be careful about what they post and how much they
wish to share with their students via social media platforms, as their online profile
content could affect their credibility as an education professional.
They are advised to keep their profiles primarily for academic purposes or to
keep their personal profiles private, creating a separate public profile for connecting
with students or sharing academic-related content.
For students taking distance learning courses or for lectures with large class
sizes, teachers can make themselves more accessible to students via social media.
They can hold ‘virtual office hours’ through Skype or get them to use Facebook,
Twitter or WhatsApp to raise questions they didn’t get the chance to in class.

Connecting students
Professors and educators can and should encourage their students to better

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communicate with one another for group projects, either by using Whatsapp groups
or Google Hangouts.
Personally, I found social media helpful when I was a student back in 2009. I
was struggling in a Psychology Statistics class, and felt a bit lost in a sea of around
300 students.
A fellow classmate introduced me to a Facebook group for the particular course,
which had members from my current class and previous students who had taken
the course before.
Students posted questions regarding assignments, exams and coursework, while
other students commented with answers and suggestions.
I found it extremely helpful to be able to connect with fellow classmates and
seek help from them. This was ten years ago, and social media has come so far
since then, making it even easier for student communities to strengthen.
In a university setting, social media is a valuable tool in terms of keeping staff
members engaged and informed.
They can use their Facebook, Twitter, or Instagram profiles to spread awareness
about a particular news incident related to the university, broadcast important
information, and share anecdotes or videos about the institution.
Ultimately, social media plays an increasingly important role in higher education.
It’s a rapidly evolving field, so there’s plenty of potential to integrate social media
platforms and tools in student learning.
Professors would be wise to adopt ways to incorporate these platforms into
their coursework and student interactions, if they’re not doing so already, to keep
up with the ever-growing digital world and encourage 21st century learning
(SEGAREN, 2019).

Popular Social Networks As Tools For Educational Support

The most popular social network nowadays is undoubtedly Facebook. The user
who wants to use Facebook services must be 13 years old and above. Therefore
the application of this SNS in education is possible for the students of higher classes
(8th and 9th grades of the elementary school). Schools often use Facebook as a
tool of their presentation in public. Students form groups on Facebook whose size

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corresponds to the number of students in one class. On this SNS they share study
materials, current information about the assigned tasks, tests or other assignments
and events.
Twitter also offers practical exploitation during tuition at school as well as at
home. Twitter as an educational tool can serve for communication, organization,
searching for sources or written communication. Some teachers at Northern Illinois
University in the USA use Twitter as a noticeboard on which they record current
information concerning their classes, for example, cancelling their classes.
Therefore, this SNS can be used for setting teacher’s consultation hours. Twitter
can be also used as a note blog for each class where students can upload their
contributions. Students can debate there online and thus, they can receive almost
immediate feedback on their discussions. The teacher can ask his students to inform
him about what they are learning and what learning difficulties they are having by
the so-called tweeting. In this way students create their online diary of learning. In
addition, parents can exploit Twitter for an overview of their children’s activities.
Twitter can also be used for summarizing of the teaching matter on a given day.
Moreover, Twitter provides their users with an extensive source of information.
Students can with its help communicate with experts. Twitter can also broaden
student’s horizons, their vocabulary, spoken and written communication. As Twitter
has a limited length of messages, it is also a suitable tool for concise and simple
expression of user ideas. (Klimova, 2015)
YouTube EDU is a special educational channel focused on the educational
videos. It is the so- called global video classroom which users can exploit both for
school or home instruction. The channel offers interesting videos from all fields of
human activity. Users can sort them out not only according to their interests but
also according to their level of education. The videos are mostly made by the
representatives of various educational institutions or experts in a given issue (YouTube
EDU, 2013). Furthermore, teachers can modify the content of the service to their
teaching purposes. The content is divided according to individual subjects and
difficulty level (YouTube pro skoly, 2013).

Use of Social Media for Information Dissemination

In last few years, libraries have been subject to significant force due to the information

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Sk Sabbar Hossain

revolution. Information has to be properly composed, organized and disseminated

for the user at right time in a right way. Libraries around the world are facing vital
challenges due to budget cuts, increased user base, the rapid growth of resources,
rising costs, networking demands, and complexity in information requirements
compelling the professionals to look up the open source technology available on the
web. At the same situation require to promote and aware users for available sources.
Dissemination is supposed to be an intentional social process of communicating
materials, products and new ideas. Dissemination takes on the theory of the traditional
view of communication, which involves a sender and receiver. Historically, social
media used to be enough to have an online presence on the internet for the one-
way broadcasting and dissemination of information. SNSs also provide library with
an innovative and effective way of connecting with their users (Vyas & Trivedi,
2014).
Social media has greatly changed the way of study in the present generation.
The students are now referring the social media to get the information which is
available on the internet even it is the best medium to get the information and also
time saving. Social media can be used effectively for research purpose.
According to Livingstone and Brake (2010), “Social Networking Sites, like
much else on the internet, represent a moving target for researchers and policy
makers”, social media is useful for all kinds of educations. The social media types
like blogs and content communities has better role in education. The content
communities and Blogs can act as a digital library. It 108 can provide useful
information and contents which are not available by nearest resources (Rajesh &
Michael, 2015).
Social Networking Sites allow users to create profile and share information
and connect with other members. Social media sites not only function in effective
communication but also in the development of collaboration and networking of the
users. Technology offers students an array of options to socialize, network, stay
informed and connected. These students are now using technology to communicate
more than face-to-face interaction and also disseminate information through social
media. Entertainment is another benefit for using social media and Facebook has
some recent attraction such as game applications that have appeared over the last
couple of years. Real-time information sharing is also one of the benefits of social
media use. Many social media sites incorporate an instant messaging feature, which

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

means users can exchange information in real-time via a chat. Social media has
been found very useful in exchanging or dissemination of information such as breaking
news, research findings, and latest trend globally on different issues, disaster outbreak
etc. This feature has been particularly useful to students in higher institutions of
learning. With the advent of social media, dissemination of information by the students
has become easy and free. The network permit and favour the publication and
sharing of information, self-learning, teamwork communication both between
students and teacher feedback, access to other sources of information. Online
social networks have become the ideal space for students to exchange information
and knowledge in a swift, simple and convenient way (Adetimirin &John, 2016).

Conclusion
SNSs are an effective means of communication in the digital world of today, and
the use of social media is growing at an exponential rate. In today’s digital
environment, e-learning has emerged as a crucial tool for teaching and learning
through the use of digital resources. It makes it easier to share and communicate
information, which makes relationships that last longer and help students learn
better. Social networking sites (SNSs) give library professionals excellent
opportunities to interact with users. Social software, like Library 2.0 technologies,
can be used to share information with the online community and work together, and
web 2.0 can be used to improve library services.
Social networking has significant effects on knowledge management in both
the educational institution and student behavior. Long range informal communication
has created as one of the main act of understudy’s life which changed the way
understudies think and associate. Students communicated and discussed common
interests through social media. The utilization of informal communication has
expansive the meanings in the scholastic as well as in public activity of the
understudies and helps in working on the nature of connection between the clients.
For certain difficulties social organizing has turned into a significant devices which
has been utilized for correspondence furthermore, dispersal of data to the
understudies which incorporate educating and learning. When creating institutional
policies and educational resources for distance learning, social networking sites
(SNSs) were successfully utilized for both educational and administrative purposes.

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Sk Sabbar Hossain

Research Questionnaire
1. Name of Institution:
2. Designation:
3. Name of the Department:
4. Gender:
5. Age group of the respondent:
6. How do you rate your computer knowledge and skills
7. Are you a regular user of Internet?
8. What is your frequency of using internet?
9. From where do you access internet?
10. Are you satisfied with the speed of internet?
11. Are you aware about Social Networking Sites?
12. Are you using Social Networking Sites?
13. How long are you using SNS?
14. What are the devices you used for accessing SNS?
15. How many types of social networking (site you have) account(s) do you have?
16. What is your frequency of using Social Networking Sites?
17. How much time do you spent on using Social Networking Sites in a day?
18. Which SNSs you retrieve more frequently?
19. What is your preferred time of using SNSs?
20. What is your preferred place for accessing SNSs?
21. What is your purpose of using SNSs?
22. Do you think that Social Networking Sites is helpful in receiving information
about your subject?
23. What is the reason involving to academic usage of SNSs?
24. What is your satisfaction level of using social Networking Sites?
25. What are the main problems you face while using SNSs?
26. Do you think that Social Networking Site have created negative impact on
your Personal life?

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

27. Do you think Social Networking Sites influence your lifestyle?

28. Are you addicted to using Social Networking Sites?
29. Do you think that Social Networking Sites is useful as a linkage for academic
communication?
30. Do you think your personal information is secure on Social Networking Sites?
31. Do you think that the information available on Social Networking Sites is reliable?
32. What are the features do you most dislike on SNSs?
33. From where do you get the knowledge of using SNSs?
34. What is your opinion regarding the flexibility of using SNSs?
35. What is your opinion about the positive use of SNSs?
36. What are the features you most likely to see on SNSs?

References
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Dissemination by Undergraduates in University of IBADAN, Nigeria. Computer
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6(2), 239- 242.

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of Technology Students in Oman. Journal of Information & Knowledge Management, 11
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rich India. The International Information & library Review. 41, 129-136.
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schools.

74
The Tribal Theology: A Brief Case Study on Bhumij of
South-Western Bengal
Rupa Ghosh

Abstract
The vision and tasks of Tribal theology is so vast; and further it is very difficult to have a
clear definition from the other contextual theologies. For example, liberation theology,
indigenous theology, contemporary theologies; which aim at the fight for justice for the
marginalized [Link] of these theologies are more or less similar with one another. So,
because of its vastness and features; we may overlap the other theologies because of their
[Link] main vision and task of tribal theology can be said broadly the liberation for
the marginalized people in the world.
Here Bhumij is one of the tribes who still retains a set of totemic exogamous subdivision
closely resembling those of the Mundas and Santals. As a result there was an impact of
both tribal Mundari socio cultural traits and Hindu traits on the Bhumij people.
Keywords: Theology, Religion, Bhumij, Tribal, Hindu, Acculturation, God, Vaishnavic Sects.

One of the factors that lead to the development of tribal theology is the existential
reality of the tribal people. Anthropologist used the term ‘tribe’ or ‘tribal’ as “a
group of people speaking a common language, observing a uniform rules of social
organization, and working together for some common purposes such as trade,
agriculture or warfare. Other typical characteristics include a common name, a
contiguous territory, a relatively uniform culture or way of life, and a tradition of
common descent1.” However, in India in general parlance, the usage of the term
‘tribe’ has a pejorative connotation2. According to the constitution of India, the
President is given the power to specify the list of Scheduled Tribes for each State
and Union Territory. Anthropologist, Stephen Fuchs, describes how the President
decides which groups are to be considered ‘tribe’ as:
The Indian Government extends the privileges granted to the Scheduled Tribes
to those social groups which are not fully integrated into the Indian nation for
reasons of economic handicaps, different ecological conditions, different racial origin,
and a different mental and religious world outlook and culture3.
Hrangkhuma summarized this statements as, “the degree of integration in the

Ph.D Research Scholar in History, Raja Narendra Lal Khan Women's College (Autonomous) under
Vidyasagar University, Gope Palace, Paschim Medinipur- 721102, West Bengal, India.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

national mainstream, economic position, environment, ecology, racial origin, and

religion are the criteria used to differentiate tribals from non tribals.” Lalsangkima
Pachuau, in his critique to the nomenclature of “tribalism”discloses the fact that
the very choice of the term indicates the marginal existence of the people so called
“tribal” and the oppressiveness of the structure that imposed the identity to them.
He further say that the very use of the term ‘tribal’reveals the intent to dominate
and oppress the people to whom the nomenclature is imposed. Therefore, the
creation of tribalism is artificial; which is also done for the convenience of the
administrative system that is thoroughly influenced by the caste stratification mindset,
and politically and culturally controlled by the caste Hindu society, which eventually
leads us to the understanding that Hinduism or its Indic culture is a major factor in
defining who is a tribal and a non-tribal in India. Therefore, in short, tribals in India
can be described as politically powerless, economically exploited, socially stigmatized,
and culturally alienated4.
Tribal religion is based on oral traditions. The tribes express their beliefs in
everyday language. Their rituals are aimed at solving day to day problems of life.
Objects of worship are things of nature such as trees, rivers, mountain, sun, moon
and earth. Rituals are mostly performed collectively and transmitted orally.
Tribal world view is grounded in the natural events and life experiences. Their
cosmology is socially effective i.e. existential, but un-interpretative. Faith in
supernatural is structured in a tribal society. According to the 1961 census of India5,
it would appear that about 89 percent of the tribals claimed to profess Hinduism
and 5 percent had converted to Christianity. Most of the tribals in India follow
some or other form of Hinduism. It is mainly due to the contacts the tribals had
with their Hindu neighbours. Christianity was introduced among the tribal groups
during the British rule.
Almost all the tribal religions across India believe in the existence of spiritual
powers. The most important problem of life is to deal with these powers to ensure
individual and collective well-being. The solution for this is to seek conciliation and
communion with the more indefinite and impersonal forces by way of control,
expulsion or avoidance through appropriate rites, ceremonies, spells and taboos.
Religion of a tribe is simple. Religious beliefs and behaviour are not treated as
something apart from other kinds of beliefs and behaviour. Religion pervades all
aspects of their life. Tribal life and society cannot be fully understood without

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understanding their religion.

Tribal theology in India is in the making. There are more or less three approaches
to tribal world-view evident in Tribal theologians while theologising. First is the
approach of contextualisation and lndigenisation represented by senior thinkers like
Nirmal Minz and the Renthy Keitzer. Here the suggestion given is for adaptation
of the Tribal cultural values. The second approach takes a perspective that the
gospel-values are already present in the Tribal culture and world view. For example,
Timotheos Hembrom would hold that the Santhal creation stories are in line with
the Genesis creation stories. The third approach insists that a Tribal Christian theology
has to emerge from a tribal world-view. The spacecentred tribal world-view
contributes to the very content of Tribal theology. The younger creative theologian
A. Wati Longchar is a major exponent of this approach.

Some Important Characteristics of Tribal Religion

The key characteristics of Tribal Religion are identified as the following6 -
(a) There is an absence of any written scripture in Tribal religion. It is the religion
of oral traditions. It is the religion of corporate ‘memory’ passed on from
generations. Religious rituals, teachings and principles are transmitted orally
from one generation to another.
(b) No human-made images or temples are used for worship of the Divine. Natural
objects are accepted as symbols of the divine presence and adoration and
oblations are given seasonally. Life-cycles, birth, marriage and death, and annual
cycles of major seasons and changes of nature accordingly form an integral
part of occasional and seasonal festivals and scarifies.
(c) A nature-human spirit continuum is the key to the tribal vision of life. All religious
rites, observances, festivities are based on this holistic vision of reality. Tribal
religion accepts the integral relationships of nature, humans and spirit in their
experiences. The Tribal totem is one of the concrete examples of this continuum.
(d) Another important characteristic of Tribal religion is .the worship of ancestors:
Ancestors are part of the life of those who are alive and they are interested in
the welfare of the living. The Tribals offer grains of rice at the beginning of
their meal to the ancestors and the faith is that they partake of the meal with
the living ones.

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Famous anthropologists like E T Dalton and H. H. Risley identified the Bhumij

as a Hinduised branch of Mundas who entirely had been transformed into the
Hindu caste in the eastern fringe of Ayodhya Range. Risley observed, ‘Here a
pure Dravidian race have lost their original language now speak only in Bengali;
they worship Hindu god in addition to their own (the tendency being to relegate the
tribal gods to the women) and more advanced among them employ Brahmans as
family priests. They still retain a set of totemic exogamous subdivision closely
resembling those of the Mundas and Santals’. As a result there was an impact of
both tribal Mundari socio cultural traits and Hindu traits on the Bhumij people7.
At present the Bhumij are found to be predominantly settled in the districts of
Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Dhanbad of Bihar province and in Purulia,
Midnapur and Bankura districts in West Bengal. In West Bengal, the Bhumij have
been described as the original inhabitants of Dhalbhum, Patkum, Barabhum and
Baghmundi. They may chiefly be located in the area between the Kansai and
Subamarekha rivers. They are found in Odisha and Assam. There is also a sizeable
population found in Bangladesh.
A close examination of the annual cycle of religious activities of the Bhumij
proved the assimilation of the two religious processes constantly. The religious
integration of the Bhumijs with the Hindu society varies within certain limits, according
to social position and territorial status of the individuals concerned. The deities that
were considered to be very important in their daily life were Boram, Dasum, Bamoni,
Kaishar, Pahari Devi, Kali, Mahadev, Lahangbir, etc. Boram was a prototype of
the sun god worshipped throughout the world particularly in pre-historic period.
The Egyptian people during the period of Pharaoh used to worship sun in order to
enhance the fertility of soil as well as man. In India, particularly amongst the Hindus,
surya cult was held to be the most sacred cult. The bright orb of the sun was
considered in Indian mythology to be represented by the god Surya. He surveys
the universe in the consciousness of power and puts to flight the evil spirit of
darkness and disease. Amongst the tribals boram and Singhbonga were conceived
in his manifold aspect namely, fertility and also as the constant companion, and as
vivifies.
Dasum was a disease god resembling with the bishahari of Hindu mythology.
Bishahari was the Hindu prototype of Dasum deity of the Bhumij. Bamani
represented the worship of tree spirit in India. Actually, it was considered to be the

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survival of totems. In Bengal, Tulsi amongst the Vaishnabic people was the synonym
of God Vishnu, the creator. In the oceanic region, the plant spirit was revered as
Kamis. In order to enhance fertility of housewife tulsi is ceremoniously worshipped
by the Bengali household. Bamani is simply a Bhumij term for this sacred
plant8.’Kaisar’ was worshipped by the women with the offering of Kesar i.e. the
root of Durba grass. In tribal medicine Kesar was taken to be the most effective
rejuvenate for the fallen health of the women during their maternity.
‘Pahari Devi’ was the principal goddess worshipped by the Bhumij of Purulia
and adjoining districts. In several villages ‘Thakuranimai’ was worshipped as goddess
Kali in the style of Hindu injunctions. Thakuranimai or paharidevi was offered
special puja in the month of Agrahayana at the time of harvesting. The new crop
was offered to her as naukhania, which was equivalent to the ‘Navanya’ of the
Hindu community. Bloody sacrifices were always associated with the worship of
the goddess, Thakuranirnai. These practices are still prevalent in the present days
also.
The Bhumij worshipped Baro Pahar or Marang Buru as God. The deity had
emerged out of the hill spirit conceived by the Mundari people. Mahadeva was
sometimes identified with the Marang Buru or Baro Pahar in his magnified form as
Supreme God. In 1956-57, S. Sinha noticed that mainly the wealthy tenure holders
and local zamindars belonging to the Bhumij community worshiped Marang Buru.
The local Hindus in general were, however, inclined to regard Marang Buru and
his wife Chuprangi as equivalent in status to any other important Hindu deities9.
Lahangbir was the hero of jungle. The word ‘bir’ in Mundari language
represented the forest. The deity was worshipped during hunting. Panchbahini and
Baradela were local divinities worshipped by the Bhumij of Purulia, Bankura and
Midnapur in as much the same fashion as Jahir-Buru, the chief difference being
that the offerings to the Panchbahini were usually goats and a kind of incense
called ‘mathaghasha’, while only fouls were presented to bardela10.
The Bhumij worshipped Gram Devi or Gram [Link] Gram Thakur was
worshipped before each religious [Link] concept of Gorai Thakur was derived
from the Mundari concept of Gorbhu that was observed during Sohrai festival.
Manasa was a Hindu Goddess of snake venom. The concept of snake God was
very primitive among the tribal. Among the Mundari people, there was one naga
era, which was considered to be the snake deity.

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The Bhumij of Manbhum worshiped a cruel female deity named as Rankini. It

was belived that Rankini especially enjoyed in human sacrifices. It was freely
admitted that in former years, children were frequently kidnapped and sacrificed at
her shrine. Karakata is another deity worshipped for rains. Traditional Bhumij priests
had been performing the divine [Link] raja of Barabhum worshipped tantric
goddess of Chamundi, locally known as Koteswari.
The Bhumijs of Purulia, Bankura and Midnapur worshipped the following Hindu
God and Goddessess: Shiva, Durga, Kali, Manasa, Saraswati, Lakshmi, Srikrishna,
Rama, Ganesha, Bhagwan and the like. To them the deities were merely powerful
spirits whose aid was to be invoked for personal benefit.
Rajas and all the Taraf Sardars of these areas sponsored Durga puja by making
clay images of the Goddess, maintained priests who were offered gifts of land.
They also put on sacred threads. The same image followed by the level of village
headman or ghatwals. With his limited resources he would perform Durga puja
with a small earthen pot (ghat) representing the goddess.
The Bhumijs of eastern Ajodhya worshipped goddess Kali. Goddess Kali among
the Bhumij had been conceived as the Goddess of fertility as well as production of
vegetation on earth. ‘Mahadeva’ is a Hindu god. Originally it was represented
through phallic worship. Phallic worship in the primitive culture was virtually directed
to the promotion of fertility forces. Since human organs for generations were taken
to be the symbol of production, the phallic was taken to be the image of Mahadeva.
The Bhumij people also worshipped the Goddess Lakshmi. During Marga-Sira i.e.
during November and December months the Goddess of wealth was worshipped
and offerings to her in the form of sweets and flowers were made. On each Thursday
the Bhumij women offer pujas to Goddess Lakshmi as a part of their domestic
activities.

Magico Religious Approach

In the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries, the Bhumij people followed the tribal
path to remit their diseases and calamities, which are still continuing. Like other
Tribals the Bhumij considered all types of diseases to be supernatural phenomena
haunting man in order to chastise him for his own faults or to streamline his course
of action in the path of development through various problems and hazards. Disease

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Rupa Ghosh

was caused according to the tribals not for any natural factors, but for the
malevolence of some disgruntled supernatural beings inhabiting in the surrounding.
Since the phenomenon was saturated with supernatural characteristic the matter
should be dealt with by persons conversant with supernatural tricks or magico
religious [Link] methods namely, (i) the application of herbal and mineral
elements and (ii) administration of spells or mantras were applied by skilled persons
on the affected victim in order to cure him of the ailments. Herbs like Aentha
(Helicteres Isora), Baghrandi (Jatraphacurcas), Banabar (Zizyhhus), Baryari
(Sidacarpinifolia), Bhonsri (Anisomelesovata), Bhuir Jamoon (Premnaherbacea),
etc., were used by the specialist class of medicine men who were proficient also in
supernatural [Link] spells they used were looked upon to be the gift of a
presiding deity - she might either be Manasa, or, Bishahari, Sitala, Kali, etc. The
spells were uttered in musical sound and are popularly known among them as
‘Ramoj Gan’.
According to Surajit Sinha, “The recognition of supernatural interference is
particularly strong in connection with major economic operations and in diseases.
This is particularly so, because in these matters mere technological control often
fails to bring about the desired results. In the cultivation of paddy beginning from
the first, ploughing to garnering, each stage is coloured by magico religious rites. In
the main social rites such as birth, marriage and funeral, magico-religious activities
play a significant role. The general attitude to the deities is one of awe and wonder
due to their superior powers. But with regard to the village tutelary deities, they
seem to posses also a sentiment akin to kinship bond”13.

Traits of Acculturation
The tribes under our consideration are undergoing changes. The nomenclature of
the tribe is gradually bereft of its implications in the perspective of the changes.
Tribe is normally defined as a group of ethnic splinters that remained static in their
social and cultural behaviour, which means a tribe belonging to hill hunting stage,
will remain in the same stage for ages in spite of various impending changing
circumstances. The tribes in static conditions are less prone to digest and assimilate
the foreign cultural elements within themselves. Metamorphosis in this sense is
rarely discernible amongst the tribal groups.

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Traits of acculturation are normally observed in the development of Siva or

Mahadeva concept among the Bhumij. It has already been stated that the Bhumij
people worshipped the spirit of hill in the form of Barapahar. It is needless to
mention that this Barapahar is the nucleus of the siva concept, which has been
elaborated through the influence of traditional Hindu god siva or Mahadeva. In this
connection it is apt to indicate that the name siva is so quickly replacing the term
Barapahar that at present the entire worship of hill God is known among the Bhumij
as siva puja14. The word siva may be taken as a compound word, the constituents
being ‘Si’ and ‘Va’. In Santali language ‘si’ means ploughing ‘va’ means the source
or origin15 of ploughing. It should be mentioned in this connection that in the popular
religion of Bengal God siva is closely related with the origin or discovery of ploughing
cultivation. It is quite familiar to the Bengali people that the Himalayas are some
times taken to be identical with the God Siva. Even the small hillocks scattered in
the districts of Purulia and Bankura are worshipped by the Bhumij of this region as
a symbol of lord Siva.
The above analysis of the Siva concept of the Bhumij revealed that the hill
spirit or Burubonga or Barapahar which has base in an animistic tradition has been
transformed into the God Siva and Bhairava due to their close association with
agriculture as well as induction of thought from higher culture.
In the month of Baisakh, Kartick and Agrahayan the mother Goddess Kali is
adored amidst joy with the sacrifice of goats and fowls. Like the Oranon ‘Kalo
Pachcho’, Kali of the Bhumij has been elevated to the position of the principal
mother Goddess who looks after the well-being of the people. It is interesting to
note that in some places of the south west of West Bengal, Kali being the wife of
Lord Siva, is attributed the little ‘sat-ti’, the well known Hindu Goddess venerated
in Hindu mythology. The title of ‘Sat-ti’ attributed to Kali, has also a meaning
relevant to soil. In Mundari language, ‘Sat-ti’ means kind hand (‘sat’ means honest
or kind and ‘tii’ means hand) and is used for a noble woman who fills up the hands
(tii) of everyone with some food or grain16.
It is interesting to note that the village gods about whom we have already
discussed had transformed into town or city gods with different names. As for
example, Barapahar was gradually being amalgamated with the concept of Siva,
Jahirburu was elevated to Kali and Singbonga or Sun God had transformed into
Dharam thakur. The last one i.e. Dharam thakur is universally worshipped in the

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Rupa Ghosh

district of Purulia, Bankura and Midnapur even today. Whatever be the origin of
Dharma concept, the rituals observed during its worship depict it with the halo of
Sun god. Sometimes, Dharmapuja was nicknamed as ‘Sada Pantha’ Puja because
white goats resembling the colour of sunrays were sacrificed on the occasion. All
bhaktas or worshippers adored their bodies with white clothes or uttariyas. Special
Suryargha or oblations to sun were offered in the name of Dharmathakur.
Dharma is a God to bring fertility to a sterile woman. He is also the potent
force to cure diseases like leprosy, scabies, etc. The male folk invoked the god in
aspirations of being powerful in productive activities till old age. Sometimes
germinated seeds are swallowed by the women in the name of Dharmathakur
anticipating blessings of the god that would make them fruitful i.e. capable of giving
birth to child. Dharmathakur is closely related with fertility cult as well as the
general well being of the community. It may be said that the Dharmathakur is the
epitome of acculturation process generated amongst the community through
Hinduisation or de-tribalisation.

Vaishnavic Impact
In the district of Jungle Mahal, large numbers of Bhumij people had been converted
into Vaishnavic sects. The original tribal religious concepts were modified or
readjusted with the various deities propagated by the Vaishnavic people in West
Bengal. In Bengali literature, ‘Sri Chaitannya Charitamrita’ by Krishnadas Kaviraj
is a reputed epic. In this book references of the arrival of Sri Chaitannya, keeping
Cuttak on the right side and his entry into the forest region through some subways
are available. The people of this forested area had been described as ‘Mahapasanda’-
great criminal. They were Vhilla by race.
“Mathura jabar Chafe Asi Jarikhanda .
Villaprai Lok Taha Param Pasanda.17”
Vaishnavic cult has been alluded to by Surajit Sinha in his famous article entitled,
‘Bhumij Kshatriya a social Movement in South Manbhum’. According to him one
of the informants had said that even in their childhood days they had been aware
that the Bhumij of this area were divided into three social strata, namely, the ataisha,
nagadi and nichu. Surajit Sinha’ himself has remarked “Most importantly, the
operation of the Vaishnava influence offers a model for transforming and enriching

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the social and cultural horizon of a primitive isolated people without violently disturbing
the original social and cultural structure18.
Surajit Sinha’s contention was based on the local hearsay, which could not be
historically proved. The fact is that the Bhumij people were originally low aboriginal
people. The inculcation of Vaishnavism and other faith was simply the manifestation
of the effort of upgradation of the tribe. Adoption of Kshatriya title was also a by-
product of this process. These are termed as a pull process of the innate dynamism
of mankind. The process was accentuated by historical facts of subjugation of the
tract by the Kshatriya Rajput people and also by the on set of Vaishnavic faith
through various preachers. The story related by Surajit Sinha testified to the process
of Sanskritisation enunciated by Dr. Srinivasa in his theory of’ Aryanisation in
India’.
The impact of Vaishnavism built up a new mould of Hinduism in Manbhum and
adjoining areas that pulled out the Bhumij chieftains from the fold of tribalism and
helped them to push amongst the aristocrats of feudal India19.

Conclusion
Many tribes in India show considerable syncretism with Hinduism, such as the
Kadugollas of Karnataka, who worship gods such as Junjappa, Yattappa, Patappa,
and Cittappa, but in reality are more devoted to Siva, who dominates their festivals
and religious observances. Local deities are still of importance, though, as with the
Bedanayakas of Karnataka, who worship Papanayaka, a deity supposed to have
lived 300-400 years ago as a holy man among them and who performed miracles.
Some historians and anthropologists assert that much of what constitutes folk
Hinduism today is actually descended from an amalgamation of adivasi faiths, idol
worship practices and deities, rather than the original Indo-Aryan faith. This also
includes the sacred status of certain animals such as mon-keys, cows, peacocks,
cobras (snake) and elephants and plants such as the Pipal Tuisi, Neem which may
once have held totemic importance for certain adivasi tribes. But this Scheduled
Tribe groups who were identified as more isolated from the wider community and
who maintain a distinctive cultural identity have been categorized as ‘Particularly
Vulnerable Tribal Groups’ (PTGs) (previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups)
by the Government at the Centre. So far seventy-five tribal communities have

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Rupa Ghosh

been identified as ‘particularly vulnerable tribal groups’ in different States of India.

About 7% of Indians between 60 and 65 million people, are officially classified into
‘Scheduled Tribes’20 . These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural
communities, have been identified as less acculturated tribes among the tribal
population groups and in need of special programmes for their sustainable
development. The tribes are awakening and demanding their rights for special
reservation quota for them.

Reference
1. L. [Link] and Binay Kumar Raj,The TribalCulture of India ; New Delhi: Concept
Publishing Company, 1985; p.7.
2. A. Wati Longchar, “Tribal Theology: Issues, Method and Perspective,” Journal of
Tribal Studies, Vol. IV. No.2 (July- December, 2000), p. 70.
3. F. Hrangkhuma. “Christ and Tribal Culture,” in Christ and Cultures, Jacob Kavunkal
and F. Hrangkhuma, ed.(Bombay: St. Pauls, 1994), p.140. Cited in Zolawma, “Tribal
Theology in Northeast India,” p. 3.
4. K. Thanzauva, Theology of Community (Aizawl: Mizoram Theological Conference,1997),
pp. 1-6.
5. Census of India, 1961 , Assam ; District Census Handbook ; p. 220.
6. Nirmal Minz, “The study of Tribal Religion in India,” in Re-visioning India’s Religious
Traditions, ed. by David C. Scott & Israel Selvanayagl!lri;Delhi/Bangalore: ISPCKIUTC,
1996, p. 122.
7. H. H. Risley, The People of India, Calcutta 1915, p.75.
8. James Hastings, T. Edinburgh & T. Clerk, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. I,
1980, pp. 535-37.
9. Amiya Kumar Banerjee, West Bengal District Gazetteer of Bankura, September 1968,
Calcutta, p.155.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Dr. Satya Prakash Gupta, Tribes of Chotonagpur plateau: An Ethno-nutritional and
Pharmacological Cross section, Bihar Tribal Research Institute, Ranchi, 1974, pp.126-
27.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

13. Surajit Sinha, ‘Some aspects of change in Bhumij Religion in South Manbhum’, Man
in India, Vol. 33, No.2. April-June 1953, P-150.
14. J.B. Medda, Religious Concepts of the Tribal People of Birbhum,Birbhum, 1977, p.65.
15. Ibid., p.71.
16. Ibid., p.68.
17. Dr. Sudhir Kr. Karan, ‘Bangia Sahitya Purulia’ in Debaprasad Jana (Ed.) Ahalyabhumi
Purulia, Vol-1, p.171.
18. Pashupati Prasad Mahato,Jharkandi lokodarshan, Prasik, 2004. p.33.
19. Ibid., p.31.
20 The Dictionary of Art; ed. Jane Turner, NY. Macmilan, 1996, Vol-15, p.731.

86
Portuguese Trade in Mediaeval Bengal : A Historical Overview
Puspendu Routh

Abstract
The Portuguese came to Bengal in the early part of the sixteenth century. All the countries
were in search of markets for their products as well as places in which to locate resources.
In this respect, the Portuguese were no exception. When they came, they were not left with
disappointment as what they had heard about Bengal back in their homeland was not far
from the truth and were fully satisfied. Since the Portuguese came to Bengal for trade
purposes, they started ways and means to set up trade centres in various parts of Bengal.
They had come to India mainly for trade but the difficulties which the native rulers kept in
their path led them to engage in arm conflicts also. The granting of trade license to the
Portuguese greatly accelerated the growth of Bengal as a European trading nation in India.
Thus, by the latter part of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese were the dominant sea-
power as most of the trade of Bengal had passed into their hands.
Keywords: Portuguese, Bengal, Trade Centre, Trade Route, Economy.

Bengal was connected by network of rivers like no other parts of India which
greatly attracted the sea faring people like the Portuguese who had love for
adventures and navigation. The Portuguese had heard a lot about the wealth and
trade of Bengal and this was confirmed when Vasco da Gama and Albuquerque
had reported to the king of Portugal in Lisbon about the various prospects of trade
and commerce in Bengal.1 Since the Portuguese came to Bengal for trade purposes,
they started ways and means to set up trade centres in various parts of Bengal. In
order to facilitate trade and seek permission to set up a factory or trade centre
where goods would be exchanged, D. Joao de Silveira sent a messenger with his
compliments to the king of Bengal around the period 1517-1518 AD. But they
were not received very warmly which led the Portuguese to constitute themselves
into a military power as to be ready to encounter any attack from the opponents.
They had come to India mainly for trade but the difficulties which the native rulers
kept in their path led them to engage in arm conflicts also.2
Apart from the attitudes of the Bengal rulers, another reason for the failure of
the Portuguese to establish a trading centre in Bengal in their early attempts was
because of their too much reliance on the authority of the Papal Bull. This led them
to think of themselves as having the authority to do whatever they wanted without
Ph.D. Research Scholar in History, Raja Narendra Lal Khan Women's College (Autonomous) Gope
Palace, Paschim Medinipur - 721102, West Bengal, India
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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

realising the fact that it (Papal Bull) might not have authority outside His Holiness’s
spiritual jurisdiction.3 Although the Portuguese were unsuccessful in their first mission
to facilitate trade with Bengal, yet they did not lose hope and from the time of
Silveira’s visit, every year a Portuguese ship with merchandise was sent to Bengal
to commence trade with Bengal until they met with success. The province of
Bengal had several towns and ports which greatly facilitated her sea-borne trade.
At the time of the coming of the Portuguese, most of the trade had gone from the
hands of the Natives to the merchants of Arabs and Persia who enjoyed uncontrolled
monopoly in the movement of ships in the Eastern Seas.4
Between the years 1517 - 1538 AD, the Portuguese were in constant conflict
with the Sultans of Bengal in their mission to establish trading centre in Bengal.
The relationship between the two worsened when the Sultan of Bengal imprisoned
one emissary of the Portuguese, named Martim Affonso de Mello. He was not
freed till the time when the Sultan of Bengal, Mahmud Shah was attacked by the
Afghans under Sher Shah and the Sultan needed the help of the Portuguese. So,
the Sultan at that time had no other choice but to ask the Portuguese for help in
return for which he promised to allow them to erect factories in Satgaon and
Chittagong.5 Although the Sultan did not win the campaign yet, he did not refrain
from his promise. The result was that Martim Affonso de Mello was allowed to
build factories in Chittagong and Satgaon in the year 1536 AD and to control the
custom houses of those ports as well.6 Nuno Fernandez Friere was made the chief
of the custom house in Chittagong and was given the power to collect rent from the
Moors and the Hindus who lived there, while the custom house of Satgaon was
given to Joao Correa. Thus, only after a long time, the Europeans were allowed to
settle in Chittagong and Satgaon in the province of Bengal.7
This was the first establishment of the Portuguese in Bengal and was followed
by the death of the then Sultan of Bengal, Mahmud Shah. But the dreams of the
Portuguese were already realised. Thus, the supremacy of the Arab and Persian
merchants ended with the coming of the Portuguese who opened trade in Bengal
to Europe and the south-eastern Asian countries from the third decade of the
sixteenth century, during the rule of Ghiyasuddin Mahmud Shah, the Sultan of Bengal.
The granting of trade licence to the Portuguese greatly accelerated the growth of
Bengal as a European trading nation in India.8 In the year 1579-1580 AD, during
the rule of the Mughals under Akbar, the Portuguese were allowed to set up a

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factory under a Farman to Pedro Tavares, a merchant captain, at Hugli on the

bank of the Ganges,9 not far from the custom house at Satgaon. The reason for
allowing the Portuguese to establish a factory at Hugli by Akbar was to achieve a
greater share in the profits of the Eastern dominations through the active participation
of Bengal in the sea-borne commerce of Asia and also because the Mughal ruler
was greatly impressed by Pedro Tavares.10 They were also allowed the monopoly
of the salt trade by the payment of 100,000 rupees a year to the Nawab of Bengal.11
Because of that, they used to earn huge profits with which they used to buy
commodities and in trade. Thus, by the latter part of the sixteenth century, the
Portuguese were the dominant sea-power as most of the trade of Bengal had
passed into their hands.12
The climate of Bengal was favourable for the growth of cotton and so was
famous for her textile products which she supplied to the regions on the eastern
side of the Bay of Bengal in return for gemstones, silver and spices.13 In the eastern
coast of India the two main trading regions were the Coromondal coast and Bengal.
The latter at that time comprised the Orissa ports of Pipli and Balasore. To the
west of Bengal on the river Saraswati lie Satgaon and to the East lie Chittagong at
the mouth of the river Kamaphuli which were the two major ports of Bengal in the
early 75 years of the sixteenth century.14 Of the two ports of Bengal, Chittagong
occupied much more important place than Satgaon as it was closely linked with the
city of Gaur which at that time was the Sultanate capital that controlled the whole
of Bengal. Another principal port was Sripur which was situated on the Meghna,
only a short distance away from Sonargaon , the capital of Eastern Bengal.15
After the Portuguese established themselves in Satgaon, it attracted sufficient
commerce to be able to feed the merchants. It was the royal port of Bengal till the
emergence of Hugli as an important port in the latter part of the sixteenth
[Link] attracted merchants from all over the world and it was made a
Portuguese port in 1537 AD, It was the main emporium of the Portuguese since
then and was called the ‘Porto Piqueno”.16 But the Portuguese did not built any
permanent settlement there as big vessels could not enter when they came and
they had to build temporary houses whenever they went to do trade there. With the
coming of the Portuguese, Satgaon lost its importance as one of the main trading
centres of Bengal and the reason was that the river Hugli changed its current
through the main channel thereby causing the silting of the river Saraswati which

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

gradually made it unsuitable for navigation by bigger vessels.17Another reason that

came up was that the decline of Satgaon was due to the commercial activities of
the Portuguese who with their coming diverted all the trade to their own port in
Hugli where they were settled permanently, thereby bringing great harm to the
trade of Satgaon. It had also become a problem for the Portuguese to make and
unmake houses every time they went to Satgaon during trading season and so
trade was finally diverted to Hugli.18
After the decline of Satgaon, the merchants who also traded there apart from
the Portuguese, went to Hugli where the Portuguese had their trade centre, This
shows that wherever the Portuguese went, they took the trade with them and the
other traders especially the natives had to follow the route of them. So, when the
Portuguese traders left Satgaon, the native traders also left that place. With the
settlement of the Portuguese in the port of Hugli, it was turned into a big town.19 As
the number of Portuguese traders in Hugli grew, their trade and influence also
increased in Bengal as well. Both the internal and the external trade of Bengal thus
were diverted from Satgaon to Hugli where the Portuguese held the sway of the
overseas trade with the participation of a few Malaya, Arabs and Indian traders.20
It became the common emporium of the vessels of India, China, Malacca and
Manila. Thus, by 1596-97, Hugli had taken the place of Satgaon as one of the most
important and flourishing ports of Bengal.21 Its location on the banks of the river
Ganges, whose branches spread all over Bengal, greatly enhanced the importance
of Hugli as an important trading centre. It remained so even after the expulsion of
the Portuguese from there.22
Both the ports of Satgaon and Hugli were in the hands of the Portuguese.
Under the Portuguese, the port of Hugli grew with great speed and quickly rose to
the position of one of the most important trading ports in Bengal. It became so
prosperous than Chittagong- which was one of the leading trade centres- that it
deserved to be called “Porto Grande” i.e. great port, which was the name by
which the latter was known to the Portuguese.
So. Chittagong started losing its importance while Hugli was prospering by the
end of the sixteenth century.23 But still Chittagong remained one of the important
ports of Bengal and did not lose its title of being called the “Porto Grande”.24 From
the beginning till the end it was the “Porto Grande”, while Satgaon was the “Porto
Piqueno”. After the decline of Satgaon, Hugli took Satgaon’s place of being called

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the “Porto Piqueno although the volume of trade in Hugli, where the Portuguese
were firmly settled, was much more than that of Satgaon. 25 Finally in 1590,
Chittagong came under the hands of the Portuguese.26
At the time when Satgaon and Chittagong were flourishing under the Portuguese,
the Mughals under Akbar and Jahangir were in an understanding relationship with
the latter. After sometimes the Mughals took over Sandwip, which belonged to a
person named Kedar Rai. Sandwip was rich in salt and so the Portuguese had for
a long time wanted to take over this port. Thus, in 1602. under the leadership of
Domingo Carvalho, they attacked and captured the port of Sandwip from the hands
of the Mughal authorities.27 The Portuguese did not limit themselves to these ports
only. They had their factories in other parts of the province at Dacca, Tamluk, Hijli,
Jessore, Barisal, Noakhali, Chattagram. Dianga. Dakshin Shahabazpur, Chandikan,
Katrabu. Midnapore and other places which eventually were occupied by the
Portuguese.28 Pipli and Balasore in Orissa were also the other important ports in
Bengal. 29
Thus, the most important trade centres during the time of the Portuguese were
Dacca, Hugh. Hijli. Chittagong Pipli and Satgaon. These could command the position
of being an important trade centres because of their location in the most favourable
part of Bengal. on the river highways which were easily accessible by the
merchants.30There were three important lines of trade routes from Bengal.31 The
participation of the Portuguese brought some changes in the trade of Bengal. Trade
to Malacca which was important, declined in the 1540’s when Bengal products
started paying more at the entry than goods from other parts of Asia.32But the loss
of Malacca was the gain of Acheh 94 as its trade increased to a great extent at the
expense of the former.33 The trade with Coromondal coast continued while the
trade with Gujarat and the Red Sea under the Indian traders came to an end by the
middle of the sixteenth century and it was revived only around the middle of the
seventeenth century. Ormuz was the only region that linked Hugli and the westem
part of the Indian Ocean and this trade was carried on by the 95 Casados
merchants. 34
In the beginning, the vessels of the Portuguese Crown only had the licence to
trade in Bengal. In course of time, in the 1530's, individual Portuguese were also
given the permit to make voyages to Bengal as part of the Crown initiative or
sometimes independently.35 The Portuguese traders comprised of the ‘Casados-

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soldiers who were married and retired from active service- and fugitives and who
soon took wives from among the natives. Everyone from the soldiers to the
merchantmen as well as from viceroys to cabin boy came to be interested in the
trading activity and such was the effect of trade that their discussion came to
revolved around the prices of merchandise.36
But the main reason that attracted the individual Portuguese to take part in the
trade of Bengal was profit. But with their entry, the official Portuguese approach
to the trade in Bengal was changed in that the Crown shipping was abandoned
entirely for concession voyages as individual Portuguese became more and more
interested in the trade of Bengal.37 So, the Portuguese policy of not interfering in
the political affairs of Bengal was in practice. They mainly concentrated only in the
commercial activities and because of that they could gain success in the trade in
Bengal. n the external trade, they almost monopolised it, while in the Inland trade,
the Indian merchants and other foreigners were their main competitors.38
The power of the Portuguese had increased to such a great extent in course of
time that, even the vessels of the Mughal governor had to take permission from
them to enter the port of Hugli and had to give in to various rules enforced in the
port which was under the possession of the Portuguese.39 This was one of the
policies of the Portuguese to establish their supreme authority in the whole of trade
in Bengal. The main aim of the Portuguese was to establish supremacy in the
Indian seas which would enable them to control and direct the course of trade.40
But it was not easy for the Portuguese to get the supreme position in the trade of
Bengal where every other nation was trying to grasp opportunities to get a foothold.
There were some methods adopted by the Portuguese for controlling the sea-
bome commerce. The first method adopted by the Portuguese was the declaration
of some trade routes as the of the king of Portugal where the vessels of other
nationalities were not allowed to travel. Although the reserved routes were not
fixed, at the end of the sixteenth century, East Africa, China, Japan or the Spice
Islands were the places where no Indian ship was allowed to undertake voyages.41
After the monopoly of few trade routes,, Portuguese passes were issued, apart
from the licence- fees which had to be obtained- to whoever wanted to trade in
Hugli and the ships of the Indian or the foreign merchants that did not get the pass
were treated as enemy ships and were made liable to be captured and confiscated.
Custom were also levied at ports like Ormuz and Malacca. Because of this rule, the

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Portuguese were feared by all and the Dutch and the English were not able to establish
trade with Bengal as long as they (Portuguese) were solidly established there.42
Although at the height of their power the Portuguese maintained monopoly in
the trade of Bengal yet, this monopoly was not without any limitations. The
Portuguese could not fully wipe out all their rivals. In spite of the oppression of the
Indian merchants, some of them took active part in the trade in Bengal as middlemen,
while some of them were in a state of commercial alliance with the Portuguese.43
Apart from the native merchants and the other foreign traders, the Portuguese
traders also traded with their fellow countrymen who were stationed all over Asia.44
The Portuguese in Western India, mainly at Goa had its greatest impact on the
society, whereas, on the eastern side, in Bengal, the impact was largely felt on the
economic sphere. The study of the Portuguese trade in Bengal is important because
it Itransformed Bengal’s trading activities..The Portuguese were the first among
the European countries to have come to India and taken control of the trade in
Bengal. Although the Portuguese control of the trade in Bengal could not last for
more than a century, yet in a short period they were able to take the trade into their
own hands and eventually gained prosperity for themselves as well as for Bengal.
Accordingly came the Dutch, the French and, lastly, the British in succession of
each other after the expulsion of the Portuguese from Hugli and other trading
centres. The entry of the British in the later centuries came in the wake of the
exploitation of Bengal’s resources by the Portuguese. Thus, although the Portuguese
helped in the progress of trade in Bengal, they also paved the way for British
imperialism in India via Bengal.

Reference
1. Campos, J.J.A,. History of the Portuguesein Bengal, Janaki Prakashan Press, Patna,
1919, p.25.
2. Ibid., p.29.
3. Sarkar, Jadunath ( ed.), The History of Bengal, Muslim period 1200-1757 vol.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

II. University of Dacca, Ramna, Dacca, 1948, pp.352-353.

4. Tarafdar, Momtazur Rahman H, ussain Shahi Bengal,1494-1538:Socio-Political Study,
Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Dacca, 1965, p.146. [Link],J.J.A.o, [Link]., p.37.
6. Sarkar, Jadunath ( ed.)o, [Link]., p.357.
7. Chaudhari, K.N.T, radeand Civilizationinthe Indian Ocean: An Economic History
from the Riseof Islamto 1750, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985, p.74.
8. Roy, Atul Chandra, History of Bengal (Mughal Period, 1526-1757), Nababharat
Publishers, Calcutta, 1968, p.338.
9. Majumdar, R.C,. The History of Bengal vol.I, 2nd Edition, University of Dacca,
Dacca, 1963, p.108.
10. Winius, George D.,T’ heshadow-empire’ofGoaintheBayofBengal’, Itinerario, vol.7,
no.2, 1983,p.280.
11. Chicherov, A.I., India: Economic Development in the 16th-18th centuries; Outline
History of Crafts and Trade, Nauka Publishing House, Central Department Oriental
Literature, Moscow, 1971, p.112.
12. Raychoudhury, Tapan, Bengal under Akbar and Jahangir, Munshiram Manoharlal,
Orient Publishers, Delhi, 1953, p .95.
13. Winius, George D.o, [Link]., p.279.
14. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, N’ otes on the Sixteenth-Century Bengal Trade’ in Indian
Economic and Social History Review, vol.24, no. 3, 1987, p.99.
15. Moreland,W.H. From Akbarto Aurangzeb-A StudyinIndianEconomicHistory, First
published in 1923 by Macmillan and Co. Ltd, London, First Indian Edition January 1972,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, p.198.
16. Chaudhury,Sushil,”TheRiseandDeclineofHugli”, Bengal Pastand Present(BPP),
vol. 86, no. 161, January-June 1967, p.35.
17. Campos, J.J.A.o, [Link]., p .22. [Link], Sushilo, [Link]., p. 37. [Link], A.I.o,
[Link]., p .136. [Link], Sushilo, [Link]., p .37. [Link], J.J.A.o, [Link]., p . 57.
22. Chatterjee, Anjali, Bengal in the Reign of Aurangzeb,1658-1707, Progressive
Publishers, Calcutta, 1967, P.100.
23. Chaudhury,Sushilo, [Link]., p .41. [Link], Jadunath (ed.)o, [Link]., p. 364.
[Link],Sushilo, [Link]., p.41.
26. Raychoudhury,Tapan,[Link]., p.95. [Link],J.J.A.o, [Link]., pp.67-68.
28. Sarkar, Jadunath (ed.)o, [Link]., p.364.

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29. Prakash,Om,TheEuropeanTradingcompaniesandtheMerchantsofBengal1650-
1725', in Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol.1, no.3, 1964, p.19.
30. Chatterjee, Anjal,[Link]., pp.98-99. [Link],Sanjayo, [Link]., pp.100-103.
[Link]., pp.100-103.
33. Prakash,Omo, [Link]., p.69. [Link]., p.69.
35. Subrahmanyam,Sanjay [Link]., p.106.
36. Boxer, C.R,. Four Centuresiof Portuguese Expanson,i14151825, -Witwatersrand
University Press, Johannesburg, 1961, p .42. 37. Prakash, Om,[Link]., p.69.
38. Chaudhury, Sushilo, [Link]., p.44. 39. Ibid., p.44.
40. Moreland,W.H.o, [Link]., p.23. 41. Ibid., p.7.
42. Chaudhury,Sushilo, [Link]., p.45. 43. Prakash, Om [Link]., p.247.
44 Ibid., p.106.

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Indian Migration and Its Impacts on Indian Women

Dr. Malyashree Mandal

Abstract
The word ‘migration’ is historically valued with wandering, conflict with the indigenous
population, and displacement or cultural assimilation. It is a movement by human beings
from one place to another, sometimes over long distances or in large groups inside and
outside the country. Migration can be divided into Internal-migration and International-
migration. The migration process in the present context is common among men and women.
This paper will mainly focus on the women’s migration inside India and outside India for the
betterment of the self and family, with its causes and effects and also challenges. Though
women migration has a good impact on remittances and the growth of the country’s eco-
nomic condition, the real scenario behind this success is not good. These women are
humiliated, tortured, psychologically affected, and disrespected by society and sometimes
by family members. The first section of this paper will deal with the process and reasons for
women’s migration, and the second part will deal with the results of women’s migration and
their conditions in society and family. Towards the end of this paper, there will be observa-
tions on improving these conditions with references to implementing policies.
Keywords: Migration, Women, Humiliations, Indian, Remittances, Family, Society.

Introduction
The word ‘migration’ came from the Latin word migrate, which has a histori-
cal value with wandering, conflict with the indigenous population, and their dis-
placement or cultural assimilation. It is a movement by the human being from one
place to another, sometimes over long distances or in large groups. Some move-
ments occurred to escape famine and natural hazards and hide from the politico-
religious prosecution. According to Theodore Caplow (1959),
Migration is, strictly speaking, a change of residence and need not necessarily
involve any change of occupation, but it is closely associated with occupational
shifts of one kind to another. The principal directions of migration are illustrated by
more or less continuous movements from rural areas of stable population towards
[the centers] of cities to their suburbs. (p. 6)
According to H. Tinker (1977), there are two factors in the migration process
for the universe. One is the ‘pushed’ factor, and the other is the ‘pulled’ factor.
Assistant Professor, Department of English, Diamond Harbour Women’s University, Diamond
Harbour Road, Sarisha, West Bengal: 743368, India.

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Dr. Malyashree Mandal

Nowadays, migration is being done by both ‘pushed’ and ‘pulled’ aspects. In the
‘pushed’ factor, migrants are willing to move to other places for better livelihood.
In the ‘pulled’ factor, the State or country is forcing people to migrate for business
development and economic growth. The term ‘displacement’ signifies the violence
associated with migration, which might be explained as ‘forced migration.’ The
first wave of human migration was taken place around 11,000 years ago when an
unfortunate moment happened with the destruction of many species of animal life,
like mammoths, camels, giant sloths, and other large mammals. Ehrlich (1979)
says,
Hundreds of thousands of years ago, the early human from Homo-erectus had
spread from the Far East to the farthest reaches of Africa and Europe. Much of
the migration in the ancient world was involuntary; when a territory was con-
quered, the conqueror customarily enslaved people from the defeated population.
In its’ heyday, between a quarter and a third of the population of Athens, the ‘cradle
of democracy,’ were slaves. A single Roman military campaign could yield as many
as 50,000 enslaved people. Beginning in the third century BC, the flow of enslaved
people into Italy was so great that the economic basis of Roman society was
changed, causing the Republic’s failure and the Empire’s emergence. The vast
population (for its time) of imperial Rome, perhaps a million, was built and main-
tained mainly by immigration of the people from the countryside and outlying parts
of the Empire, whether they came voluntarily or not. (p. 223)
History of Indian Migration
Indians migrating to other parts of the world is not an eighteenth or nineteenth-
century phenomenon. It dates back to the tenth century BC; during the reign of
Emperor Kanishka, Romani people, known as ‘gypsies,’ migrated from Rajasthan
towards the northwest and settled in Eastern Europe. Another historical migration
started with Cholas, the great naval power, towards Indonesia and Malaysia, called
the ‘Indianised’ kingdoms of Southeast Asia. The record in the Old Testament of
ivory, spices, apes, and peacocks in far-off lands; the movement of Buddhist dis-
ciples; Indian settlements in parts of Africa during the rule of Alexander the Great;
Indian mercantile relations with Malay, China, Cambodia, and Rome; accounts of
Indian merchants, kings, and priests helped spread Indian languages, literature,
religions, philosophies, art, customs, architecture, across the world from the begin-
ning of the Christian era mentioned about migration. Dabra Dammo has yielded a

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hoard of Indian gold coins from the third century, the most convincing evidence of
Indian trade in Ethiopia. The period of Josaphat’s legend and renunciation saw
Ethiopian culture influenced by religion.
The vast colonial expansion by the British Empire led to the emigration of
Indians to British, French, Dutch, and Portuguese colonies. Indians migrated to
Mauritius, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, The Caribbean, Trinidad and
Tobago, Guyana, Suriname, Jamaica, Ceylon, Malaysia, Singapore, Fiji, and Nepal,
during the colonial period. They went in the form of indentured laborers. After
being paid minuscule wages and undergoing severe maltreatment on the ships,
many of these men were mainly from the low-income families of India, escaped
the hold of the supervisors by preceding their return passage home and further
abuse during the journey and settling in London; many ended up residing in London
simply due to the inability or unwillingness of companies to honor the second part
of the agreement. In 1836, a Mauritius-based English firm of Blyth & Sons wrote
to Messrs Bettington & Co. of Sydney, Australia, stating that
The planters, having introduced free Indians, apprenticed generally for five
years, keep our cultivation as healthy as we have ever seen it. The free labor
experiment has been entirely successful; we have 50 free Indians on our estate;
they are quiet, docile, and industrious. The total cost, including a passage from
there and back at the end of their apprenticeship, generally five years, together
with food and clothing, is no more than 5 shillings per week. It allows cheap labor
in any country. In New South Wales, the deficiency of agricultural labor might be
beneficially supplied from Bengal. (Tinker, H. 1974)
The concept of women migration is not a new phenomenon. It began during
the colonial period under the British rule. Women were also unsafe then; in the
women’s migration, the authority found many disputes, which caused murders and
suicides. The Emigration Commissioners recorded in 1873 that the only remedy for
wife murder was to introduce more women: but the numbers remained only forty
to every hundred men. Because of this shortage, the custom of polyandry was, in
a crude sense, accepted: a man would accept many ‘lodgers’ in his room, and the
woman was required to cook for them and be sexually available to them.
In contrast, India’s internal migration also has a history. Since 1891, the data is
available. People not born in a state or province lived there 3.8% of the time in
1891. The percentages were 3.3%, 3.6%, 3.7%, and 3.6% in 1901, 1911, 1921, and

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1931, respectively (Davis, 1968). The reason for this was the prevalence of agri-
culture when subsistence farming was the norm. Caste had societal boundaries.
Therefore, it was also a problem that provided a barrier. Another critical factor
was early or child marriage and the prevalence of joint families in the village,
where adult status and responsibilities begin puberty. The lack of education contin-
ues to be a prevalent factor.
Indian Women Migration
Women from India are migrating basically into two categories. The first cat-
egory is skilled women, and the other is unskilled women. ‘Skilled women’ denotes
educated and working white-collar jobs like physicians, lawyers, journalists, engi-
neers, researchers, and teachers. On the other hand, ‘unskilled women’ means
women who are uneducated and go as domestic workers, laborers in construction
sectors, daily wagers, tailors, and handicraft workers. Earlier, 29.03 crores of the
total population of women migrated to India and outside India. Among them, 70%
of married women had to migrate to another location with their spouse only, not
nd
with any occupation. (The Hindu, 22 July 1999). Very recently, according to
Migration in India, 2020-21 Report, 47.8% of women from urban India and
48% from rural India migrated as skilled and unskilled laborers. ([Link]
Under the term ‘skilled women,’ they also have different groups, like this group
does not have problems like the other. They are getting citizenship, moving with a
spouse visa, and having all the facilities. They are mainly having problems with
their companies regarding not getting holidays due to excessive workload. As a
result, they cannot get time for their family members who also reside abroad.
Among them, another group of women, who are a handful in number, migrating
after marriage with a spouse and not doing any jobs, stays as housewives. These
wives are only busy with their household work. They are always dependent upon
their husbands. As shown in the well-known book by Jhumpa Lahiri, Namesake
(2003), the heroine, Ashima, moves to the United States with her husband, Ashoke,
a researcher at a university. However, Ashoke was too busy to spend time with his
new wife. She had difficulty adapting after spending a whole day at home in an-
other environment and culture. And then the problems started of unhappy marriage
life, homeland nostalgia, absence and unaccepting of multi-culture, and hybridity,
according to Homi. K. Bhabha, they become the ‘Other.’ These are the prevalent
features among these migrated women who move to different States with their

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husbands inside the country. Due to the lack of time of the male member, women
cannot go out and mingle with others. Husbands and other senior family members
are sometimes very conservative. They do not allow their wives or daughters-in-
law to go out alone, even for daily needs and work. So, these women are becoming
like ‘a bird in the cage’. Another barrier is language. Whether they are crossing the
border of the country or crossing the border of the State, the language problem is
still there. They cannot communicate with the local people. For this reason, many
people are unwilling to move beyond the district or stay at home, tolerating all the
problems. According to them, they can somewhat manage other problems, but
challenging to survive without communicating with the vegetable seller.
On the other hand, the ‘unskilled women’ migrants are illiterate and economi-
cally forced to leave their home countries. The United States, the United Kingdom,
the Gulf States, and Southeast Asian nations are all willing and able to take in these
employees. Historically low female involvement, an aversion to manual labor, and
a shortage of human capital, particularly in technical fields, all contribute to a per-
sistent shortage of native domestic workers and a low participation rate among the
local population in the labor market. Nonetheless, issues among migrants arise
from the start of the procedure. They are ignorant of the socially unethical condi-
tion due to a lack of knowledge. They depend on those individuals. They deceive
them. It is most common in international migration. They began selling their agri-
cultural property to generate high migration costs at the commencement of their
international migration. These agricultural grounds are their family’s only source of
income. They have little regard for their future and are just concerned about money.
They spent much money on agents to help them secure passports, visas, emigra-
tion permits, and a contract with the corporation. These ladies do not get any pre-
departure training from government or non-governmental groups. This training
comprises strengthening communication skills with a basic understanding of En-
glish and the local language of the migrated nation, utilizing contemporary technol-
ogy, and explaining the function of the Indian Embassy if they are any issues where
to go and how to get rid of this, and so on.
Moreover, the reason is, most of the time, their family members. Some women
are trying to escape from family hazards, and for them, they are secretly making
the migration process, and all of a sudden, they start their journey one day; the
others are not concerned about the benefit of the training. So, they are very casual

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and not interested in it. Very few women are there who are overconfident about
their potential. They think they know everything.
On the other hand, for inter-state or inter-country migration, people spend money
on agencies to receive information about job openings that do not corroborate their
positions. There are no employment guarantees in any instance. All of this is a
fleeting delight. These unskilled women usually migrate. They will move because
they are dissatisfied at home. These women migrants are uneducated, divorced,
separated, and the only breadwinners. They suffer a complicated home life, tor-
mented mainly by spouses, severe drinking in the male member of the family, and
bad economic situations, all of which hinder them from living a happy life. Fathers
of young girls cannot pay a large dowry and blame their daughters for their birth as
daughters. Women of this age go to other locations to acquire money for dowry.
Tennyson (1859) mentioned that the gap between humanity is as significant as
between heaven and earth. Women are constantly disadvantaged, deprived of in-
dependence, and subjected to tyranny by males or a patriarchal society. When
males are in difficult circumstances, women are the only ones who can rescue
them. It is the same in the context of migration.

Reasons behind Migration for Unskilled and Skilled Women Migrants

Reasons for Internal and international women Number of migrants in
migration from urban and rural India percentage
In search of better employment 0.6
Business 0.7
Lack of employment opportunities in India 0.4
Migration of parent/earning member of the family 7.3
To pursue studies 0.6
Marriage 86.3
Natural disasters (drought, flood, etc.) 0.1
Social/ Political problems (riots, terrorism) 0.1
Displacement 0.1
Health Issues 0.3
Acquisition of own house 0.5
Housing problems 0.8
Post-retirement 0.1
Others 1.7
Figure 1: Reasons behind Migration; Source: the statistic is taken from the Press
Information Bureau, Government of India. [Link]

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Impact of Migration
Active Impact of Migration on Women
The women who are migrating are not happy in the new place of their work.
They report that physical and verbal abuse by employers is expected in the daily
life of a domestic worker and a woman as an everyday worker, whether in or
outside the country. Sometimes reports can be so pathetic for a domestic worker,
like children of the household were said to punch, kick or bite the domestic work-
ers. Even in provocations of such kind, parents seldom reprimanded the children
(UNDP Report, 2008). This kind of violence that domestic workers suffer can
potentially affect the general, mental, sexual, and reproductive health of migrant
workers. Apart from physical and mental violence, sexual abuse and exploitation
of women are significant problems that female migrants continue to face. Because
of the peculiar nature of domestic work, migrant women are at risk of sexual
violence by male members, including grown-up male children, in the employer’s
family (UNDP, 2008). They face technical problems regarding official papers due
to a lack of awareness and misguidance.
Neglect of employment agreements can occur upon arrival. International mi-
gration and inter-country migration share a common trait. Employers sponsoring
visas for labor sometimes do not receive them on arrival and leave to fend for
themselves. Salaries are often unpaid on time and sometimes months after the
contractual term. As a consequence, employees are regularly deported without
receiving their total compensation. They cannot send their home the whole amount
of money, so they are constantly held responsible for it. As a result, everyone in the
family has problems, and their survival is in doubt. It is challenging to spend one’s
income when one has less or perhaps none at all. The cost of the work permit
reduces their total incomes. Before enrolling, they had a misconception about this
rule.
Working hours are usually much longer than the generally recognized eight
work hours daily. Sometimes they do not get weekly holidays. In the Gulf coun-
tries, during Ramzan, the whole holy month, Muslim workers are on leave or work
for fewer hours than time Hindu and other community workers work for a long
time; there is no holiday. In some cases, whether these workers are in India or
inside India, they do not get leave for emergency reasons back home and no leave
for health reasons. Their salary gets deducted if they are absent without informing

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them or their particular leave period. Domestic workers cannot take rest at night
despite working around the clock in their employers’ homes. They must remain
available as the owner may contact them at any hour. Unfortunately, the owner
often denies overtime payments, and they often lack access to adequate medical
facilities and transportation. Additionally, there is a risk that the owner may not
follow their contract regarding medical support.
Along with these problems, they face language and cultural barriers. Com-
pletely unknown of the language, whether a new state or a new country, they
cannot communicate with local people, even for emergencies or daily needs. Cul-
tural gaps and religious issues are significant if they cross borderless. For the Gulf
countries, Hindu women from India who are migrating face many religious cus-
toms differences. Being unskilled workers, they are not allowed to mingle with all
sections of society and cannot attend all the ceremonies and functions. In these
cases, class discrimination is evident.
Passive Impact of Migration on Women
Some women are not migrating, but their family members, like fathers/sons/
husbands, are migrating. They are also finding problems at their homes. If a father
or son is migrated, the mother is the head of the family. For her, it is difficult to
maintain all the household duties alone. Still, in 2021, few parts of India cannot
accept a female as a head of the family and make decisions. For that reason, they
face social humiliation and discrimination. Their marital relationship is also dam-
aged, and sometimes wives are cheated by their husbands. Husbands are having
extra-marital affairs at their workplace.
Children of migrated fathers are deprived of healthy paternal care. Their fa-
thers come home after two years or more and stay for a minimum period. When
they go back, children become lonely. Moreover, if the mother migrates, the child is
away from maternal care. In some cases, mothers leave their children at a very
early stage when they should feed breast milk. These parents bring things, such as
dresses for their children, but they cannot give the psychological support of up-
bringing. They always do not get time or a chance to phone their home; for those
outside the country, making an international phone call is very costly. Many of them
cannot even afford a smartphone; if they can, they cannot correctly recharge their
phones without salary. If a mother leaves her daughter back home, the daughter
may face physical harassment by other male family members and neighbors. How-

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ever, she is unable to share that incident with her mother. These children are devel-
oping problems of depression and psychological diseases. These migrants cannot
take their family members while moving because they are on temporary contracts
or not having sufficient accommodation for themselves even. The salary they get
is also less for them for minimum livelihood. Sporadic cases are there, where hus-
band and wife are moving together. In these cases, their children stay home alone
with other family members. Ultimately children are becoming prominent sufferers
in these cases.
Impact on Family
On the other hand, these families depend on remittance money. In 2021, India
got $87 billion in remittances, 2.75% of India’s total GDP. The male members send
their money sometimes every month or occasionally quarterly or are unable to
send it for a year. The family stays back in the country or village; they must man-
age their children’s education, health issues, and livelihood with the remittance
money. Maintaining all the duties and responsibilities with this amount is not always
easy. Because either there is no particular time for sending or it is insufficient. The
money migrants are not always satisfactory for survival, though they keep much
less and spend significantly. They abroad cannot lead a lavish life. Still, sometimes
mothers or wives back home feel very proud that their sons or husbands are stay-
ing abroad or in a different State to earn money. They want to spend more money
than the other village members, offer donations, and buy expensive items to main-
tain sound economic status. Nevertheless, they are always unaware of the actual
scenario behind this.
Impact of Covid-19 among Migrated Women
The sudden emergence of the worldwide crisis due to Covid-19 has had a
terrible impact on the migration process and the migrants. Women who were out of
the country and out of the State could not return to their own country or home in a
sudden situation. They are neither getting permission from the Indian Embassy, nor
the border is closed, or else once they are back, they are afraid of losing their job.
Those inside the country could not get any transportation for returning as it was a
complete lockdown, and there was no transport system other than any emergency
purposes. These migrants are never on the list of the emergency list. Uncertain
declaration of complete lockdown did not give time to make a decision. In this
situation, these women were stuck in their workplaces. Without doing work, they

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Dr. Malyashree Mandal

were not paid, or some companies paid an advance for some months, which they
had to return by working hard and overtime when the lockdown was over, so
surviving was a big issue. Very few companies are there, which have taken care of
their employees. They paid their salary on time, took measures for their health and
food, and ensured their family members’ health. Those working in the factory or
construction site stayed in unhygienic conditions. The Covid protocol advises keep-
ing a physical distance, yet these individuals remained in a room with ten other
people without windows. Those women were domestic employees responsible for
looking after the owner’s family health. Without caring for themselves, they were
devoted to their owner’s family to protect the latter from the Covid-19 crisis. Some-
times they did not take the necessary safety measures. There are apparent exis-
tential crises. On the other hand, the hiring process and the need for workers
decreased due to the absence of global economic improvement. Therefore, the
ladies who intend to immigrate or go home for a vacation do not have the opportu-
nity to start new careers or resume their previous employment.
Conclusion
Above mentioned problems of the women migrants from India can be solved.
Awareness campaigns among the migrants and implementing and re-structuring
policies by the Government of India can resolve and reduce the problems among
the migrants. The Government has already introduced some guidelines to improve
the condition of the migrants, like Pravasi Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PKVY), Nation
Skills Development Corporation (NSDC), Pravasi Bharatiya Bima Yojana (PBBY),
Mahatma Gandhi Pravasi Suraksha Yojana (MGPSY). In the following section of
this paper, after researching these women, the Government introduced policies
mainly for international migrants. It shows they are benefiting from this path-breaking
few recommendations came for their benefit.
On the other hand, women migrants migrating inside the country are also fac-
ing the same problems. The Government of India and various state governments
are taking care of them, too, and implemented projects to improve their situations
and the condition of their families. Nowadays, any migration process is internation-
ally acknowledged as a part of social development, and Government policies are
facilitating it from the root level to the international. For instance, the Government
is aware of the monetary issue from the international perspective, so the first pre-
caution step is raising and maintaining a minimum wage for every migrant. It made

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a Central Database to fill the differences between the demand and supply of em-
ployers and employees. The Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship
focuses on the skill development program for all migrants. The Ministry of Educa-
tion cares for migrant children’s education under the Right to Education Act 2009.
The Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs is introducing a project to give night
shelters, short-stay homes, and seasonal accommodation for temporary migrants.
National Legal Service Authority (NALSA) and The Ministry of Labour set up a
grievance cell for any complaints from the migrants, and they are giving back
responses to them and taking care of necessary actions.
Observations
After completing research for this paper, there are some observations. The
Government has taken some necessary actions to control and improve the migra-
tion process, but there are still gaps and faults. These can be overcome by follow-
ing some restrictions and strict rules. There is Pre-departure and Orientation Training
(PDOT) by Government, but this should be mandatory for all migrants, especially
those migrating internationally. Furthermore, there should be a language training
course along with this training. The Government must provide more job opportuni-
ties in the homeland, agricultural credit, and insurance. The Government may fa-
cilitate the situation further by introducing debt bondage and unfree labor, a pension
scheme for the farmers at home, creating an enabling environment for potential
migrants. Migration information and support center to facilitate independent women
migrants, awareness of social protection schemes, financial entitlement, and legal
services for spousal abuse among migrants; community-level interventions, indi-
vidual or couple counseling to improve physical and mental health, low-cost public
health care service and exceptional care during emergency periods like the Covid-
19 situation.

References
Caplow, T. (1959). The Sociology of Work. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press. Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838.
Davis, K. (1968). The Population of India and Pakistan. Russell & Russell,
UK.
Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. [Link]

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Paul, R. E., Loy, B., and Anne. H. E. (1979). Golden Diaspora. New York:
Ballantine Books.
Press Information Bureau. [Link]
Tinker, H. (1974). A New System of Slavery. London: Oxford University Press.
Tinker, H. (1977). Banyan Tree: Overseas Emigrants from India, Pakistan and
Bangladesh. London: Oxford University Press.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

From Engineer to Entrepreneur: Sir Rajendra Nath

Mookerjee, a Torchbearer of Indian Industrialization
Dr. Sanjib Ghosh

Abstract
Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee (1854–1936) was famous for his entrepreneurship and
innovation ability during colonial rule in India. Engineering and entrepreneurship together
were quite uncommon in India during that time. One of the notable exceptions was Sir
Rajendra Nath Mookerjee. His alliance with Martian & Company started a new movement in
India’s industrialisation. He was a trailblazer in this instance. His organisation built several
waterworks and power plants that aided imperial India’s modernization.
Keywords: Palta Waterworks, T.C. Mookerjee & Co., Martian & Co., Light Railway,
Industrialization etc.

Introduction
During the colonial period of India, steamships, railways, electric telegraphs,
printing technology, telephones and other innovations began to attract the attention
of the aborigines. The continued display of new and advanced technology by the
British to consolidate their power in India and increase its productive resources,
but aroused a considerable amount of curiosity among the Bengalis. Western
technology has created new ambitions among indigenous peoples. In this case, the
life and work of Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee (1854–1936) was a remarkable
example. He was born in 1854 into a middle-class orthodox Brahmin family in
Bhabla, a village near Basirhat town, not far away from Calcutta.1 In his childhood,
he lost his father Bhagabana Chandra Mookerjee, who was a flourishing Muktear
in Barasat. He was raised in a family with a strong tradition of entrepreneurship
and business acumen. He completed his Matriculation Examination from the London
Missionary Society Institution at Bhowanipore. After completing the Matriculation
Examination, Rajendra Nath Mookerjee enrolled in the engineering course at the
Presidency College. During that period, the civil engineering department of the
college primarily served as a channel for the recruitment of surveyors, overseers,
and subordinate positions within the Public Works Department (PWD). 2
Consequently, most students who pursued this degree had limited aspirations and

Assistant Professor, Depart of History, Bangabasi Evening College, Kol, W.B., Mob. -9432685172,
Email id – sanjibghosh331@[Link]

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Dr. Sanjib Ghosh

aimed for any jobs within the PWD. Engineering entrepreneurship was quite
uncommon at the time. Rajendra Nath, however, spent three years at the college
and developed a genuine and intense passion for civil engineering. He found himself
deeply engrossed in the subject matter and genuinely enjoyed exploring its intricacies.
Unfortunately, his pursuit of a diploma was abruptly halted due to his deteriorating
health. Despite his dedication and commitment, Rajendra Nath was forced to
abandon his studies. But in Suvobrata Sarkar’s recent work, we found that he had
completed his B.C.E degree from Bengal Engineering College in 1883.3 In this
writing, I will try to explore the role of Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee in Indian
industrialization during the hostile phase of colonial India.

Early career as an independent engineer:

Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee, an exceptional individual who started from humble
beginnings, achieved remarkable success both as an engineer and through various
entrepreneurial endeavours. Revered as the preeminent figure in trade and industry
in Calcutta, he embodies the epitome of determination and resilience. With
unwavering willpower and unyielding perseverance, he ascended to this prestigious
position, leaving an indelible mark on the business landscape. Started his career as
a part-time teacher of mathematics in a girls’ orphanage in Calcutta.4 However, he
had developed a sincere and passionate interest in engineering problems, and he
never missed an opportunity to carefully study large construction and engineering
projects in Calcutta. One day, when he was strolling with Ram Brahma Sanyal5 in
Alipore Zoological Gardens while observing the construction of a bridge, he noticed
that the English engineer in charge was having difficulty explaining to the workers
how to construct an abutment wall just before the spring of an arch. Instantly
understanding the situation, he called the overseer and clearly explained to him in
the local language (Bengali) what needed to be done. This encounter brought him
into contact with the English engineer Bradford Leslie, who was then serving as
the Chief Engineer of the Calcutta Corporation. Later Leslie gained fame as the
designer of the Hooghly Bridge. Impressed by Rajendra Nath’s understanding of
the project’s intricacies,6 Leslie took him on a tour of the Patla Water Works,
which were being expanded at that time. As a result, Rajendra Nath was awarded
the contract for the entire project. This was how Rajendra Nath got his first
contract.7 The Palta construction was completed on time and the then-chief engineer

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was satisfied with Rajendra Nath’s work. After completion of the work, he was
asked to stay and supervise the maintenance of the filter and settling tanks of
Palta. During this time, he also undertook minor construction works under PWD at
Calcutta and Chinsurah.8

Unveiling New Horizons: T. C. Mookerjee & Co.’s Adventure Begins:

Gradually he rose to prominence in the field of engineering. Sir Rajendra’s
commercial career started to become large-scale with the setting up of T. C.
Mookerjee & Co., with Bhut Nath Mookerjee as a partner.9 The initials were
borrowed from the name of Bhut Nath’s elder brother. A second break came when
the Calcutta Corporation had sanctioned a plan for laying a 40-inch (100 cm)
diameter main pipeline from Palta to Calcutta, at an estimated cost of over fifty
lakhs of rupees. Tenders were called for pipes and laying them out accordingly. Six
European firms responded. Two were interested in supplying the pipes but the
other four were eager to do the whole work. On behalf of his firm, Rajendra Nath
won the contract for installing the main water-pipe, after competing against six
European competitors. As a result of his experience, along with his expertise, talent,
vision and innovations, Rajendra Nath’s firm was able to complete the contract
within eighteen months and to the satisfaction of all concerned. The firm of T.C.
Mookerjee & Co. came into the limelight as a result. In a short time, he came to be
known as the foremost expert on waterworks in Bengal.10
Rajendra Nath had established himself in the local scene and was looking for
greater things. The United Province’s government chose to build water systems in
the province’s major cities. Agra was the first to issue the call for tenders. Sir
Stuart Hogg, the chairman of the Calcutta Corporation at the time, endorsed Rajendra
Nath’s proposal. But Rajendra Nath’s proposal was rejected by the UP government.
Although he submitted the lowest bid and was strongly recommended by the Agra
Municipality, it was not accepted by the Government and the contract was instead
awarded to a European firm called M. Edwards of Calcutta.11 The rejection could
only be explained because an Indian firm had submitted the tender.12 But Rajendra
Nath’s plan was well appreciated by A.J. Hughes, the project’s head engineer of
the Agra Waterworks.

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Collaboration with Martian:

When the advertisement for the Allahabad Waterworks scheme was released,
A.J. Hughes, the chief engineer of the Agra Waterworks project, suggested to
Rajendra Nath that he should consider collaborating with European companies.
Hughes, aware of Rajendra Nath’s abilities and qualifications, mentioned his name
to Acquin Martin, a resident of Walsh. Impressed by Rajendra Nath’s credentials,
Martin entered into a contract with him. The agreement stated that Martin would
take on the responsibility of financing the purchase of materials from England,
while Rajendra Nath would focus on the actual construction work.13 This partnership
forged a deep and enduring friendship between the two men, which lasted throughout
their lives. Rajendra Nath also wanted a European name because already his
experience had shown him the usefulness of an English name. Thus the great
Indo-British organization known as Martin & Co. of Calcutta was formed in 1892.14
This company carried out the installation of waterworks in the principal cities of
North India like Meerut, Nainital, Benras and Lucknow.

Martian & Co. and Light Railways Connecting India:

The company initially focused on waterworks, however after a few years,
Rajendra Nath took the initiative to build a light rail line to improve the internal
communication system in Bengal. Except for the main Eastern Bengal Railway
line, there were practically any connecting lines between Calcutta and the outlying
regions, according to Rajendra Nath, who recognised that communication was one
of the province’s most pressing requirements. Rajendra Nath, on behalf of his firm,
offered services to the administration as a contractor for the construction of light
railway lines on the understanding that “during the construction period, or
immediately after, his firm would establish a joint stock limited liability company
with the guarantee of a minimum dividend rate to the shareholders, this guarantee
being issued under the imprimatur of the local municipality or district board, or
jointly under the authority of the Government of India and the local administration.”15
The first light railway line constructed under this scheme was the Howrah-Amta
Light Railway (1897-98, the popular name of this route was the Howrah-Amta
Tramway). The great impetus which the operation of this feeder line has given to
bringing the surrounding districts of Howrah within easy transport to reach the
trading centre very soon created a popular demand for similar feeder lines all over

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the country. The growing number of light railways under this managing agency
could have satisfied Rajendra Nath with the victories he had achieved, but his
ideas were so fruitful that he felt that there was limitless potential for development
in India. Following the Howrah-Amta Light Railway, other 2’6" gauge lines with a
combined length of about 270 miles included the Howrah-Sheakhala Light Railway,
Barasat-Basirhat Light Railway (1905), Shahdara-Delhi-Saharanpur Light Railway
(1907), Arrah-Sasaram Light Railway (1911), and Fautwah-Islampur Light Railway
(1922). Martin & Co. also worked on building the Ranaghat- Krishnanagar and
Arakan Light Railway during the first decade of the 20th century. The Chaparmukh-
Silghat Railway (metre gauge), which spans 50.81 miles, was completed in 1920.16
Many people were impressed by Rajendra Nath’s outstanding accomplishments,
which inspired both adoration and enmity. The European business community in
Calcutta, in particular, felt uneasy about his success, leading to a response
characterized by exerting pressure on the Railway Board. They wanted to prevent
the further establishment of feeder lines supported by the government or local
authorities. These responses eventually led to the official decision to end the feeder
line policy under the guarantee system.17

Rajendra Nath: Exploring Beyond Entrepreneurship:

After the waterworks, the construction of light railways commenced, and Martin
& Co. emerged as designers and constructors. Nearly all the impressive and grand
structures that were erected in the city during the initial two decades of the twentieth
century were designed by Rajendra Nath. The Mysore Memorial, Esplanade
Mansions, and Chartered Bank Buildings, to mention just a few, stand out as his
most noteworthy contributions as a civil engineer.18 The famous Victoria Memorial
in Calcutta was designed by Rajendra Nath and King George himself laid the
cornerstone of this monument in 1911.19 This was one of the great achievements
of Rajendra Nath.
In 1911, Rajendra Nath was appointed as the Sheriff of Calcutta, a prestigious
position. In this role, he was invited by the Government of India to the Coronation
Durbar held in Delhi. It was customary for Sheriffs of Calcutta to be knighted at
the end of their term, and Rajendra Nath and his friends expected the same.
However, during the distribution of Durbar honours, he was surprised to receive
the higher award of K.C.I.E. (Knight Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire).

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Dr. Sanjib Ghosh

In 1922, Rajendra Nath was further honoured with the title of K.C.V.O. (Knight
Commander of the Royal Victorian Order). This recognition was likely bestowed
in appreciation of his firm’s contribution to the construction of the Victoria Memorial,
which was inaugurated by the Prince of Wales in 1921.20
Though he was well informed about business as well as Indian social and
economic conditions,21 so we find him appointed as chairman or member of various
important committees. He presided over the All-India Economic Conference in
Allahabad in 1910, and six years later he served as an influential member and
briefly as the chairman of the Industrial Commission (1916-18).22 He served as a
member of the Transport Committee, and a little later of the Railway Committee in
1921. He was the first president of the Institution of Engineers (India) (IEI) in 1921
in Calcutta.23 The same year Indian Science Congress in its eighth session choose
him as the president. The following year, he had the honour of chairing a committee
comprising distinguished engineering experts, which presented an unequivocal report
on the Hooghly Bridge.24 In 1923, he assumed the role of chairman for the Bengal
Retrenchment Committee, and in 1924, he served as a member of the All-India
Retrenchment Committee under the presidency of Lord Inchcape. Furthermore,
he emerged as a notable figure within the Indian Coal Committee of 1924-25.
Moreover, his influence was substantial as a member of the esteemed Royal
Commission on Indian Currency and Finance during the years 1925-26. He was
25
also associated with the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
He was also interested in all kinds of educational and welfare movements. He
was particularly interested in female education and generously helped a large
number of girls’ schools and also lent his support to the establishment of the Gokhale
Memorial School. Sir Rajendra joined GH Fairhurst and established the Indian Iron
and Steel Company (IISCO) at Burnpur in 1919.26 Towards the end of his life, Sir
Rajendra Nath added to his business empire by purchasing the firm Burn & Co. in
1927. With this, the firm Martin & Co. expanded to Martin, Burn & Co.27
Sir Rajendra Nath Mookherjee, this public-spirited business magnate not only
contributed to the growth of Indian entrepreneurship and industrial and urban
development in modern India but also promoted the cause of education and social
progress. His remarkable journey stands as a testament to the limitless possibilities
that diligent effort and unwavering aspirations can unlock. Despite encountering
numerous trials and impediments along the way, Mookerjee persevered, ultimately

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emerging as one of his era’s most accomplished and revered industrialists. An

architect within India’s burgeoning industrial landscape, he possessed a visionary
understanding of the vast potential inherent in the Indian market. His pioneering
endeavours laid the groundwork for the nation’s economic advancement, fostering
an environment conducive to the growth of indigenous industries. Notably, he
advocated for the harmonious fusion of Western technical practices and the nurturing
of cordial relations between domestic and international capital. These convictions
guided his leadership of Martin & Co., steadfastly steering the firm amidst a climate
dominated by Swadeshi principles and nationalistic sentiments. Mookerjee’s
unwavering commitment to rationality and the pursuit of excellence propelled his
enterprise forward, unencumbered by extraneous sentiments.

References
1. K.C. Mahindra., ‘Rajendra Nath Mookerjee: A Personal Study’, Calcutta, Martin Burn
& C0., 1962, P.5.
2. PWD was established in 1884. The landscape of technical education was changed after
the establishment of the Public Works Department. From the very beginning,
governmental construction works were at first carried out by military personnel under
the control of the Military Board at Fort William, but in 1854-55 Public Works Department
(PWD) was established. With the expansion of its activities, the British required a large
number of subordinate surveyors, mechanics, and overseers. Trained local youths were
obviously cheaper than technical personnel from out of the country. To fulfil this demand,
schools and colleges were established.
3. Suvobrata Sarkar, ‘Let there be Light: Engineering, Entrepreneurship and Electricity
in Colonial Bengal, 1880-1945’, New Delhi, Cambridge University Press, 2020, p. 109
4. S. P. Sen (ed.), Directory of National Biography, Calcutta, Institute of Historical Studies,
1972, pp. 166"67.
5. Ram Brahma Sanyal was the first Indian to serve a superintendent of the Alipore
Zoological Garden. Also, he was Rajendra Nath Mookerjee’s friend.
6. Nripendra Krishna Chattopadhyay, Dwadesh Suriya, Calcutta, Dev Sahitya Kutir,
Boishakh 1350 B.S, p.138.
7. P. C. Mahalanobis, “Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee: First President of the Indian Statistical
Institute 1931–1936,” Sankhyā: The Indian Journal of Statistics, 1936, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp.
237-240.

114
Dr. Sanjib Ghosh

8. The Calcutta Municipal Gazette XVIII.5, June 24, 1933, p. 201.

9. S. P. Sen (ed.), [Link]., p. 117.
10. K.C. Mahindra., [Link]., p. 138.
11. Ibid., op. cit., p. 150.
12. P. C. Mahalanobis, op. cit., p. 239.
13. ‘Life and Work of Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee: The Inaugural-President of The Institution
of Engineers (India)’. In The Institution of Engineers (India), Diamond Jubilee 1980:
Souvenir, Calcutta, 1980, pp. 35–7.
14. Tarun Rana, The Legendary Sir Rajendranath Mookerjee, Kolkata, Kolkata Municipal
Corporation, 2013, p.54.
15. Tarun Rana, op. cit., pp.62-71.
16. K.C. Mahindra.,op. cit., pp. 193-94.
17. Sudhanshubikash Roy Choudhury, “Sir Rajendra Nath Mookerjee,” Banik 8.5, (Bhadra
1340 B.S.) 1933, p. 135.
18. Martin Burn Limited, pp.,1"19.
19. Banik 8.6, (Aswin 1340 B.S.), 1933, pp.,161"66.
20. P. C. Mahalanobis, op. cit., p. 239
21. Aparajith Ramnath, Engineers in India: Industrialisation, Indianisation and the State,
1900–47, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 84.
22. Report of the Indian Industrial Commission 1916-1918, Calcutta, Superintendent Govt.
Printing, India.
23. H. Nandy (ed.), IEI Marches On, Kolkata, Institution of Engineers (India), 2002, p. 64.
24. Nripendra Krishna Chattopadhyay, op. cit., p. 140.
25. P. C. Mahalanobis, op. cit., p. 239.
26. N. R. Srinivasan, History of the Indian Iron and Steel Company, Burnpur, Public Relations
Department of IISCO, 1983, pp.14-41.
27. N. R. Srinivasan, op. cit., p.27.

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The Intoxicating Drug Culture of Colonial Bengal and the

Altered Taste
Souvik Das

Abstract
The use of drugs is a “natural” feature of human life. Recreational use of mood-altering
substances appears to have been widespread throughout human history. Almost every
cultural group has accommodated some form of the drug. Their use has often been linked
to some kind of faith practice, social rite, or spirit medicine, not to mention regular physical
medicine. Several intoxicating substances were common in pre-colonial Bengali society.
Colonialism introduced new factors that profoundly altered Bengal’s social and cultural
perceptions and drug intoxication patterns. Consumption of intoxicating drugs is not only
a social concern but also a subject of colonial powers’ excise regulations to impose imperial
control over the colonised people, with the drug industry being an essential source of
revenue.
Keywords: Ganja, Charas, Siddhi, Opium, Hookah, Cigarette, Excise

Introduction
Researchers exploring the history of “mood-altering substances” have concluded
that intoxicant usage is a “cultural universal,”1 despite its many complexities. The
use of “mood-altering substances” is not only common but frequently integral to
many religious rites, social practices, and cultural norms around the globe. The
cultural tastes of an individual or a community may change depending on the
established social order. Sometimes people might think they had religious, healing,
energising, or sexual significance. They also commonly communicated philosophical,
ethical, and transformatively significant symbolic aspects. Establishing world trade
networks enabled interdependence, the accumulation of wealth, the spread of new
ideas, and the movement of cash and commodities. David T. Courtwright has
called the widespread availability of intoxicants due to their incorporation into
international trade a “psychoactive revolution.”2 The drugs’ hedonic, addictive,
and (in some cases) nutritious properties led to their widespread acceptance and
high sales.
The culture of drug intoxication offers a new view of colonial Bengali society.
Colonial rule affected the cultural fabric of Bengal in every way, shape, or form
Assistant Professor, Department of History, Bijoy Krishna Girls’ College, Howrah

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Souvik Das

with economy, society and mindset. Bengal in pre-colonial times was addicted to
its uniqueness. The colonial rule introduced certain new components that
dramatically altered the Bengalis’ sociocultural outlook and impacted their
intoxication pattern. In colonial Bengal, intoxicating drugs became the centre of
cultural inheritance as well as a crucial revenue stream for the Indian colonial
government in the 1790s. As per the extant worldwide scholarship on the history
of alcohol and drugs, an intimate relationship exists between cultural norms and
government regulations about mood-altering substances. The correlation between
the consumption of hemp drugs, opium, tobacco, and cocaine as commodities with
distinct yet definite “pharmacologic” characteristics and the emergence of modern
colonialism provides valuable understanding regarding the interrelatedness of
broader historical trends and movements. The commercialization of substances
that induce intoxication emerged as the basis of a potentially lucrative industry.
The interplay between drug use and individual preferences in Bengali society
has undergone multiple transformations in the context of cultural diversity. The
main aim of this article is to offer a historical and contextual perspective on the
impact of psychoactive substances on personal consumption choices. This study
prompts an investigation into the prevalent patterns of drug consumption in colonial
Bengal and also investigates how indigenous and Western intoxicants ran in parallel
and the temporal evolution of individual preferences. The present study will focus
on the historical span from 1893 to 1943. In 1893, it was important for the formation
of the Royal Commission on Opium and the Indian Hemp Drug Commission. The
ROC was tasked with examining the feasibility of halting India’s export trade to
the Far East and implementing a ban on the cultivation of poppy and consumption
of opium in India, except for medicinal purposes.3 The IHDC has initiated an
investigation into the cultivation of hemp, production and trade of drugs, as well as
the social and moral implications of such activities in Bengal.4 Additionally, the
study aims to examine the patterns of usage of ganj and other related drugs among
the populace. The year 1943 witnessed a significant development in the Indian
excise administration, including tobacco excise articles within the jurisdiction of
India’s excise department.

Intoxicating Drug Culture

In colonial Bengal, people consumed hemp drugs, opium and its preparations,

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tobacco, and cocaine in different modes and forms. Almost all of the ways these
widely used drugs can be used for pleasure which was widely recognised, while
their possible risks are often ignored by cultural norms and customary patterns of
consumption. If used inappropriately or excessively, any of these drugs can result
in sickness, bodily or mental harm, addiction, or even death. Carl A. Trocki contends
that drugs only became societal issues when they were transported out of their
“original” contexts to people or nations that had not been acclimated to their use or
when their availability, manufacture, or distribution changed dramatically.5 The
aforementioned occurrences are commonly referred to as “drug epidemics” or
“drug plagues” within the context of historical discourse. This phenomenon occurred
in Bengal during the latter half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Bengali society experienced an abrupt surge in the prevalence of individuals
consuming and misusing highly addictive substances. This phenomenon has a
significant impact on a large number of people. The phenomenon generally elicits
a great deal of attention and reaction from colonial Bengali intellectuals, who
interpret it as a symptom of societal degradation or collapse. On the other side,
there was conflict among different levels of colonial authority. The colonial ruler’s
imperial thoughts took on a distinct tone.

Hemp Drugs
In the colonial excise administration, any preparations that were obtained from
the hemp plant were classified as hemp drugs. The preparations were used not
solely for inducing a state of intoxication but also for therapeutic and medicinal
purposes. The excise administration list in Bengal included four different articles
of hemp drugs, specifically ganja, charas, siddhi, and majum. Ganja was
commonly consumed in Bengal for intoxication, and this is just one form of smoking.
During the colonial era of the Bengali presidency, two distinct types of ganja were
produced, along with three different commercially available sorts. The
manufacturing and excise system in Bengal employs a unique terminology, featuring
specialised categories such as flat,6 round,7 and chur8 ganja.9 Ganja users have
mixed feelings about the addictive characteristics of the different ganja strains
available in Bengal.
In contrast to siddhi and charas, which are exclusively consumed on special
occasions, ganja was consumed daily and was no longer regarded as a holiday

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stimulant. Ganja was inhaled using a chillum, a funnel-shaped clay instrument. At

least one-tenth of a tola was required for one chillum; preferably, two or three
smokers shared one chillum or bowl. A regular smoker requires three puffs to get
intoxicated; the effects last for hours. In 1893, there was a debate regarding a
frequent smoker’s yearly ganja consumption. For moderately frequent smokers,
some witnesses proposed to the IHDC a daily allowance of 1/10 of a tola and an
annual allowance of 23 tolas.10 However, K. G. Gupta, Bengal’s Commissioner of
Excise, stated that the average quantity of ganja used yearly should be 35 tolas
and that moderate customers should pay between three and six pies daily. 11
However, ganja made up the majority of hemp drug sales in the province. Ganja
and similar derivatives provided Rs. 2450685 to 1892–93 excise income of Rs.
11600621. Hemp drugs made up 21% of excise income, behind only country
spirits.12 Ganja accounted for Rs. 2386066 of the four hemp-based drugs taxed.
Calcutta, Mymensingh, Dacca, the 24-Parganas, Rangpur, Pabna, Tippera, Cuttack,
Puri, and Bihar reported the most significant ganja sales per maund of population
in 1892–1893. The table presented provides an estimation of the quantity of hemp
drug that was consumed in Bengal.
Table: 1 (All sorts of Hemp Drug consumption and Excise Revenue of the Bengal,
1887-1938)
Year Sold for consumption (Mds, Retail licenses Revenue
seers, Chatak)

Ganja Charas Siddhi Ganja Charas Siddhi Majum Ganja Charas Siddhi Majum

1887-88 6550.14 4.35.10 1010 2949 19 265 53 2245020 2272 420661 2202

1892-93 5452 11.26.12 1034 2672 31 288 33 2386066 9097 53558 1984

1897-98 4651 20.24.4 964.9 2706 33 390 21 2657452 19932 64083 1482

1902-03 4843 21.13.13 1104.0.6 2760 39 402 19 3262120 31255 85024 1892

1907-08 2998 32.5 1320 2040 56 448 21 2637531 43770 97828 1286

1912-13 3070.10 27 698.7 1422 51 235 …. 2908174 59158 102745 ….1

1917-18 1908.20 19.34 605.4 1267 30 220 …. 3418874 52668 124496 ….

1922-23 1588.21 32.1 449.26 1184 30 266 …. 3662432 108161 180643 ….

1927-28 1670.21 69.37 427.10 1208 34 316 …. 4686329 326948 203251 ….

1932-33 942.29 27.26 263.16 1214 34 335 …. 2844438 150380 123161 ….

1937-38 837.13 19.11 2221.35 1274 46 390 …. 2675921 96728 124565 ….

1939-40 866.31 21.1.13 222.38 1285 48 402 ….. 2765093 126140 120458 ….

Both the number of licenced retail ganja shops and ganja usage has decreased
since 1905. The question now is whether the drop in ganja usage is due to public

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knowledge or whether Bengali society has grown conscious of the negative

implications of ganja. In other words, the question is whether the “ganja insanity
theory” has acquired traction in Bengal. However, throughout the twentieth century,
ganja’s popularity has steadily declined, which can be attributed to a variety of
causes. Undoubtedly, the Swadeshi movement in Bengal aided in the growth of
the locally-owned tobacco sector.14 Cigarettes and bidis have been available in
Bengal since the early twentieth century. As a result, many people in the province
have developed a dependence on cigarettes and bidis rather than ganja. Furthermore,
ganja needed more effort and time to prepare than cigarettes and bidis, which
merely required lighting up. In addition, young Bengalis imitated Western culture
by smoking cigars, cigarettes, and cheroot instead of ganja kolke, while the rural
poor were addicted to inexpensive bidis.15 When British India’s capital was relocated
from Calcutta to Delhi in 1911, the number of people working in government offices
as office attendants or guards who were strong ganja users declined. Again, a
segment of eastern Bengal’s educated young lost interest in Trinath worship, and
as a result, ganja smoking and Trinath rites diverged, with the latter consigned to a
small population. The number of ganja retail outlets in 1929–30 was almost the
same as it was in 1912–13, but the quantity sold fell to 1159 maunds and 7 seers.16
Although prices vary greatly, we find that taxes per seer averaged Rs. 22.9 in
1912–13 and Rs. 77.9 in 1929–30.17 Since 1930, the number of authorised retail
stores has fallen from 1422 to 1206 in 1930–31 and to 1211 in 1931–32, as
consumption has fallen from 1155 maunds and 9 serrs in 1930–31 to 1013 maunds
and 16 serrs in 1931–32.18 Despite keeping the price of ganja below its 1929–30
level and increasing the number of authorised merchants to 1422 in 1935–36, sales
did not increase. Instead, 811 maunds and 17 seers of ganja were sold for
consumption throughout these fiscal years.19 In addition, ganja usage in Bengal
dropped in the following years. The availability of alternative intoxicants, rather
than political unrest or the Gandhian movement, appears to be to blame for the
decline in ganja’s popularity in Bengal. It is possible that the nature of Bengali
intoxication culture has evolved due to the proliferation and accessibility of more
intoxicants and that Bengali society has moved away from traditional addictions
and towards contemporary addictions.
Charas was only used for intoxication and had no therapeutic properties.
Smoking was the only way to consume. The intoxication effect is immediate after

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Souvik Das

three whiffs, although it is just momentary. The daily allocation was expected to
remain at approximately a quarter of a tola, and annual use will be roughly one
seer per consumer.20 People in Bengal did not use charas as frequently as other
hemp-derived substances such as ganja and bhang. This particular hemp drug
failed to gain acceptance in the province of Bengal, resulting in low consumer
interest. However, its use was restricted to the districts of Burdwan, Birbhum,
Midnapore, Hooghly, Howrah, 24-Parganas, Calcutta, Nadia, Murshidabad, Jessore,
Khulna, Dacca Mymensigh, Rajshahai, Dinajpur, and Manbhum in the province.
According to district officials, the substance was primarily used by people of the
Punjabi, Peshwari, and Chittagonian Lascar communities, as well as members of
the labouring classes, prostitutes, those with a history of criminal behaviour, and
the wealthy and bhdralok classes, who used it to substitute ganja due to its terrible
odour.21 Although charas was popular among both male and female artists, notably
those in the Jatra and theatrical groups. several factors led to the low adoption
rate. It was thought to be more expensive than ganja. During the fiscal year 1892–
93, the average tax per seer for ganja was Rs. 10.8, while bhang was taxed at Rs.
2.5 per seer. Charas, on the other hand, had to pay a far higher tax of Rs. 40 per
seer.22 Similarly, the tax on ganja was Rs. 76.16, bhang was Rs. 12.8, and charas
was Rs. 132.3 in 1936–37. 23As a result, the price would be more than twice that
of ganja. Charas’ high price is thought to be attributable to its importation from
Central Asia via Punjab. It is possible that consuming charas was not a prevalent
custom in Bengal and was not associated with any established cultural or religious
practices. Despite its effectiveness in producing intoxication, its effects wore off
quickly, and its high price may have deterred individuals from taking it, encouraging
them to resort to other drugs.
Siddhi, Bhang, Sabzi, and Patti are some of the names given to the dried
leaves of the hemp plant. In Bengal, the most popular way to take siddhi was by
drinking. This drink was occasionally drunk on Bijoya Dashmi, Diwali, Chait
Sankranti, Pous Sankranti, Sripanchami, Ramnavami, Sivachaturdasi, and Ganesh
Chaturthi.24 Furthermore, bhang was employed in the making of Kabiraji medication.
However, tracking bhang consumption was difficult due to the vast cultivation of
bhang plants across Bengal, which may be utilised without the involvement of the
excise authority. Calcutta, the 24-Parganas, Patna, and Gaya were the only places
that sold excise bhang. After Bihar and Orissa left the Bengal administrative

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presidency in 1912, bhang demand developed in Western Bengal districts such as

Burdwan, Birbhum, Bankura, Midnapore, Hooghly, Howrah, 24-Parganas, Calcutta,
and Nadia. Only Dacca in eastern Bengal took demand into account. Consumption
was low in the remaining Bengal presidency districts. Regional festivals, infectious
disease outbreaks, and infrastructure development all had an impact on Bengal’s
bhang consumption. Excised bhang sales were constant from 1893 to 1912, but
thereafter fell. In 1904-05, excise bhang consumed 1078 maunds.25 Consumption
fell to 698 maunds and 7 seers in 1912–13.26 Because the majority of Siddhi users
are from Bihar and Orisa, the partition of Bengal diminished the incidence. Pricing
issues cannot explain the drop in bhang use. This drug was found to be quite
affordable compared to other hemp-derived drugs’ expenses. Individuals may be
more inclined to consume alcohol rather than time-consuming, complex Siddhi
preparations for gradual intoxication. Majum is a hemp-flavoured delicacy made
with sugar, ghee, butter, milk, siddhi, and bhang. Consuming it for small wants
Only Calcutta, Dacca, Patna, and Shabad were major consumption hubs. The
Excise Administration stopped mentioning Majum in 1911–12. Demand may imply
consumer disinterest.
Opium and its Preparations
Opium, like hemp, was used for a variety of purposes in Bengal, including
medical, recreational, ritualistic, and ceremonial applications. The opium department
supplied “excise opium” to the excise department for local usage; authorised
shopkeepers subsequently sold it to Bengal customers. Opium usage was a common
practice. People ate, drank, and smoked opium. Opium, also known as afim in
colonial Bengali society, was consumed in the form of pills and eaten raw. It was
also mixed with water and drunk. The opium habit was largely for medicinal and
quasi-medical purposes as well as for non-medical objectives, particularly in
ceremonial and social circumstances.27 Opium was used as a popular household
remedy by a large number of people in Bengal. It was considered to prevent or
cure malaria, rheumatism, diabetes, endemic diarrhoea, cholera, and dysentery,
and it was used as a pain reliever. According to the colonial government, malarial
areas made up a large portion of the Bengal region. Opium intake was not regarded
as a sin or a luxury by the indigenous populace in these locations but rather as a
necessity for survival.28
In colonial Bengal, opium’s traditional use as a cure for a variety of diseases

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gave way to its appeal as a stimulant in the nineteenth century. According to Sir
William Roberts, most people began their opium habit between the ages of 35 and
45, when life began to slow down and indications of old age began to appear.29
Opium users often take 2 to 8 grains each day, half in the morning and the other
half in the evening. There was a significant disparity in consumption between the
poorer and upper groups. Calcutta had the highest opium consumption per head in
the late nineteenth century, at 0.02 seer.30 The consumption was similarly high in
the districts of the Burdwan division (excluding Bankura), the 24-Parganas,
Murshidabad, Rangpur, Chittagong, Patna, Prunea, and Malda, where the incidence
per head ranged from.001 to.003 seer.31
Table: 2 ( Opium Consumption and Excise Revenue of the Bengal, 1887-1938)
Year Opium License Revenue
quantity
sold Opium Madak Chandu Opium Madak Chandu Total
(mds)

1887-88 1939 2319 369 89 1984918 85305 37415 2107638

1892-93 1934 3025 263 71 2085116 79659 31032 2195807

1897-98 2086 2990 …. …. 2318598 …. ….1 2318598

1902-03 2351 3757 …. ….. 2652154 …. …. 2652154

1907-08 2430 1909 …. ….. 2659207 …. …. 2659207

1912-13 1697 1438 ….. …. 2376309 …. …. 2376309

1917-18 1074 1219 ….. ….. 2944947 …. …. 2944947

1922-23 1006 2122 …. …. 3183170 …. …. 3183170

1927-28 994 2401 …. …. 4798712 …. …. 4798712

1932-33 736 2488 …. …. 3818761 …. …. 3818761

1937-38 654 2515 …. …. 3461916 …. …. 3461916

Madak or goli smoking and chandu smoking were the two most frequent
types of opium smoking in Bengal, although their preparation and smoking techniques
were considerably different. As per the conclusions drawn by the Royal Commission

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on Opium, the act of opium smoking was a recent phenomenon that was
predominantly prevalent in foreign cultures.33 It follows the rise of a new and
dangerous drug culture in Bengal, where opium became “smoked” by a rising
number of addicts. In urban areas of Bengal, people often smoked chandu and
madak. The divisions of Burdwan, Presidency, Rajshahye, Bhgalpur, and Orissa
had the highest rates of madak preparation consumption. The cities of Calcutta,
24 Pargunnhas, Dacca, Mymensingh, Chittagong, and Bhagalpore were the most
prolific consumers of chandu.
In addition, laudanum and morphia from opium preparations were popular in
urban areas. The opium tincture Laudanum is used for intoxication. A considerable
percentage of addicts combined alcohol and laudanum. Morphia is an opium alkaloid
that is exclusively used to get high. Collectors’ customs stated that it was primarily
imported to meet rising demand. It is used in place of cocaine for all reasons
where cocaine was previously used.34 It was far less expensive than cocaine, and
its importation was unrestricted. These were the causes of the growing demand
for it. Opium eaters use Morphia as a replacement for raw opium. Except in
Jessore at the beginning of the late nineteenth century, it was unknown in the
mufassal; it was only consumed in Calcutta. By the early twentieth century, it had
spread throughout the province. In the early twentieth century, syringe-administered
morphine was most common in metropolitan Calcutta, and many addicts were
physicians and their wives.35
The retail price of opium and the high price of food grains decreased the use
of opium, but the influx of labour increased consumption, resulting in a fluctuating
trend of opium use in the first decade of the twentieth century. In 1905-06, there
was an upward trend in 26 districts and a drop in 8 districts out of the 34 districts.36
Surprisingly, higher consumption occurred in the regions that were the furthest
away from the producing districts. However, the largest opium consumption was
2430 maunds and 31 seers in 1907–08, compared to 2122 maunds and 10 seers in
the prior years.37 Although opium usage steadily fell after that, colonial excise
policies had a significant impact on this fluctuating pattern. To prevent smuggling,
the colonial authorities implemented a restricted system in almost every region of
Bengal Province. Consumption fell in the majority of districts as a result of this
colonial force. The Superintendent of Excise Revenue, Calcutta, Mr Babonean,
pointed out that the consumption of other excisable articles increased rather than

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Souvik Das

opium, with that of country spirit rising 18% and that of ganja rising 23%, which
was the average of three years consumption.38 With the suggestion of the Shanghai
International Opium Commission, the colonial government imposed unification of
treasury pricing of opium across the province, and hours of the sale were limited.
To prevent the entry of illegal opium, the government expanded the number of
retail licences, and also under pressure from various international organisations,
the government increased druggist permits for opium preparations, although
consumption did not increase.
In 1912–13, there were 891 licenced shops, 535 druggist permits, 12 licenced
poppy heads, and 1697 maunds and 17 seers of opium used.39 Despite having 948
retail licences and 1480 druggist permits available in 1939–40, only 655 maunds
and 28 seers of opium were consumed by the public.40 In the opium-growing areas
of the Patna division, the retail price per seer was as low as Rs 20 and as high as
Rs 55, while in Puri and Calcutta, the price was just Rs 35 in 1907–08. The treasury
price of opium was Rs 29 to Rs 35 per sser in 1912–1913. In 1929–30, opium sales
brought in Rs 482,164,6, an all-time high.41 Opium sold for Rs 71 per seer this
fiscal year, except in the Calcutta, 24-Parganas, Howrah, and Hooghly districts,
where it sold for Rs 91 per seer. In 1912–13, the average consumption per 1000
people was 1.5 seers; in 1929–30, it was .85 seers.42 Opium’s skyrocketing price
was a major factor, and the widespread availability of other intoxicating substances
like imported spirits, medicinal wine, and cigarettes also prompted a shift in consumer
preferences. Cocaine first debuted in Bengal in the late nineteenth century as a
tooth-care medication, but by the end of the century, it had evolved into an intoxicating
stimulant. The colonial excise administration classed it as a stimulant and listed it
on the excise article list at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Tobacco
Tobacco addiction affects a large proportion of the people in colonial Bengal.
The history of tobacco in Bengal is characterised by international connections,
major financial factors, and different cultural influences. Tobacco usage has
symbolic and frequent moral undertones in every culture. Tobacco, as a social
system, subsequently turned into a tool that made it easier for individuals to connect.
Giving and getting tobacco is a traditional practice in Indian culture to express
friendship, solidarity, and the consultation process. Tobacco was offered to visitors

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

as a customary norm in Bengali society.43 Specific religious and social practices

were interwoven with tobacco smoking in East Bengal. The “prayer of the dervish”
was a tobacco use pledge that both Hindu and Muslim groups in this area adopted.44
Typically, tobacco-using widows would execute this ritual. After cleaning several
sections in the courtyard one day, numerous hookahs and chilli tobacco was put up
for some dervishes, who spoke and smoked tobacco at the end of the day. Many
non-Bengali ethnic groups came here for employment, bringing their regional tobacco
traditions like Khaini, Zarda, Gudakhu, and Gundi with them. The benefits of
railways led to the introduction of bidis, which was popular among the rural lower
classes. Smoking has come to embody freedom and equality for those who have
faced discrimination because of their gender or socioeconomic standing, even if it
began as a form of rebellion or the pleasure of unlawful experimentation.
On the other side, there was a noticeable shift in Bengali society’s tobacco
consumption pattern. Initially, Bengali society consumed tobacco through hookah
and chewing, but cultural shifts necessitated the use of other types of tobacco
consumption. We noticed that various tobacco use habits include smoking, chewing,
applying, sucking, gargling, and so on. Two types of tobacco products were
commonly used in colonial Bengal: smoking tobacco and smokeless tobacco. Hookah,
cigars, cheroot, cigarettes, and bidis were all forms of tobacco smoking. snuff,
khaini, zarda surti, gudakhu, dokta, gundi, and other smokeless tobacco products
were available.
The pattern of tobacco smoking in colonial Bengal shifted from traditional to
western in the second half of the nineteenth century. Hookah, which had become
so popular in Bengali society, began to fade in the second half of the nineteenth
century. The fall of hookah popularity is widely linked to the introduction of cigars,
cigarettes, and bidis. Hookah addiction was time-consuming, and obtaining
ingredients was difficult and expensive. Hookah smoking is a sign of patience and
stability, with slow and calm times interspersed with moments of serenity and
intense concentration. And, in the latter part of the nineteenth century, the era of
new technology—railways and telegraphs—began. As a result, Bengali life began
to run more quickly. He had to scrabble for a living as the taste of Bengali society
changed as a result of Western education. In this fast-paced Bengali existence,
one can detect a lack of interest in hookah usage. Matches were devised to make
hookah usage simpler, but they also aided in the proliferation of cigarettes, cheroot,

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cigars, and bidis.

Although Cheroot and cigars were not very popular among Bengalis. A group
of Bengali society members who were familiar with Western customs
acknowledged its popularity. The government established Rangpur tobacco farm
stations to research tobacco cultivation for the huge demand for tobacco. In 1908,
the government established a tobacco unit at Burirhat under the Rangpur farm,
which was famous for cigar and cheroot production.45 The government’s Burirhat
Farm guided the production of cheroots and cigars. There were 25 brands of
cigars manufactured, such as Coronas, Imperials, Invincibles, Epicures, Favourites,
Planters, Havana, Manila, Torpedo, Florida, and so on. The amount of cheroot
consumed in Bengal was very small in 1934–35, estimated to be 139,810 lb per
capita.46 In Bengal, the average yearly consumption is four cigars per person.47
Bonshak’s invention of the cigarette-making machine altered the global pattern
of tobacco smoking consumption. However, smoking in the form of cigarettes
remained essentially unknown until 1890. Cigarettes first appeared in Calcutta
around 1895 48 and in Dacca around 1899, according to recorded history.49 Several
British, American, Egyptian, and Turkish corporations have now begun importing
cigarettes into India. However, cigarette usage was initially lower than that of
other tobacco products. Cigarette smoking was prevalent in Bengali society around
the turn of the twentieth century. Modernity, war, advertising, the Swadeshi
movement, and films were just a few of the unique circumstances that aided the
extraordinary expansion of cigarette smoking in the twentieth century. The first
four causes influenced the popularity of cigarettes in Bengal. Bengali youth saw
smoking cigarettes as a mark of both modernism and thrilling smartness. Cigarette
smoking is frequently associated with masculinity and confrontation. Cigarettes
were a must in the troops’ rations, and even Red Cross Society volunteers and
nurses took packets of cigarettes for the injured and assisted disabled men in
lighting their beloved smoke. Cigarettes are quite popular in Bengal since they are
simple to smoke and may be consumed without any preparation. To introduce
cigarettes to Bengali society, several European corporations used different
advertising strategies.
Cigarettes were heavily imported at the beginning of the twentieth century. In
1905-05, India imported 1040 crores of cigarettes.50 It is also known that from
1901-02 to 1903-06, cigarettes and cigars worth over Rs 103 lakhs were imported

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

into Bengal alone, while in 1905-06, Rs 45 lakhs worth of cigarettes were imported
into Bengal, a 25% increase over 1904-05.51 As a result of the steady increase in
the importation of foreign cigarettes, the Bengali smoking habit grew. As the smoking
habit spread, so did the demand for imported cigarettes and cigars, resulting in a
drain of money from the country. That was the height of the Swadeshi movement,
and it was widely understood that something needed to be done to meet the challenge
and halt the outflow.52 On the other side of health concerns, some people began to
oppose cigarette use.53 There were several cigarette factories built, and only Indians
owned and operated them. The Globe Cigarette Co., the Bengal Cigarette Mfg.
Co., the Calcutta Cigarette Co., the Swadeshi Cigarette Co., the Naidu Cigarette
Co., the Rangpur Tobacco Co., the Indian Cigarettes Mfg. Co. Ltd., and the National
Tobacco Co. Ltd. all owned these factories.54 National Tobacco Company Ltd.’s
Kohinoor brand cigarettes and Bengal Club brand tobacco combinations were
particularly well-liked for their high quality and taste. The Bengal Cigarette Mfg.
The company manufactured several brands of cigarettes, including the Apple,
Cricketer, and others, which were considered to be of “unrivalled excellence” and
“superior to that of foreign manufacturers.” East India Cigarette Manufacturing
Co. was a joint venture between India and Turkey that promoted the Kali brand of
cigarettes.55 Its commercial claims that the paper used to make the Kali cigarettes
has a unique material that does not cause respiratory issues such as coughing
when smoked. Darjeeling tea plantation labour preferred cheap Battle Axe
cigarettes.56 An almost identical commercial was written for the well-known Mohini
Bidi. Bidi was a direct result of Bengal’s Swadeshi movement. Bidi is not a Bengali
product; it originated in Gujarat and came to Bengal via Madhya Pradesh owing to
railway expansion. Because of its inexpensive price, it became quite popular among
lower castes and impoverished people. As a result of the enormous popularity of
cigarettes, foreign companies constructed factories in Bengal, and Imperial Tobacco
Company of India Limited opened a cigarette manufacturing factory at Monghyer
in 1907.57 By the 1930s, ITC had controlled the bulk of the Indian cigarette industry,
offering over 35 brands of cigarettes, both cheap and luxurious.58
Encounter with Drug Culture
The advent of Colonial Modernity impacted the phenomenon of intoxication,
which significantly influenced societal attitudes and reactions towards this issue.
The Bengali elites realised that the consumption of intoxicating drugs, specifically

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ganja and opium, fostered social differentiation. The societal nomenclature for
intoxicating drug addiction was deemed “petty addiction,” whereas the Ganjakhor,
Afimkhor, Golikhor, Chandukhor, and Addadhari communities were classified in a
differentiated manner. In Bengali literature and vernacular magazines, the drug
culture is attacked in a variety of ways. Bengali intellectuals have attempted to
persuade the people about the negative consequences of drugs based on social
and moral considerations rather than public health considerations. Bengali
intellectuals bemoaned the fact that, while under British control, Bengal rose to
the top of India in terms of education and civilization, it also rose to the top of the
country in terms of drug addiction.59 They served as moral teachers, warning
people about the potential hazards of drug use. Surprisingly, Bengal’s temperance
group concentrated on drunkenness rather than intoxicating drugs. The response
of Bengali society to drug culture shifted slightly in the twentieth century when
some Bengali health periodicals such as Chikitsha Prakash, Chikitsa O
Somalochok, Chikitsa Twatta Bigan, Swasthya, and Swasthya Samachar
attempted to raise public health awareness by discussing the harmful effects of
drugs. On the other hand, various commercial periodicals, including Byabshai,
Krishi Lakshmi, Arthik Unnati, and Krishak, promote drug culture, particularly
tobacco culture.
However, in the late nineteenth century, numerous Europeans and administrative
officials questioned colonial excise policy and the consequences of drugs on public
health. In response to the colonial intelligentsia’s reaction to drug culture, the
government established the ROC and IHDC in 1893. However, the IHDC stated
that the occasional use of ganja in modest dosages can be helpful, and hemp drugs
have no negative impact on health.60 Similarly, ROC stated that opium is harmless
and that moderate use may be beneficial.61 although Cigarettes received more
attention from Bengali intellectuals in the twentieth century than any other form of
tobacco product. With the reaction of Bengali intellectuals to cigarettes, the colonial
authorities issued the Bengal Juvenile Smoking Act 2 of 1919 to prohibit boys
from smoking. The colonial tobacco policy never sought to curb tobacco usage.
Due to the high demand for tobacco in the 1920s, Bengal was India’s main tobacco-
producing region. From 1929–30 to 1935–36, the average area for tobacco
cultivation in Bengal was 293 acres, which was 27.8% of the total tobacco growing
area of British India.62

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Conclusion
The correlation between drugs and consumers’ inclinations is primarily
contingent upon the cost factor. Typically, consumers are compelled to alter their
preferences in response to an increase in prices. However, the personal inclinations
of the individual motivate them to seek out alternative substances. The alteration
of drug use among Bengalis was influenced by cultural practices and colonial
policies, which were exerted by colonial force. As a consequence, tobacco
consumption, particularly through the use of cigarettes and bidis, has gained more
prevalence than other substances within Bengali society during the 20th century.
The significant prevalence of tobacco consumption compelled the colonial
administration to incorporate tobacco into the excise administration in 1943, as the
administration was unwilling to lose the revenue generated from tobacco. Despite
the absence of a formal government classification of tobacco as an intoxicant.
The colonial administration made efforts to control the physical and mental aspects
of the colonised population by disseminating knowledge about drug culture. This
was achieved through the establishment of various commissions and excise acts
that dealt with drug culture. Intoxicating substances were utilised by colonial
authorities not only as a source of financial gain but also as a mechanism of
imperialism and as an instrument for propagating civilising endeavours.

References
1. J. Goodman, P. Lovejoy and A. Sheratt (eds), Consuming Habits Drugs in
History and Anthropology, London: Routledge, 1995, p. 5.
2. David T. Courtwright, Forcess of Habit: Drugs and the Making of Modern
World, USA: Harvard University Press, 2002, p. 1.
3. Report of the Royal Commission on Opium, Vol. 1, London: For Her
Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1894, p. 3.
4. Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, Vol. 1 Report, Simla: The
Superintendent of Government Central Printing Office, 1894, p. 1.
5. Carl A. Trocki, Opium., Empire and the Global Political Economy A
study of the Asian opium trade 1750-1950, London New York: Routledge,
2006, p. xi.

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Souvik Das

6. Flat ganja, also called chapta ganja, was produced by trampling ganja
underfoot. As a result of this phenomenon, the agglomerated flower tops
assume a flatter shape.
7. Round ganja, also called goli is made by rolling it underfoot rather than
stepping on it, which results in the agglomerated flower tips being less firmly
adhered to one another and taking on a more rounded appearance.
8. When completely dry, both flat and round ganja are bailed in a specific manner,
and a certain amount of loose resinous matter falls off during this process,
called chur.
9. Memorandum on Excise Administration in India so far as it is Concerned
with Hemp Drugs by W.S. Meyer, Simla: Govt. of India, Finance Department,
Govt. Central Printing Office, 1906, p. 4
10. Report of the IHDC, Vol. 1 Report, [Link], p. 129.
11. Report of the IHDC, Vol. 3 Appendices - Miscellaneous, [Link], p. 13.
12. Report on the Financial Results of the Excise Administration in the Lower
Provinces for the Year 1892-93, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press,
1893, p. 15.
13. Data is not available because Bengal Excise Administration discontinued
making specific references to Majum
14. Amit Bhattacharyya, Swadeshi Enterprise in Bengal: 1900-1920, Kolkata:
Mita Bhattacharyya, 1986, p. 172.
15. Basanta Kumar Chowdhuri, Tamak, Swasthya Samachar, No. 12, Chaitra
1337 B.S., p. 366.
16. Report on the Administration of the Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the year 1929-30, Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot,
1930, p. 27.
17. Report on the Administration of Bengal 1929-30, Calcutta: Bengal
Secretariat Book Depot, 1931, p. 153.
18. Memorandum on Excise (Hemp Drugs) Administration in India for 1931-
32, (16th edition), Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1933, p. 10.
19. Memorandum on Excise (Hemp Drugs) Administration in India for 1936-
37, (21st edition), Delhi: Manager of Publications, New Delhi: Government
of India Press,1939, p. 9.
20. Report of the IHDC, Vol. 1 Report, [Link], p. 133.

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

21. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency

of Bengal for the Year 1921-22, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book
Depot, p. 17.
22. Report on the Financial Results of the Excise Administration in the Lower
Provinces for the Year 1892-93, [Link], p. 39.
23. Memorandum on Excise (Hemp Drugs) Administration in India for 1936-
37, Delhi: The Manager Publications, 1939, p. 9-10.
24. Report of the IHDC, Vol. 1 Report, [Link], p. 160.
25. Report on the Excise Administration in the Lower Province of Bengal
for the year 1904-05, Calcutta: The Secretariat Book Depot, 1905, p. 17.
26. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1912-13, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book
Depot, p. 16.
27. Report of the ROC, Vol. 1, [Link], p. 99.
28. Consumption of Opium in India, London: Her Majestys Stationary Office,
1892, p. 5.
29. Report of the ROC,Vol. 6, [Link] p. 102.
30. Report on the Financial Results of the Excise Administration in the Lower
Provinces for the Year 1897-98, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press,
1898, p. 42.
31. Ibid, p. 42.
32. In accordance with the recommendation of the ROC, the government has
banned the licences of Chandu Madak Salons.
33. Report of the ROC, Vol. 6, [Link], p. 9.
34. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1905-06, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book
Depot, 1906, p. 22.
35. Arun Nag, Chitrita Padme, Calcutta: Dey’s Publishing (edition), 2012, p.
23.
36. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1905-06, [Link], p. 21.
37. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1907-08, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book
Depot, 1908, p. 29.

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38. Ibid, p. 30.

39. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1912-13, Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book
Depot, p. 18.
40. Report on the Administration of Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the Year 1939-40, Alipore: Superintendent, Govt. Printing,
Bengal Government Press, 1940, p. 37.
41. Report on the Administration of the Excise Department in the Presidency
of Bengal for the year 1929-30 , [Link], p. 32.
42. Memorandum on Excise (Opium) Administration in India for 1929-30,
Delhi: Manger of Publications, 1931, p. 11.
43. Kaminikumar Roy Sabhatay Pan Tamak, Masik Basumati, Vol. 2, No. 1,
Kartik 1356 B.S., p. 56-61.
44. Ibid, p. 56-61.
45. Jamini Biswas, Tamak, Bangiya Krishi Bibhager Batsarik Krishi
Samachar,1324-26 B.S. (1917-19), Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press,
1920, p. 51-54.
46. Report on the Marketing of Tobacco in India and Burma, Simla: The
Manager of Publications, Government of India, p. 78.
47. Ibid, p. 78.
48. J. Barnard Gibbs, Tobacco Production and Consumption in India and
Burma, United States Department ofAgriculture, Office of Foreign Agriculture
Relations, Washington D.C., 1939, p. 51.
49. Sadur Rahman, Dhakai Khabar O Khaddo Sangskriti, Dhaka: Oitijjhya,
2016, p. 144.
50. Krisak, Bhadra, 1313 B.S., p. 99.
51. An Outcome of the Swadeshi Movement, DDSM, March, 1908, p. 79 cited
in Amit Bhattacharyya, [Link], p. 170
52. Amit Bhattacharyya, p. 172.
53. Aswini Kumar Chattopadhyay, Kajer Boi-Ba-Bastab Unnatir-Prakrita-
Path Chinta, Calcutta, 1314 B.S., p. 22-23.
54. Amit Bhattacharyya, [Link], p. 172
55. Kaushik Dutta, Dhumbilas, Kolkata: Parcment, 2021, p. 13.

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56. Narendra Kumar Das, Jibon Kalyan, Swasthya Samachar, Boishakh, 1334
B.S., p. 147-150.
57. Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff, Colonising Plants in Bihar (1760-1950), India:
Partridge, 2014, p. 190
58. Champaka Basu, Challlenge and Change: The ITC Story 1910-1985,
Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1988, p.. 94-95.
59. Kanti Chandra Sarkar, Tamaker Dosh O Itihas, Calcutta: B. Banerjee &
Co., 1288 B.S., p. 31.
60. Report of the IHDC, Vol. 1, [Link], p. 263-264.
61. Report of the ROC, Vol. 6, [Link], p. 93.
62. Report on the Marketing of Tobacco in India and Burma, [Link], p. 7.

134
Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission:
An important stream of the Ramakrishna Movement
Dasarath Paul & Kakoli Tah

Abstract
The 19th century is known as the ‘renaissance era’ in the history of Bengal and India. The
reform movements that started in the first part of this century under the influence of Western
education and culture were fulfilled through the Ramakrishna movement. The movement
began and spread around the lives and teachings of Ramakrishna, Sarada Maa and
Vivekananda. Vivekananda established the Ramakrishna Math and Mission to do public
welfare work based on Ramakrishna’s life and teaching. Ramakrishna Math and Mission is
the main organization of Ramakrishna movement. But among the other organizations which
are important in developing this movement are Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission, Private Ashramas and groups of Lay devotees. Following the basic ideals and
methods of the Ramakrishna movement, Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission
have been providing education, medical services, distribution of relief materials, rehabilitation
etc. They work on the ideal of ‘Shiva Jnane Jiva Seva ’ ( Service to Man is Service to God)
and render service to all irrespective of caste, creed, class, colour, region.
Keywords: welfare service, mass, harmony, tradition, moral values, modernity.

Introduction
Ramakrishna Movement is one of the most progressive movementS not only in
India but also in the world in the modern times.‘Sri Ramakrishna is the central
source of all power in the Ramakrishna Movement’1. Fundamentally it is a religious
movement, but at the same time this movement has also brought a new trend in
socio-cultural life. The organizers of this movement wanted to create a new type
of man, pure in heart, rational in thought, unselfish in motivation, and enlightened by
the experience of the unity of existence. They are eager to end all differences and
bring about harmony. They believe and propagate the ideology that Hindus will be
better Hindus, Muslims will be better Muslims and Christians will be better
Christians. The idea of serving God in man, irrespective of his caste, creed, class,
language, region etc. is an integral part of the spiritual disciple of the members of
the Movement. The base of this movement lies in Vedantic tradition. At the same

Dasarath Paul, Ph.D Research Scholar, Department of History, Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University,

Purulia
Kakoli Tah, Associate Professor, Department of History, J. K. College, Purulia

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time, a liberal and universal outlook can be observed in it. That is why Western
science, rationalism and organizational techniques have been adopted and integrated
into this movement.
In the 19th century, under the influence of Western science and rationalism,
the non-existence of God, agnosticism was being propagated in India. At this time
there is great confusion all around. In such a context this new movement emerged.
The Ramakrishna movement can be said to be the fruitful outcome of the much-
discussed renaissance of the 19th century.
Swami Vivekananda, the chief disciple of Sri Ramakrishna, made this movement
active, lively and practical. And the living example and inspiration of this movement
is Shrima Sarada Devi. In fact the Ramakrishna movement is – ‘the Wide Water
of Ramakrishna ’. The ‘Wide Waters’ consist of four streams. Ramakrishna Math
and Mission together are the main channel of this movement. These two institutions
were established by Swami Vivekananda with the help of his monastic brothers,
householders and devotees. It has been engaged in public welfare work since their
inception under the ideal of ‘Shiva Jnane Jiva Seva’(serving God in Man ). Other
streams are – Groups of Lay devotees, Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission, Private Ashramas and un- affiliated centres. These streams are engaged
in human service following the core ideology, motto, activities and programme of
the movement. In this article I will discuss the role of Sri Sarada Math and
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission in promoting and spreading Ramakrishna Movement.

Establishment of Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission

The great patriot monk Swami Vivekananda traveled across India on foot after the
Mahasamadhi (1886 ) of his Master (Sri Ramakrishna). During this time, he
witnessed India’s poverty, discrimination and prejudice and was constantly looking
for a way to free India from it. According to him, ‘The great National sin in the
neglect of the masses, and that is one of the causes of our downfall’2. He also
wrote- ‘In India there are two great evils .Trampling on the women, and grinding
the poor through caste restrictions.’3 And the way to solve it is education. Even he
emphasized on education for the development of women. According to him, the
Welfare of women can be done by women themselves. First they need to be
educated, self-reliant and confident. Then they will be able to identify their own

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Problems and find solutions. It should be noted that women were at the root of the
reform movement that was going on in Bengal and India under the influence of the
West in the 19th. Century. Some elites led these reform movements to eliminate
women-centric problems. However, women were not directly involved in these
movements. The reform movements were going on as if imposed from above.
There was no attempt to make women confident and independent. Vivekananda
was impressed by the freedom, self-confidence, and organizational power of women
in the West, especially in America. And on the other hand, he was deeply troubled
by the condition of our women, slavery and misery. He wrote-‘There is no chance
for the welfare of the world unless the condition of women is improved. It is not
possible for a bird to fly on only one wing.’4 So he wanted to establish a Math for
women before men. According to him, although there are external differences
between men and women, they are not different. ‘Is there any sex-distinction in
atman (self)? Out with the differentiation between man and woman- all is atman!’5
Therefore, like men, women can attain celibacy. He thinks that if even one of
the women is Brahmajna (Knower of Brahman) then thousands of women will
wake up with her talent. He noticed the characteristic difference of Indian women
from American women. The real characteristic of Indian women is motherhood.
According to him, ‘The ideal of womenhood in India is motherhood-that marvelous,
unselfish, all-suffering, ever-forgiving mother.’6 He wanted to establish a separate
Math centering on Sri Sri Ma to give a Holistic form to this maternal development.
In one of his letters he wrote: ‘Mother has been born to revive that wonderful
Shakti in India; and making her the nucleus ,once more will Gargis and Maitreyis
be born in the world …To me Mother’s grace is a hundred thousand times more
valuable than Father’s. First build a Math for Mother. First Mother and Mother’s
daughters, then Father and Father’s sons’7. Sri Sri Ma, through her practical life
and conduct, became the ideal and central character of Stree Math. For 34 years
after Sri Ramakrishna’s death, she fulfilled various responsibilities as Guru, Mother,
and Sanghajanani. She is like a bridge between traditional and modern lifestyles of
India. Sometimes she seems to be the last representative of the old ideals and
sometimes she seems to be the forerunner of a new ideal.
The various initiatives he took to establish the Stree – Math are known from
his letters. He wrote –‘In this terrible winter I am lecturing from place to place and
fighting against odds, so that funds may be collected for Mother’s Math’8. Although

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Stree -Math was not established during Swamiji’s lifetime, within a few years the
tone of awakening sounded in the minds of several women. The opening of Nivedita
School on November 13, 1898 can be counted as its first step. Margaret Elizabeth
Noble became Vivekananda’s disciple after listening to Vivekananda’s lectures on
Vedanta in England and being impressed by various conversations of Vivekananda.
She was eager to do anything for the betterment of India in the Guru’s (Master)
ideals. Vivekananda was also looking for a lioness like Nivedita for the betterment
of India, especially for the welfare of women. So in 1897 he called upon Nivedita
to lead the Indian women and said-‘I am now convinced that you have a great
future in the work for India. What was wanted was not a man but a woman; a real
lioness, to work for the Indians, women specially. India cannot yet produce great
women, she must borrow them from other nations. Your education, sincerity, purity,
immense love, determination, and above all, the Celtic blood make you just the
woman wanted.’9 Nivedita devoted herself to the development of India’s religion,
society, science and culture at the call of the Guru. Impressed by her service to
India, Rabindranath Tagore honoured her by the name ‘Lokamata’. She established
a school in Bagbazar (Kolkata) with the blessings of Sarada Maa and the help of
Swamiji and other monks for the welfare of women.
Around this school, women were also encouraged to join the service work
(welfare work). Several women joined this school, who later became nuns in the
Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission. Notable among them are Renuka
Basu (later Pravrajika Mokshaprana),Gouri Dasgupta ( later Pravrajika Dayaprana),
Bijoli Sen (later Pravrajika Vidyaprana), Lakshmi Sinha (later Pravrajika
Shraddhaprana) and others. While serving in this school, they were inspired by the
Ramakrishna-Vivekananda philosophy and took a vow of monastic life. In 1946,
Asha Devi (later Pravrajika Muktiprana) wrote an article titled ‘Hindu Women’s
Right to Sannyas’ in the journal ‘Udbodhan’( a mouthpiece of R.K.M). Through
this, she expressed her intense desire for a life of renunciation. Being spiritually
inspired, in 1950, a group of women under her leadership requested for the bestowal
of the Sannyas to women by the Belur Math authority. There was also a small
group of women who desired to join to form a monastic sisterhood under the
Ramakrishna Math. Since many young women from various areas and classes had
come forward to join, the authorities of Belur Math started giving serious thought
to Swamiji’s idea of establishing a Stree-Math.

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In May 1952, the Monks’ Conference recommended the establishment of

Women’s Math and on May 29, 1952, the trustees of Belur Math accepted the
same. This proposal was already put forward by Revered Swami Virajananda,
who said in his Presidential Address at the fourth Monks’ Conference of the
Ramakrishna Math in 1946- “the problem of women-workers has not received our
due attention so for long. They have not been given any appreciable scope for
leading the monastic life in the Sangha as yet…It is the high time that the case of
women-workers who earnestly desire to dedicate their lives to the Sangha should
receive careful and sympathetic consideration. In this connection, it is well to
remember that Swamiji wanted to establish a Math for women, and gave it
precedence over even that for men.”10 But the Belur Math authorities also knew
that there were several problems in setting up the Stri-Math. Revered Swami
Madhvanandaji Maharaj told Asha Bandyopadhyay (later Pravrajika Muktiprana
Mataji) that at least one person should have spiritual knowledge to lead all the
women together. It would have been very easy if Sri Ma Sarada Devi or one of her
disciples had done that work .It was at this time that the Belur Math authorities
selected Sarala as the head of the Stri Math. Her life has been shaped by the
presence and teachings of Sri Sri Ma Sarada Devi. She served Sri Ma for three
years until her passing away in July 1920. “In 1924 Swami Saradananda initiated
her into sannyasa according to Tantra and gave her the name Sri Bharati”11. After
Swami Sardananda’s death in 1927, she practiced Sadhana at Kalidham for 27
years. She established herself as the inheritor of Sri Sri Ma’s spiritual wealth.
On the December 27, 1953, during the Centenary Celebration of Holy Mother’s
birth, Swami Shankarananda, the president of Belur Math initiated some dedicated
women into brahmacharya. And on the 10 th of July 1954, a temporary home was
provided for Brahmacharins at Entally, Calcutta. Later in December 2, 1954, Stri-
Math (Sri Sarada Math) was established permanently at Dakshineshwar. Then on
the January 1, 1959, the birthday of Holy Mother, eight senior members of the Sri
Sarada Math were ordained by Revered Swami Shankaranandaji Maharaj, President
of Belur Math and Mission. Actually it was a preliminary step to the formation of
an independent women’s organization. on 26 th of the August, 1959, Sri Sarada
Math was given independent status and the sannyasinis became its Trustees by
virtue of a Deed of Trust executed by the Belur Math authority (Deed No. 4109
for the year 1959 registered on 9.9.1959). From 1954 to 1958 Sri Sarada Math was

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a branch center of Ramakrishna Math and Mission, Belur. Its administration was
under the responsibility of Belur Math’s Achhi Parishad (Trustee of Belur Math).
Swamiji wanted Stri-Math to be conducted on exactly the same principles as that
for the men,with some restrictions. ‘The women’s Math will be managed by the
men from a distance, so long as competent women are not available for the task.
After that, they will themselves manage all their affairs.’12 So senior monks of
Ramakrishna Math and Mission helped them from a distance.
Thus, the birth of the Independent Hindu Sannyasini Sangha is a landmark
event in India as well as of the whole world. Shankaracharya (eighth century) did
not approve of the asceticism of women. But Swamiji wanted to establish a monastery
for women as per the need of the times. His hope was fulfilled 50 years after his
death. While preparing the rules of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission in 1897,
Swamiji spoke about need to the establishment of the Stri-Math. If Swamiji had not
mentioned the need of the Stri -Math in the rules of the Sangha or given clear
instructions, the Stri-Math centering around Sri Ma might not have been established
centered on Srima. Ramakrishna Sarada Mission was established in May 1960 for
the welfare of women and children by the Trustee of Sri Sarada Math on the
advice of Belur Math. The nuns of Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission use the title ‘Pravrajika’ before their ordained name, and are usually
addressed as ‘Mataji’ meaning ‘mother’. The aim of the new institution is to carry
out various social activities with the help of lay devotees enlightened in the spirit of
Ramakrishna’s ‘Shiva Jnane Jiva Seva’.

Activities of the Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission

The establishment of Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission is a very
significant event in the socio-cultural history of post-independence India.
Independence was a cause of great joy for the people of India. At the same time
it is sad, because the country was divided and riots were seen in different areas.
Improvements in food, clothing and shelter, education and health, employment etc.
became challenging for the national leaders. The national leaders took initiative to
adopt and implement various plans to improve the political and administrative
development of the newly independent country as well as socio-economic-cultural
etc. Non-governmental organizations also came forward as their partners in this
work. Ramakrishna Math and Mission started various welfare works irrespective

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of caste, creed, class and region since its inception. After independence, the scope
and pace of their work has increased. Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission formed on the ideals of Ramakrishna movement have been doing public
welfare work since its establishment. Sri Sarada Math is basically a spiritual
institution. They emphasize on spiritual and moral development. And Ramakrishna
Sarada Mission is a public welfare organization. It mainly works for the development
of women and children through the spread of education, health improvement,
vocational training, relief and helping the poor. Apart from the main centre, Sri
Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission are currently doing service work
through about 35 branch centres. They are doing this welfare work not only in
West Bengal, but also in states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka,
Arunachal Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal, Delhi, Gujarat etc. Even
abroad they are played a leading role in spreading the Ramakrishna ideology.
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission bases its work on the principles of Karma yoga, the
principle of selfless work done with dedication to God.

Spread of Education
The British did not provide universal education in India during the colonial period.
They spent very little money on the spread of education. Even they provided narrow
education in India. In post-independence India, national leaders have taken initiative
to take education to a higher level by setting up various commissions. But still some
narrow influence of the West remains in Indian education. In the words of
Rabindranath Tagore–Education became our burden not our pet. Even after
independence, the number of female students is very less compared to male students.
Education is most needed to make women confident, independent and self-reliant.
Vivekananda emphasized on spread of education for the betterment of women and
even the whole of India. So he wrote: ‘They (Indian women) have many and grave
problems, but none that are not to be solved by that magic word ‘education’’13. He
spoke of a system of education which develops all aspects of the student–physical,
mental, spiritual, moral, emotional. It is ‘Man-making education’ or ‘Character–
building education’. This ‘Man-making education’ is one of the four pillars of
education that UNESCO has mentioned in 1996 as recommended by Delor’s
Commission. By getting this education, ‘Mann’ (value) and ‘Hunsh’(awareness)
should be created in people. He thought that divinity is hidden in all people. So by

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defining education he said-‘Education is the manifestation of the perfection already

in man.’14 Keeping in Vivekananda’s educational philosophy, Ramakrishna Sarada
Mission is expanding education in India by establishing primary schools, secondary
schools, college, vocational training centers etc. All women and children irrespective
of caste, creed, and class get this service.
Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission started their activities
centering Nivedita School. Presently it is named Ramakrishna Sarada Mission,
Sister Nivedita Girls’ School. This school is unique being the only educational
institution for girls which was inaugurated by Sri Sarada Devi in the presence of
Swami Vivekananda and some of his brother disciples on 13 November 1898 at
Bagbazar in Kolkata. It is also unique because noble souls like Vivekananda and
Nivedita served for [Link] school was closed for some time after its establishment
due to financial crisis. It was reopened permanently in February 1902. In 1918, the
school was affiliated to the Ramakrishna Mission. Later, when the Ramakrishna
Sarada Mission was established, the Ramakrishna Math and Mission authorities
handed it over to them in 1963. In the first phase, this school was completely home-
based, teaching was imparted in the like of kindergarten system. There are three
main section: primary section (I to iv), secondary section (v to x), and industrial
department .It runs also a boarding house for the students ,a publication department,
a free coaching classes for the poor children of the neighborhood. The secondary
section is affiliated to the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education. It is aided
by the Government of West Bengal since 1949. According to Swami Vivekananda
–‘The only true teacher is he who can immediately come down to the level of the
student, and transfer his soul to the students’ soul and see through the students’
eyes and hear through his ears and understand through his mind. Such a teacher
can really teach and none else.’15 The teachers of this institution also positive
approach in the minds of students by eliminating negative and destructive thoughts.
Industrial department or Pura – Stree Vibhaga was started in 1903 by Sister
Christine and Sister Nivedita. It aims to make local girls self-supporting and self-
confident. Here girls are taught crafts like embroidery, tailoring and toy-making.
Since 1949, the department has been recognized by the Directorate of the
Government of West Bengal. In fact, in these educational institutions, emphasis is
not only on curriculum education, but also on the development of the student’s
physical, mental, spiritual, moral, emotional aspects.

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Ramakrishna Sarada Mission established a college named Ramakrishna Sarada

Mission Vivekananda Vidyabhavan in Dumdum in 1961 to provide higher education
to girls. This college started with only thirty one students. At present around 500
students get the opportunity to study Bengali, English, Sanskrit, Education, History,
Philosophy, Political Science, Sociology, Economics, Geography, Psychology, Human
Rights, Journalism and Mass Communication, Mathematics here. This semi-
residential college also offers various career oriented courses. It is known from the
prospectus of this college. Ramakrishna Sarada Mission Vivekananda Vidyabhavan
recently tied up with reputed organizations like the Sister Nivedita University (Techno
India Group), National Skill Development corporation, and Sri Sarada Math Rasik
Bhita for conducting the following add-on professional courses under the
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission Vivekananda Vidyabhavan School of Professional
studies: Hospital/ Healthcare Management, PG Diploma in Advertising and Public
Relation, psychiatric Counselling Course, Anchoring, Computer Courses, English
for Academic Purpose, GIS and Remote sensing. All-round development is provided
to the girl students of this college. “The boarders (college hostel) are taught to be
self-reliant, active, and efficient, and responsible. They are entrusted with various
duties and responsibilities not only in the hostel, but also in the Shrine, the garden
and the sick- rooms.”16
Vivekananda wanted women to become self-reliant by educating them and
society would change for the better. For this purpose, Ramakrishna Sarada Mission
has set up primary schools in centers like Dakshineshwar, Baranagar, Shillya village
(Burdwan), Gangarampore (24 Parganas South), Siriti ( Kolkata), etc in West Bengal
and outside West Bengal in Delhi, Arunachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra
Pradesh. Besides, free library, painting classes, adult education classes, free coaching
classes, Spoken English classes, Yoga Classes, Computer Classes have been
arranged in various centres.

Medical service
Another important area of Ramakrishna movement is to serve sick and suffering
people irrespective of cast, color, creed, class, area. They serve in the spirit of
‘service to man is service to God’. Branch centers of Ramakrishna Math and
Mission have opened charitable hospitals, mobile medical units. They fulfilled their
objective by establishing hospitals. And through allopathic, homeopathic and

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ayurvedic treatment thousands of people are cured every year. One of the streams
of the Ramakrishna movement is Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission.
The nuns of this organization also consider the work of human service as worship
of God. They do not consider any task small or unimportant. Even without
considering whether they are men or women. Swamiji said –‘We should not think
that we are men and women, but only that we are human beings, born to cherish
and to help one another’17. Inspired by Swamiji’s thoughts, they have been working
to relieve the diseases of thousands of people by establishing a hospital, several
charitable dispensaries and mobile medical units.
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission Matri Bhavan is the only charitable hospital centre
run under Ramakrishna Sarada Mission, Dakshineswar, Kolkata. It has been
rendering dedicated services to women and children through its charitable hospital,
School of nursing, community health services and vocational training unit. It is a
non-profitable organization. Its journey began in 1950 with only ten beds under the
Ramakrishna Math and Mission. Later the Ramakrishna Mission authorities handed
over its management to the Ramakrishna Sarada Mission in 1961. ‘From the very
beginning the Matri Bhavan aimed at providing health care to poor urban mothers
and children, promoting the concepts of self-motherhood among the underprivileged
families.’ Now it is a well-equipped hospital with service facilities for obstetrics,
Gynecology, General Surgery, General Medicine, Pediatrics, Neonatology, ENT,
Dentistry, Ophthalmology, Orthopedics, Dermatology, Homeopath and Operation
theatre. The nuns run this hospital with a spirit of honesty and selfless service.
Their management skills are very high quality. With the help of a few doctors,
nurses and other helpers, this hospital has been selflessly serving all classes of
people with efficiency over the years. Selfless service awakens the dormant devinity
of the service giver and service receiver. With this idea, they provide modern medical
services in various places in India including Bengal through charitable dispensaries
and mobile medical units. Medicines are given free or at very low cost in these
centres. They also take initiatives to eliminate various superstitions and traditional
blind medical practices prevalent in remote areas.

Development of spiritual life

Ramakrishna Math and Mission promote the ideal of harmony of all religions in the
spiritual field. The basic foundation of their spirituality is Ramakrishna’s ‘Yata Mat

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Tata Path’ (as many faiths so many paths). Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna
Sarada Mission also conduct all their activities on that ideal. Sri Sarada Math and
its sister concern organization, Ramakrishna Sarada Mission have the same motto
–”Atmano moksartham jagat hitaya ca”( for one’s own liberation, and for the
welfare of humanity).The nuns of this organization do not just seek their own
liberation. They wantto improve themselves spiritually not only through service
and religious practices in monasteries and missions,but by prioritizing the welfare
of the world .They believe in Swamiji’s ideology of ‘Practical Vedanta’. They
consider all work as worship. No work is neglected as small for them. They not
only preach this attitude, but at the same time express their attitude through their
actions. Apart from the main centre, every branch centre also propagates spiritual
ideas through daily worship, spiritual speeches and discussions, birthday celebrations
of Sri Ramakrishna, Maa Sarada, Swami Vivekananda and others. The essence of
this Sangha is renunciation, austerity and devotion to God. In the presence of nuns,
this spiritual attitude expands among people as well. As a result, people get
disillusioned and Peace of mind comes and self-strength increases. Besides, they
publish books on the life of Sri Ramakrishna, Ma Sarada, Swamiji and others in
Bengali, English, Hindi, Oriya, Taegu, Malayalam, Kannada, Marathi etc. languages.
These books are distributed at very low cost or free in order to illumine the life of
general public. Simultaneously this organization publishes a English journal ‘Samvit’
since 1980 and Bengali journal ‘Nibodhata’ since 1987 to propagate spiritual and
social values among the masses. They are trying to represent the traditional ideals
of India to the world in a new way.

Rural development and Relief work

After Ramakrishna’s Mahasamadhi (death), Vivekananda traveled across India
on foot and saw the poverty and misery of marginalized people. He took various
initiatives along with the brother disciples to alleviate their plight. When Swami
Akhandananda started his service work at Mahula in Murshidabad district of West
Bengal, he encouraged him to work for the poor and the ignorant. He took initiative
to improve these lives neglected by people taking up various projects and providing
financial help. Above all, he wanted to make them confident and self-reliant by
spreading education among them. Besides, his Master‘s (Ramakrishna) heart was
filled with compassion to see the poverty and misery of the marginal people when

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going through a village near Vaidyanath at the time of his pilgrimage to Kashi,
Vrindavan and other holy places with Mathur (son-in-low of Rani Rashmoni). He
forced Mathur to help these poor people-”Give these people sufficient oil to cool
their heads and each a piece of cloth to wear and feed them to their fill once”18..
Thus he started ‘Shiva Jnane Jiva Seva ‘(Service to Man as God). Following this
ideology , service work is conducted in Ramakrishna-Spirit. Sri Sarada Math and
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission have also taken various initiatives to make girls self-
reliant, self-confident with these ideals and practices. They have provided formal
education as well as vocational training through their centres .To fulfill this objective
in 1903 Sister Christine along with Nivedita formed the industrial school, known as
‘Pura- Stree Vibhaga’.Various vocational trainings are given to girls here since its
inception. Such as toy making, tailoring, embroidery etc. Besides, vocational training
for girls have been arranged in centers like Gangarampur (South 24 Parganas),
Thakurnagar (Purba Midnapore), Shillya (Burdwan) etc.
Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission also provide relief work
and rehabilitation services following the path Ramakrishna Math and Mission. During
natural calamities like storms, floods, droughts, earthquakes etc. they also stand by
the helpless people permanently and temporarily. The details of their relief and
rehabilitation are known from Pravrajika Jnanadaprana‘s Bengali book titled
‘Swamijir Swapna Rupayan: Sri Sarada Math’. In 1978, floods in West Bengal
took a terrible form. During this time they distributed dry food, medicines, clothes,
and blankets to the helpless people. Odisha was devastated by super cyclone in
1999. They provided relief work as per their capacities. On January 26, 2001, a
large area of Gujarat was devastated by the massive earthquake. Valsad Centre, a
sub-centre of Sri Sarada Math, Dakshineswar, was active in serving the distressed
to the best of its ability. In 2002 they built a school house in an earthquake-ravaged
area. Thus every year relief is provided by Math and Mission where ever needed.
They stood by the side of the suffering with compassion. Apart from providing
immediate relief, they later help them build toilets, houses etc.

Conclusion
At the time of the establishment of Sri Sarada Math, many of the monks of the
Ramakrishna Math and Mission had doubts whether women could be as successful
in outside work as men. But within a few years of establishment, they proved their

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worth and efficiency. That is why the Ramakrishna Mission authorities gave them
the status of independent institution. They also granted the right of initiation to the
President of Sri Sarada Math. Sri Sarada Math and Ramakrishna Sarada Mission
have opened new branch centers to work intensively for the welfare of women
and children. Not only in India, but also in Australia and Sri Lanka, they have taken
initiative to spread the Ramakrishna movement. This resembles a ‘spiritual and
social revolution’. They opposed blind superstitions and rigid rules and embraced
modernity. But they did not cancel the original traditional ideals of India. According
to Swamiji’s ‘Practical Vedanta’, they are engaged in social welfare work. They
have taken monasticism not only for their own liberation but also for the welfare of
the world. They have shown amazing management skills in every sphere of the
activities. A few nuns did great service in a short time with the help of a few
householders and devotees. They considered the work of spreading education, medical
service, relief and rehabilitation, spiritual improvement etc. among the people as
worship. Through their unconditional and selfless service, the status of human being
is elevated to divinity. This idea is undoubtedly unique. They have been trying
relentlessly to bring modernity to the marginalized people as best they can.

Reference
1. Swami Gahanananda, Ramakrishna Movement for All,(Chennai:Sri Ramakrishna Math,
Mylapore,2012), p.3.
2. The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda,Vol.5,(Howrah: Ramakrishna Math and
Ramakrishna Mission,Belur,1964), p. 222.
3. Letters of Swami Vivekananda,(Calcutta:Advaita Ashrama,1976), p. 207.
4. Letters of Swami Vivekananda, p. 201.
5. Letters of Swami Vivekananda, p. 141.
6. The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda,Vol.8,(Howrah: Ramakrishna Math and
Ramakrishna Mission,1959), p. 58.
7. Letters of Swami Vivekananda, p.p. 181-182.
8. Letters of Swami Vivekananda,(Mayavati: Advaita Ashrama,1993), p. 181.
9. Letters of Swami Vivekananda,( Kolkata: Advaita Ashrama,1960), p.433.

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10. Pravrajika Atmaprana,‘A New Monastic Tradition for Women: Sarada Math &
Ramakrishna Sarada Mission’ in The Story of Ramakrishna Mission,(Kolkata: Advaita
Ashrama,2006), p. 541
11. Atmaprana,‘A New Monastic Tradition for Women’, p. 539
12. Swami Gambhirananda, History of Ramakrishna Math and Mission,(Kolkata: Advaita
Ashrama,1957), p.135.
13. Complete World of Swami Vivekananda,Vol.5, p. 231.
14. Letters of Swami Vivekananda, p. 70.
15. Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda,Vol.4(Howrah: Ramakrishna Math and
Ramakrishna Mission, Belur,1962), p. 183.
16. Prospectus of Ramakrishna Sarada Mission Vivekananda Vidyabhavan, p.14.
17. Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda,Vol.5,I p. 412.
18. Shiv Shankar Chakraborty,‘Ramakrishna Mission and Uplift of Indian Masses’,in The
Story of Ramakrishna Mission, I p. 573.

148
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee: Partition of Bengal
and its Aftermath
Dhiraj Choudhary

Abstract
As a Calcutta University candidate for the Indian National Congress, Shyama Prasad
Mukherjee began his political career in 1929 by being elected to the Bengal Legislative
Council. He served as Bengal Province’s finance minister in 1941–1942 during [Link]
Haq’s progressive coalition administration. In 1939, after leaving the Congress party, he
joined the Hindu Mahasabha. During the division of Bengal, Shyama Prasad actively
defended the rights of the local Hindu population. After the partition of Bengal, Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee founded the “Bharatiya Jana Sangh” (BJS) political party in 1953. One of
the important political parties in India after independence that actively promoted Hindutva
aspects was this one. This study emphasizes Shyama Prasad Mukherjee’s contribution to
the partition of Bengal. It also aims to draw attention to the question of whether Shyama
Prasad Mukherjee played any part in West Bengal being an integral part of India.
Keywords: Bengal Legislative Council, Congress Party, Hindutva, Hindu Mahasabha,
Partition, West Bengal, etc.

Introduction
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was born into one of Bengal’s most distinguished
families. Sir Ashutosh, a well-known Bengali name, was his father. Shyama Prasad
made major contributions to the political and cultural life of the nation in addition to
enhancing the reputation and status of the family to which he was born. On 6th July
1901 he was born. He had an excellent academic record while attending Calcutta
University. He was elected a Fellow of the University of Calcutta Senate in 1923.
In 1924, he registered as an advocate with the Calcutta High Court. He departed
for England in 1926 to pursue his Bar studies, joined Lincoln’s Inn and was admitted
to the Bar in 1927. He became the Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University in 1934,
when he was thirty-three years old, and he served in that capacity until 1938.1
From the sphere of education Shyama Prasad moved to the realm of Politics.
In 1929 he was elected to the Bengal Legislative Council as a Congress candidate
representing Calcutta University, but the following year he resigned when the
Congress decided to boycott the legislature. Shyama Prasad did not agree with the
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Prabhu Jagatbandhu College, Howrah

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policy of Congress and he stood for election as an independent candidate and was
re-elected. From then onwards he was actively involved in politics till his death in
1953.2

Partition of Bengal
Curzon divided Bengal in 1905, but it was a very different process. Almost one-
fourth of the nation at the time was in Bengal, which also encompassed Bihar and
Orissa. Curzon divided Bengal in order to sever the unity of the Bengali-speaking
people and to establish a distinct province with a Muslim majority. East Bengal and
Assam were combined to form a single province with a preponderance of Muslims.
In 1911, this division was lifted, and Bengal’s linguistic unity was re-established.
Bengal was divided into Bihar and Orissa. The only connection between the two
splits (of 1905 and 1947) was that the new Bengal that arose after 1911 had a
Muslim majority. In 1947 Bengal was divided once again as a result of severe
conflict between Hindus and Muslims. Bengal had witnessed considerable communal
violence in 1946 before the partition. The partition of Bengal was the result of
firstly, a demand made by the Muslim League that the Indian Muslims were a
nation in themselves, and hence ought to have a separate nation-state of their own.
Therefore, all the Muslim-majority provinces were claimed under this scheme.
Secondly, a massive communalization of the society along religious lines, culminating
in serious communal violence in what was then known as Calcutta in August 1946.3
An organized protest that called for the vivisection of the province on the basis
of religion came before the partition of Bengal. The so-called ‘bhadralok’, or
“respectable people,” of Bengali society, who had controlled that nation’s nationalist
politics ever before Bengal’s first partition, led this effort. In less than 40 years, the
politics of Bhadralok had completely circled, going from nationalist agenda to more
parochial concerns and from ‘nationalism’ to ‘communalism’.4 An ideology known
as communalism emphasises the importance of the community’s intrinsic unity in
relation to other communities while suppressing differences within the group. It
has been used as a political propaganda weapon to create division, discord, and
tensions amongst the groups based on religious and ethnic identity, which has resulted
in animosity and bloodshed between the communities. People of many faiths lived
side by side in harmony in ancient Indian civilization. The introduction of Islam to
India throughout the Middle Ages was marked by sporadic acts of violence, such

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as the demolition of Hindu temples by Mahmud Ghazni and the attacks against
Hindus, Jains, and Buddhists by Mahmud of Ghor. Rulers like Akbar and Sher
Shah Suri adhered to the Islamic doctrine of tolerance for the various cultures and
traditions observed throughout the nation. It is a contemporary phenomenon that
resulted from the effects of British colonialism and the reactions of Indian social
classes. 5
The Permanent Settlement’s system of property relations, which gave rise to
the Bengali Bhadralok, was fundamentally its product. They were generally a type
of rentiers with intermediate tenurial rights to land rentals. There were several
variations among the bhadralok. The term “bhadralok” in the vernacular is helpful
since it conveys a feeling of exclusivity and social interactions as well as hints to
the colonial origins of this class and its predominantly Hindu composition.6 By the
mid-nineteenth century, bhadralok authors began referring to their class less and
less as the ‘bhadralok’—a term that connotes a class dependent on landed wealth—
and more and more as the shikkhita sampraday (educated community) or the
shikkhita madhyabitta (educated middle class). One of the prominent among
these bhadralok people is Shyama Prasad Mukherjee. During the time when he
was attached to the politics of the pre-Hindu Mahasabha bubble, Shyamaprasad
played several long-lasting and noble humanitarian responsibilities. Even though he
still had a strong Hindu awareness at the time, he was a more compassionate and
perceptive leader of the populace.7
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee began his political career by participating in Congress
action, but his support for Hindu interests never became an undercurrent. He didn’t
hesitate, though, to discuss his political engagement with Abul Kasem Fazlul Haq.
In order to advocate the interests of Hindus in Bengal, Mukherjee joined the Hindu
Mahasabha in 1939 under the advice of Hedgewar and Savarkar and became its
president after Savarkar fell ill.8 He served in the Bengal Assembly before being
appointed minister of industry and supply in Nehru’s government in 1947.9
Shyamaprasad spoke for advancing the interests of the Hindu community
several times in the leaves of his diary. His consideration for non-Hindus decreased
as he became increasingly focused on serving the interests of Hindus. His frustration
with Congress politics stemmed from their disregard for Hindu interests, which is
ultimately why he quit the party. Despite urging Sarat Chandra Basu and Subhas
Chandra Basu to consider the Hindu cause and support his opinions, he was

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discouraged himself. He made a special effort to change Subhas Chandra Bose’s

mind on Hinduism, but in vain. Subhash Chandra, on the other hand, wrote, “that a
long time ago, when prominent leaders of the Congress could be members of the
communal organizations like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League. But in recent
times, the circumstances have changed. These communal organizations have
become more communal than before. As a reaction to this, the Indian National
Congress has put into its constitution a clause to the effect that no member of a
communal organization like Hindu Mahasabha and Muslim League can be a member
of an elective committee of Congress”.10 Eastern India, which was then undivided,
was the origin of both the Indian independence movement and the 1947 split. In
Dhaka, the Muslim League was established in 1906. It won the Bengal provincial
elections of 1937 in an alliance with the Krishak Praja Party, which led to its election
to power. In the Bengal Assembly, it won an absolute majority in 1944, and Hussein
Suhrawardy was appointed chief minister. Muhammad Ali Jinnah announced “Direct
Action Day” on August 16th, 1946, with the stated intention of publicizing the call
for a Muslim nation in British India. Hindus in Calcutta were attacked by Muslim
revelers coming back from a conference at the “Shaheed Minar” of Hussein
Shaheed Suhrawardy, the then-Muslim League Chief Minister of Bengal. They
could be heard yelling, “Larke lenge Pakistan,” which means, “we will take Pakistan
by force.” The distribution of leaflets prior to Direct Action Day indicated a definite
link between the demand for Pakistan and the use of violence. According to official
sources, the rioting lasted for three days and resulted in about 4,000 fatalities, with
Muslims and Hindus both losing an equal number of lives.11 ‘The Great Calcutta
Killings’ began as a result of the August call. Then followed the 1946 Noakhali-
Tippera riots as a follow-up. Mukherjee was deeply affected by the riots of October
1946 in the Noakhali district of East Bengal where an estimated 5,000 Hindus
were lynched by Muslim mobs for over a week, many women were raped, and
hundreds of people were forcibly converted to Islam. By 1947, the Hindu Mahasabha
was advocating for Bengal’s division and urging the establishment of a distinct
Hindu province inside the Indian Union. The “Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement”
got its start when the Hindu Mahasabha authorised Mukherjee to take action to
ensure the partition of Bengal during a conference held at Tarakeswar in April
1947. In his statement on April 5th at the Bengal Hindu Conference in Tarakeshwar,
Shyama Prasad proposed partitioning Bengal as the best way to address the issue

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of intergroup conflict. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee formed a council of action to

create a homeland for the Bengali Hindus on the final day of the Bengal Hindu
Conference at Tarakeswar. Following this, both the Congress and the Bengal Hindu
Mahasabha stepped up their campaigning. There were a minimum of 76 partition
meetings, of which 59 were called by the Congress, 12 by the Mahasabha, and 5
by both. To promote the division of Bengal, Shyama Prasad enlisted the aid of the
media, including prominent publications of the day as Dainik Basumati, The
Statesman, Amrita Bazar Patrika, and others. Since Dr. Mukherjee, Major A.C.
Chateerjee, and Dr. Pramathanath Banerjee are leading the Bengali Hindu
Homeland Movement, one can be confident that they will do everything in their
power to realise their goals, according to Sajanikanta Das, editor of the Bengali
weekly “Shanibarer Chithi.” ‘Homeland for Bengali Hindus’ was the title of an
article that appeared in Amrita Bazar Patrika on April 23rd, 1947 where the gallop
poll results were published. According to the study, a whopping 98.3 per cent of
Bengali Hindus were in favour of dividing Bengal into separate states.12
Vallabhbhai Patel endorsed the proposal when Lord Louis Mountbatten publicly
announced it on June 3rd, 1947, and he successfully persuaded Nehru and other
Congress leaders to embrace it. At the All India Congress Committee meeting
called to vote on the proposal, Patel said, “I fully appreciate the fears of our brothers
from the Muslim-majority areas. Nobody likes the division of India and my heart is
heavy. But the choice is between one division and many divisions. We must face
facts. We cannot give way to emotionalism and sentimentality. The Working
Committee has not acted out of fear. But I am afraid of one thing, that all our toil
and hardwork of these many years might go to waste or prove unfruitful. My nine
months in office have completely disillusioned me regarding the supposed merits of
the Cabinet Mission Plan. Except for a few honourable exceptions, Muslim officials
from the top to down to the chaprasis (peons or servants) are working for the
league. The communal veto given to the League in the Mission Plan would have
blocked India’s progress at every stage. Whether we like it or not, de facto Pakistan
already exists in Punjab and Bengal. Under the circumstances, I would prefer a de
jure Pakistan, which may make the League more responsible. Freedom is coming.
We have 75 to 80 per cent of India, which we can make strong with our genius.
The League can develop the rest of the country.”
Patel represented India in the Partition Council after Gandhi rejected and

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Congress approved the Plan, where he presided over the partition of public property
and chose the Indian council of ministries alongside Nehru. All members of the
Bengal Legislative Assembly from the province’s Hindu-majority regions voted in
favour of the division of Bengal and the establishment of (West Bengal), a separate
homeland for Bengali Hindus, on June 20th, 1947.13

Congress-Muslim League
On 20th, June, 1947 Bengal was partitioned, the Bengali Hindu majority of West
Bengal became the part of India and Bengali Muslim majority East Bengal (now
Bangladesh) became the province of Pakistan. The role of Shyama Prasad
Mukherjee and Hindu Mahasabha during the partition of Bengal were that they
spoke about the interest of Hindus. But it was the Congress Party that played an
important role during the partition of Bengal. Mookherjee and the Hindu Mahasabha
were not present during the discussions between the Muslim League and the
Congress. The split and the creation of contemporary West Bengal were the results
of negotiations between the Congress party and the Muslim League. According to
Sk. Mujibur Rahman’s autobiography, the first president of Bangladesh and a former
Muslim League leader during the 1947 partition (as well as Jinnah’s friend), Jinnah
first sought the whole Bengal province but ultimately agreed to a division of Bengal
following negotiations with Congress. Mr. Rahman said that the whole Bengal
area was an independent Muslim majority territory and that Mr. Sohrabardy, Bengal’s
former prime minister, wanted Bengal to be a distinct country like India and Pakistan.
Bengal, which covers Assam and the entire North-east, except for Tripura, was a
princely state.14
Mr. Sarat Bose, Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s older brother, likewise supported
a free Bengali nation based on language. At the time, this was not accepted.
Congress, according to Mr. Rahman, was prepared for the division of Bengal, but
they were not prepared to leave Calcutta in order to join Pakistan. Formerly the
richest city in India, Calcutta would undoubtedly become Pakistan’s capital if India
joined that country. However, Jinnah preferred Karachi as the nation’s capital,
meaning that West Pakistan, not Eastern Pakistan, would be the country’s political
hub. Thus, despite the fact that 60 per cent of the population of Calcutta and the
nearby district 24 Pargana was Muslim, these two territories were included in
India for the benefit of Nehru’s Congress and Jinnah’s Muslim League. Khulna

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and Barishal, the two districts with a majority of Hindus, were handed to Pakistan,
and the district of Dinajpur was divided, all in order to include Calcutta in India.
Maldah and Murshidabad, two areas with a majority of Muslims, were also
transferred to India. Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri districts were ceded to India, while
Sylhet district joined Pakistan by a popular vote, in order to provide a land connection
to North-East India. A princely kingdom named Coochbehar signed the instrument
of admission and ultimately joined India. The modern West Bengal is a result of
these districts.15

Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Nehru-Liaquat Pact

Shyama Prasad Mukherhee disagreed with the Nehru-Liaquat Pact, which called
for the establishment of a joint commission to ensure minority rights in Pakistan
and India.16 On April 8th, 1950, the Nehru-Liaquat Pact, commonly referred to as
the Delhi Pact, was an agreement between India and Pakistan that established
guidelines for how minorities in both nations would be treated. Jawaharlal Nehru
and Liaquat Ali Khan, the two prime leaders of the respective nations, both signed
it. Minorities in both nations saw the necessity for such an agreement after Partition,
which was accompanied by severe communal unrest. Over a million Hindus and
Muslims are believed to have relocated to and from East Pakistan (current-day
Bangladesh) as early as 1950, three years after the Partition was proclaimed, amid
latent bloodshed and racial tensions. The governments of India and Pakistan formally
concur that each will guarantee full equality of citizenship to all minorities within its
borders, regardless of religion, as well as freedom of movement within each nation
and the right to freedom of occupation, speech, and worship within the bounds of
morality and the law. Minority members must share equal opportunities with members
of the majority group to engage in public life, occupy political or other office, and
serve in the civil and armed services of their nation. Both governments affirm the
importance of these rights and commit to upholding them. But Mukherjee felt that
in essence, the Pact would leave Hindus in East Bengal at the will of the Pakistani
government. As an alternative, he promoted a planned exchange of people and
property between East Bengal and the states of Tripura, Assam, West Bengal, and
Bihar. This would allow East Bengal’s Hindu minority to settle in India while driving
the country’s Muslim minorities to East Bengal.17

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Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS)

After the partition Shyama Prasad Mukherjee wanted to launch a political party
before the first Lok Sabha election in 1951. On 21st October, 1951, Bharatiya Jana
Sangh was officially formed with Shyama Prasad Mukherjee elected as its first
national president. The Rashtriya Swamsevak Sangh (RSS) deputed three men to
help Mukherjee set up the party organization. One of them, Deendayal Upadhyaya,
was to become president of Jana Sangh later. The others were Sundar Singh Bhandari
and Bhai Mahavir who was the son of Bhai Permanand, a staunch Arya Samaj
member who was president of Hindu Mahasabha in the early 1930s. It was thus
that a national democratic alternative that broadly represented Hindu interests came
to be established. Within two months of the BJS’ formation, the first general elections
were announced. The Jana Sangh won three Lok Sabha seats in the election. Two
were from West Bengal, Shyama Prasad won the Calcutta (East) seat while Durga
Charan Banerjee elected from Midnapur Jhargram. Dr. Mukherjee provided several
arguments for why Jana Sangh is the only political party with a unique strategy for
addressing issues unique to Bengal. The Jana Sangh was effective in bringing the
issues in Bengal to national attention and developed particular plans for assisting
East Bengali Hindu immigrants, enacting land reforms, reducing unemployment,
and boosting industrial output in Bengal. S. P. Mukherjee was scrambling to find
housing for the underprivileged refugees. He urged the Assamese to abandon their
animosity against Hindus and make place for the migrants. He hoped that Orissa
and Bihar would also assist the refugees.18

Conclusion
The role of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee after coming into politics is widely seen as
controversial. Whether he played a part in actually protecting Hindu interests or
fanned communal sentiments to further political interests and his own political career
is a subject of intense debate and discussions.
Scholars and political analysts continue to pen their thoughts on paper and
exchange views on national television regarding Shyama Prasad while steering the
discourse on Bengal politics and partition.
Was Shyama Prasad a product of the changing political developments of his time,
or did he always possess a genuinely Hindu conservative bent of mind which
gradually manifested over time - is what this article tries to address.

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Notes and References

1. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Leaves from a Diary, Oxford University Press, 1993.
2. Ibid.
3. Partition of Bengal, 2023.
4. Joya Chatterjee, Bengal Divided : Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947,
Cambridge University Press, 1994.
5. Drishtiias, 2019.
6. Joya Chatterjee, [Link].
7. S.N. Mukherjee , ‘Bhadralok in Bengali Language’, p.233.
8. P.K. Chatterji, ‘Dr. Shyamaprasad Mookerjee and Indian politics 1938–1953: An
account of an outstanding political leader’, Delhi, Foundation Books, 2010.
9. Sengupta, 2023
10. Chattopadhyay, 2019
11. Animesh Biswas, ‘The rise of the right in Bengal’, Prabhat Paperbacks, 2021, pp.53-54.
12. Pralay Kanungo ,‘The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in West Bengal’ 2015, studies
in politics.
13. Ibid.
14. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ‘Memoir, Autobiography’, Oxford University Press, 2012.
15. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, [Link].
16. B.R. Madhok, ‘Portrait of a martyr: A biography of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerji’,
Delhi, Rupa, 2001.
17. Sengupta, 2023.
18. Kingshuk Nag, ‘The Saffron Tide: The Rise of the BJP’ 2014, Rainlight, Rupa.

Selected Bibliography
• Chaterjee, Joya. (2002). Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition (1932-
1947). Cambridge University Press.
• Mukherjee, S.N. (1975). Daladali in Calcutta in the Nineteenth Century. Modern
Asian Studies, 9(1) 59-80
• Chaterjee, Joya. (2007). The Spoils of Partition : Bengal and India 1947-1967.
Cambridge University Press

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• Chatterjee, P.K. (2010). Shyama Prasad Mookherjee and Indian Politics 1938-1953 :
An Account of an Outstanding Political Leader. Cambridge University Press.
• Madhok, B.R. (2001). Portrait of a Martyr: A Biography of Dr. Shyama Prasad
Mookerji. Delhi:Rupa.
• Mukherjee, S.P. (1993). Leaves from a Diary. Oxford University Press
• Kanungo, Pralay. (2015). The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in West Bengal. Sage
Publication.
• Biswas, Animesh. (2021). The Rise of Right in Bengal. Prabhat Paperback
• Chandra, Bipan. (2008). Communalism in Modern India. Har Anand Publication.
• Sharma, Jotirmaya. (2003). Hindutva: Exploring the idea of Hindu Nationalism.
HarperCollins.
• Rahman, Sheikh Mujibur . (2012). Memoir, Autobiography. Oxford University Press
• Nag, Kingshuk. (2014).The Saffron Tide: The Rise of the BJP’, Rainlight:Rupa

158
Secularism in Swami Vivekananda’s Religious Philosophy
Gargi Medda

Abstract
Man, the rational, social and spiritual being is not satisfied with the fulfilment of physical or
material desires only. Even in the midst of luxury and comfort man strives for something
higher and better. Thus religion originates in man’s struggle to transand the limitations of
the senses. But the problem is that when the intensest love that humanity has ever known
has come from religion while the most hatred has also come from it. Religions, having
tremendous power have often done more injury to the world than good simply on account
of their narrowness and limitations. Secularism has a remarkable position in such an arena
of religious chaos. Though in narrow sense secularism stands for an anti-religious attitude
but in broader sense it means tolerance towards all religious beliefs. In this context my
study is an attempt to show that Swami Vivekananda’s whole philosophy including attitude
towards universal religion is based on secularism in its broader sense.
Keywords : Secular, religion, Vedanta, Hinduism.

In popular sense the word ‘secularism’ depicts a kind of anti-religious attitude. It

implies that was previously regarded as religious is ceasing to be such and also a
process of differentiation which results in the various aspects of the society political,
economic, legal and moral becoming discrete to each other. But in broader sense
secularism stands for tolerance and aspect towards all religious beliefs and practices
of the world. In this context my study is an attempt to show that the root of Swami
Vivekananda’s whole religious philosophy consists in secularism adapting freedom
and spiritual brotherhood as its root.
Religion helps to unfold all that is best in man. This is why religion is often
described as a science of being and becoming, a science of growth. Physical and
intellectual growth is not enough. There must also be the moral growth, growth in
character. This success of man depended greatly on the growth of religion. Religion
inspired-him, guided him, took him to the height he has reached. This is what gives
religion its credibility.
The present crisis in human affairs is due to a profound crisis in human
consciousness. Vivekananda realised that ours was an age of a spiritual crisis in
human history. This crisis was the climax of the one sided growth of our modern
Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Raja N. L. Khan Women’s College, Midnapore, W.B.

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rational scientific civilisation. A theoretical understanding of this crisis, its causes

and its remedies, was a necessary prelude to future progress of man and it required
an examination of the entire processes and methods of social development. Man,
today, needs an integral philosophy which would clarify the relation between
individual and society, as also help in an integral evolution of the human race into a
spiritual era. It is not out of the way to think that the ‘spirituality’ which according
to Vivekananda, is the ‘theme’ or principal characteristic of Indian culture and
civilization was not a revealed message or a product of a sudden inspiration but the
result or centuries of striving, experiment, and assimilation. Out of the innumerable
religions Vivekananda has tried to evolve one Religion of which the most
distinguishing feature is that it tolerates everything except intolerance. Vivekananda
was not a mystic nor a transcendentalist. He was not a materialist either. He was
truly religious in so far as he subscribed to the basic values that constitute the
essence of all religions.
Vivekananda has tried to see through the intellectual tensions between continued
emotional allegiance to past dogmas and the new rational acceptance of scientific
beliefs. He found a viable sacred-secular formula designed to reconcile spiritual
heritage and achieve socio-economic change simultaneously.
The highest goal of religion is self-realisation which transcends all diversities.
In so far as the sanctity of the highest goal is not violated, changes can be introduced
in the substantive content of beliefs and practices. As a challenge to the West has
been an effect to locate the source of secularism within the Hindu tradition. This
let to a variety of interpretations of both the secular ideals and the Hindu tradition.
Both were transformed in order to produce a synthesis which may combine ‘good’
elements from either. A distinction between the secular and the non-secular is
often sought by separation the personal from the inter-personal and thought from
action. One can be non-secular in one’s beliefs but secular in one’s actions. The
secular and the non-secular continue to co-exist in a presumed harmonious whole.
At the highest level, the two coalesce in a single definitive ideal; the perfect religious
man is also supposed to be a perfect secular man. On an intellectual plane sacredness
without the secularist attitude is dubbed as obscurantism while secularism without
the sacred attitude is equated with gross materialism. The two in conjunction are
expected to produce attitudes and institutions.
It is wrong to categorise Vivekananda as either secular or non-secular.

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Vivekananda’s chief contribution is not the propagation of a secular ideal, not

withstanding his occasional writings on the intrinsic equality of all religions. His
major pre-occupations was re-interpretation of Vedanta in order to transform it
from a metaphysical creed of renunciation into a living motive force of altruistic
activism. He was thus secularising the non-secular. His positive valuation of the
non-secular has lent respectability to religious pursuits. In fact, his non-secularity is
considered to be an indispensable component of the dominant Indian ideal. The
Indian secular ideal is not taken as alternative to religion but as a form of secularity.
His secularity or non-secularity does not stand in isolation. The two are functionally
inter-related.
He operates in a Hindu world, is obsessed with Hindu degeneration and seeks
Hindu renaissance. His mission assumes a secular character not by renouncing its
Hindu predicament. Theoretically, the door is open to anybody who believes in
‘renunciation and service’. The ideal the freedom of the self and service of mankind.
The methods is work and worship. Hinduism is not mentioned here at all. But in all
this the major sources of inspiration are Hindu ideals as interpreted by Vivekananda.
The identity of religions is conceived in terms of Vedantic non-dualism. Beneath
the acceptance of the equality of all religions, the notion of the ultimate superiority
of Vedanta continues to lurk in the background.
This aspect of non-secularity was inhertent in Vivekananda’s outlook from the
very beginning. It was brought forth in two ways. One was his acceptance that
religion is central to Indian life and the other was his belief in the universal relevance
of Vedantic ideals. He could foresee the equality of all religions in order to bring
about the unity of mankind. But as a Hindu he unhesitatingly glorified Hinduism.
“Whether we call it Vedantism or any ism the truth is that Advaitism is the last
word of religion and thought and the only position from which one can look upon all
religions and sects with love. I believe it is the religion of the future enlightened
humanity.”2
He held that Vedanta alone was compatible with reason and modern science.
The argument launched in favour was that it could cater to individuals of different
stages of spiritual development. Vivekananda has identified Vedanta as the kernel
of all religions and an abstract science embracing all methods. He went to the
extent of maintaining that ‘Vedanta’ is the rationale of all religions. “Without the
Vedanta every religion is superstitious, with its everything becomes religion.” In its

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empirical application, this belief is purely non-secular and explicitly denies an equal
and secular status to other religions. In upholding his own religious potentials he
encourages religious particularism and tries to bring the secular ideal within ascertain
type of Hindu religiosity. All through he suggests popularisation of spiritual and
secular knowledge among the masses of people so that they can see the evil of the
caste system and resist the humiliation and exploitation following the caste system
with courage and conviction.
For him religion was a means, a vehicle for rousing and awakening the millions
of India. The West separates religion from politics by granting the two spheres
their respective autonomy and assumes a situation of mutual non-interference. In
Hinduism, politics is a lower level manifestation of the same goal and, accordingly,
the two are hierarchically related. The sphere of action is identical but the means
of attainment are different. Non-secular thought became a motive for secular action.
Between the secular attainment of freedom and the non-secular realisation of
liberation, there was hardly any choice. In Vivekananda’s outlook the former was
meaningless without its socio-economic counterpart. He felt that true freedom
was freedom from imperfection. This can be attained when the pursuit of mukti is
itself transformed into an instrument of service. This transformation leads to the
well-known synthesis which seeks to combine the sacred and the secular into a
single frame of reference. Both sacred and secular become instruments of each
others. The former is supposed to facilitate ethically appropriate secular behaviour.
The latter was supposed to become a vehicle of sacred values. The most common
form in which this ideology is expressed is the desire to retain India’s spiritual
heritage and surpass the West’s material modernity. This desire to have the best of
both the world’s has led to a separation of Eastern spirituality and Western
materialism. It is generally in the context of such separation that one talks of India’s
contribution to world thought and culture. Vivekananda himself distinguished
between the Oriental and the Occidental and realised that each needed the other
for an ideal synthesis.
Math education is supposed to consist of courses in Western sciences as well
as Indian religions. Mission workers are expected to be both secular and spiritual
teachers. With respect to the solution he believes that secular and non-secular
pursuits should be carried on which an equanimity that comes only to saints. He
says, “You must try to combine in your life immense idealism with immense

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practicality. You must be prepared to go into deep meditation now, and the next
moment you must be ready to go and cultivate these fields.”
In order to make the secular and the non-secular consistent with each other,
both need to be modified in order to make proper adjustments. The scope of ‘non-
secular’ needs to be broadened. The apparent conflict between the worldly maya
and the transcendental truth has to be narrowed down to a point where Dharma
no longer requires a withdrawl from the secular involvement. This was one of the
most important contributions of Vivekananda. The Vedanta does not in reality
denounce the world. The ideal of renunciation nowhere attains such height as in
the teachings of the Vedanta. The ideal of renunciation, according to Vivekananda,
is giving up the world as we think of it, as we know it, as it appears to us and to
know what it really is. He wants the world to be deified, regarded as God not to be
rejected as maya. In deifying the world, Vivekananda has introduced a qualitative
change from perception to substance. The world becomes real in substance and
not merely an ignorant perception. God assumes the form of ‘Daridra Narayana’
and the worship of man becomes primarily a religious action. There is a suggestion
of moving Advaita from forest caves to busy streets and turning the intricate
mythology into concrete moral form. We no longer remain the passive recipients of
the will of God but are active instrument of his power. The popular interpretation of
the doctrine of Karma which identifies it with fatalism is rejected. Vivekananda in
fact, sums up the Vedantic message in a single word ‘strength’, the sanctification
of the secular and the secularisation of the religious implies two related innovations.
One is to dissociate prevalent religiosity from its pristine forms. The other is to
isolate within pristine from its essential and non-essential aspects. Vivekananda’s
attempt to modernise Hinduism admirably succeeded on both these counts.
In the first place, he vehemently attacks the corrupt form of religious behaviour
institutionalised by exploitative Brahmins, the sceptical attitude of disbelief and
disillusionment popularised by the educated Westernized elites, and the endless
antiquated ritual practices observed by the ignorant Indian mass. He is critical of
the absurd notions of purity and pollution and through this criticism, he attempts to
attack the very basis of Hindu social institutions. He says:
“We are neither Vedantists, most of us now, nor pauranics, nor trantrics. We
are Just I Don’t Touchists’. Our religion is in the kitchen. Our God is, the cooking
pot, and our religion is ‘Don’t tough me, I am holy.’ If this goes on for another

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century, every one of us wil be in a lunatic asylum.”3

Vivekananda argues that such notions of pollutions can be shed away to regain
the lost purity of Hinduism. With alacrity he could see the inner contradiction between
the original teachings of Hindu religion and its later practices. “No religion on each
preaches the dignity of humanity in such a lofty strain as Hinduism, and no religion
on earth treads upon the necks of the poor and the low in such a fashion as
Hindusism.”4
Despite Vivekananda’s Vedanta-centricity, his secularism is indisputable. The
religious pluralism is reinforced through his definition of Vedanta itself. He separates
the religious Vedanta which has to be realised within oneself from different creeds
and sects which have external relative validity for different communities. He accepts
the truth of the Bible for the Christians and of the Koran for the Muslims. The
same truth is found in every religion and the good and virtuous have been produced
by every creed. There is no point in leaving one’s own religion in order to embrace
another. People belonging to different religions of the world must assimilate the
spirit of others and yet preserve their own individuality. He attacked all religions,
including Hinduism, for promoting obscurantism. At the same time he upheld the
achievements of all religions in so far as they inspired men to proper ethical conduct.
About Hinduism, he frankly confessed, “personally I take as much of the Vedas as
it agrees with reason”. He was not apologetic and suggested deliberate alternations
and additions in Vedic laws. His secular rationality, however, did not lead him to
challenge the very validity of all metaphysical revelations. He says,
“We want to lead mankind to the place where there is neither the Vedas, nor
the Bible, nor the Koran, yet this has done by harmonising the Vedas, Bible and the
Koran. Mankind ought to be taught that religions are but the varied expressions of
the Religion, which is oneness, so that each may choose the path that suits him
best.”6
He was ready to forego any religious doctrine or throw away any ceremonial
that acted as a barrier in his service to mankind. He was ready to forego mukti if it
came in the way of his ungrudging service for mankind and the country. When the
nature of his social service was criticised fearing that it may delude man from the
spiritual domain, Vivekananda retorted:
“You think Jnana is dry knowledge to be attained by a desert path killing out the

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tenderest faculties of the heart. Your Bhakti is sentimental nonsense which makes
one important. Who cares for your Bhakti and Mukti? Who cares what the scriptures
say? I will got to hell cheerfully a thousand times if I can rouse my country men,
immersed in Tamas, and make them stand on their own feet and be men, transpired
with the spirit of Karma Yoga.”7
He was bent upon serving and helping others even without caring for his own
salvation. Here Vivekananda comes to approximate the pure secular ideal which
seeks human welfare without any reference to divine authority. He is prepared to
reject all sects and dogmas. He often spoke that a religion which tolerates and
glorifies poverty cannot be a religion of man.
During his travels in India, he saw pathetic scenes of object poverty. With
ardent fervour he said, “I do not believe in God or religion which cannot wipe the
widow’s tears or bring a piece of bread to the orphan’s mouth.”8 Poverty was
described as a sin. Food came before God. In another context playing football was
considered more important than paying in order to reach heaven. Religious
instrumentalities of limitless rituals, the various vratas, danas and pujas common to
a Hindu definition of ethical action, were dismissed as merely secondary details.
Material advancement became for him a pre-requisite for progress. Service held
the central idea and no other Gods were allowed. His secular rationality went
beyond the constraints of reason. Even if it were unreasonable to equate man and
God, Vivekananda did this in order to restructure and upgrade the norms of religious
action.
Vivekananda’s mission was designed to raise the level of religious consciousness
to the height of secular ideals. The ideal religious Hindu in Vivekananda’s practical
Vedanta is not a recluse looking after his own salvation. He is not a sanyas in
operating above the norms of ordinary human beings. He is, in fact, immersed in
the secular world pursuing secular goals in order to attain the desired level of
religiosity, Hinduism becomes a creed of altruistic service. The secular and the
non-secularism are in thought. In doing this, Vivekananda demolishes the dichotomy
between secular science and non-secular religion. He questioned the unconditional
obedience to authority. He emphasised :
“To believe blindly is to degenerate the human soul. Be an atheist if yo want,
but do not believe in any thing unquestioningly. Why degrade the soul to the level of
animals …Stand up and reason out, having no blind faith. Religion is a question of

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being and becoming, not of believing. This is religion and when you have attained to
that you have religion.”9
If a choice exists between a scientifically proved truth and a religiously
maintained dogma. Vivekananda becomes a secularist upholds the former. This
only reinforces his religious sensibilities.

References
1. S.C. Sengupta, Swami Vivekananda and Indian Nationalism, Shishu Sahitya Sansad (P)
Ltd., 1984, p. 36.
2. Complete Works, Vol. VI, p. 415.
3. Complete Works, Vol. VII, p. 310.
4. Complete Works, Vol. V, p. 15.
5. Complete Works, Vol. VIII, p. 255.
6. Complete Works, Vol. VI, p. 416.
7. The Life of Swami Vivekananda, by his Eastern and Western Disciples, Calcutta, Advaita
Ashrama, 1965, p. 507.
8. Complete Works, Vol. V. p. 50.
9. Complete Works, Vol. IV, p. 216.

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Prominent Interpretations and Translations of
ørãmadbhagavadgãtà: Perspectives and Outlook
Dr. Pratim Bhattacharya

Abstract
ørãmadbhagavadgãtà or the Lord’s Song is found at the beginning of Book VI (Bhīùma
Parvan) of the Mahabharata. It is a discourse presented by Lord Krishna to his friend and
disciple Arjuna prior to the Great War. Apart from the immediate purpose of convincing
Arjuna to perform the duty of a warrior, the Gãtà offers a vast range of philosophical and
ethical doctrines about how the duties are to be carried out or how to achieve the supreme
human goal of salvation. The Gãtà has amalgamated in itself the essence of all the foremost
schools of Indian Philosophy and also elemental thoughts of the San àtana Dharma. The
work owes its great popularity to the very fact that the most conflicting philosophical
doctrines and religious views are united in it so that adherents of all schools and sects
could make use of it. The Gãtà has created a universal appeal in the minds of the readers for
ages. Eminent Indian and foreign scholars from time to time have interpreted the teachings
of the Gãtà in the light of their own thoughts and perceptions. The work has also been
translated into Indian and various foreign languages with English being the most popular
medium of translation. All these interpretations and translations have lead to the development
of a universal intellectual and philosophical outlook of the text and have been instrumental
in the immense popularity of the work throughout the world.
Keywords: The Gãtà, Interpretations of the Gãtà, Translations of the Gãtà, Philosophical
and Allegorical value of the Gãtà.

The Mahabharata, one of the two great epics of India, is embellished with several
didactic sections that basically deal with nãti i.e. worldly wisdom and politics, dharma
i.e. systematic law and general morality and mokùa i.e. liberation or salvation. Of
all these didactic portions of the Mahabharata, the Śrīmadbhagavadgītā or the
Lord’s Song (in Book VI, 25-42) has attained unprecedented popularity and fame.
The other title of this portion is ‘Śrīmadgītopaniùat’1 or the esoteric doctrines laid
by the Exalted or Adorable God i.e. Lord Vishnu incarnated as Krishna.
Gãtà is found at the beginning of Book VI (Bhīùma Parvan) when the
descriptions of the great fight of Kurukùetra commence. As the armies of the
Pàõóavas and the Kauravas confront each other, Arjuna lets his war-chariot halt
Assistant Professor, Department of Sanskrit, Sukumar Sengupta Mahavidyalaya, Keshpur, Paschim
Medinipur. West Bengal, India

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between the two armies and surveys them. He is overcome by the feeling of deep
pity as well as horror at the thought that he is to fight against his own relatives and
friends. Arjuna declares his unwillingness to fight to his friend, philosopher, guide
and charioteer Krishna. Then Krishna instructs him, in a detailed philosophical
discourse elaborated in eighteen chapters, that Arjuna’s primary duty as a warrior
is to fight whatever the consequences may be. There is no cause for mourning
over the imminent murder, for the spirit of the man is eternal and indestructible and
it is only the bodies which are destroyed2. And from this Krishna leads on to exhort
Arjuna to go forth into this righteous war in the spirit of his duty as a warrior. For if
he does not fight, he burdens himself with shame worse than death. If he falls in
the battle, he is assured of heaven and if he is victorious he will rule the world.3
Therefore he must in any case fight.
Apart from this immediate purpose of convincing Arjuna to perform the duty
of a warrior, the Gãtà offers a vast range of philosophical and ethical doctrines
about how the duties are to be carried out or how to achieve the supreme human
goal of salvation. It emphasizes on desire-less action i.e. to act according to duties
without any consideration of success or failure or of the possible rewards4. A man
following this path of action popularly known as ‘karma-màrga’ approaches most
closely the supreme path of liberation— the path of knowledge or ‘j¤àna-màrga’.
The Gãtà also sites a third path to knowledge and salvation— the path of love and
devotion towards God or ‘bhakti-màrga’. Out of this selfless love of God arises
the knowledge of God followed by true liberation. The kernel of all these teachings
can be found in a verse (11.55) which is known as the ‘quintessence verse’5.
The Gãtà has amalgamated in itself the essence of all the foremost schools of
Indian Philosophy such as Yoga, Sàükhya, Vedanta etc. and also elemental thoughts
of the Sanàtana Dharma. The work owes its great popularity to the very fact that
the most conflicting philosophical doctrines and religious views are united in it so
that adherents of all schools and sects could make use of it. It is the sacred book of
the Hindus and in India, there is scarcely any book which is read so much and
esteemed so highly as the Gãtà. Though we find the Gãtà as an integral part of the
Mahabharata, it is studied and commented upon as an independent text, complete
in itself. All the ancient Indian commentators who wrote bhàùhyas (commentary)
on the Gãtà regarded it as a source text of valid knowledge. It was even considered
as the ‘fifth veda’ (pa¤cama veda). It is cited in various doctrines as a pramàõa or

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a text of undisputed authority6. The Gãtà has even come to be recognized as a

‘Holy Book’ in India’s legal practice upon which one swears to ‘tell the truth, the
whole truth and nothing but truth’.
Doubts have been raised from time to time that whether the Gãtà is an integral
original part of the Mahabharata composed by Vedavyasa or it was interpolated
in a later period. Even if it did not belong to the original heroic poem, it is certain
that it is a work of a true and great poet. None of the philosophical sections of the
Mahabharata could bear the least comparison with the Gãtà in terms of poetic
value. It is this strength of its poetic value, the forcefulness of its language, the
splendor of its images, the appropriateness of its metaphors and the breath of
inspiration which pervades it, the Gãtà has made such stupendous impact and created
a universal appeal in the minds of the readers for ages.

The Interpretations
The conversation (Saüvàda) that takes place in the Gãtà is not very lengthy. It
does not exceed 700 verses. Yet, it caused thousands of commentaries and
interpretations over the centuries. As a philosophical text, ørãmadbhagavadgãtà is
a part of the basic source-book of the Vedànta which speaks in terms of Brahman,
the Absolute, infinite and eternal. But as a religious Book, it could even be reckoned
as a Vaiùõava text, since it regards Viùõu (Krishna) as the Supreme Lord of the
Universe. It is closely associated with the ørimad-Bhàgavata and related traditions
of Vaiùõava doctrine. However, the scholars of the Kashmir øaiva School, such as
R à jà naka Ram à ka õñ ha, Bha ññ a Bh à skara and Abhinavgupta interpreted
ørãmadbhagavadgãtà from the øaiva point of view and regard it as the one among
the øaiva ‘àgama’ class of texts7. The Vedànta scholars of the medieval period
like ørã øaükara, ørã Màdhava, ørã Ràmànuja etc have all interpreted the text in
accordance to their respective school of thought and in the process have either
opposed or ignored other possible interpretations. Santa J¤ànesvar or J¤ànadeva,
a 13th century scholar of Maharastra, advocated that the Gãtà teaches that pure
devotion and surrender of self to God is the only mean of attaining salvation8.
Caitanyadeva, a 15th century saint of Bengal, carried the teachings of love and
devotion of the Gãtà as an integral part of his ‘Gauóãya-Vaiùõava’ movement.
In the British Colonial period, the study of the Gãtà was first initiated as tool for

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the cultural and philosophical study of the East. It was also studied for its linguistical
and literary value. The apparent monotheist approach of the Gãtà evoked the interest
of the Christian Missionaries who tried to utilize its teachings to spread Christianity
in Colonial India. The several reassessments of the Gãtà by intellectuals and social
influencers educated in Western system led to the review of the principles of the
Hindu philosophy and the practices of its faiths. Raja Ram Mohan Roy regarded
Gita as the essence of all scriptures and interpreted Gãtà as a message for self-
less action9. A leading force in the ‘Brahma Samaj’, Debendranath Tagore tried
interpreting Gãtà in the Biblical view. He saw the text as a sort of allegory depicting
the final battle (Armageddon) between the forces of ‘good’ and ‘evil’10.
Swami Vivekananda was one of the most prominent figures in India in the 19th
century who popularized the teachings of Gãtà worldwide. His epoch-making speech
in the Parliament of the World’s Religions in 1893 in Chicago had a great influence
in this regard. He gave great emphasis on the allegorical aspect of the Gãtà. The
conversation of Lord Krishna and Arjuna to him was the eternal quest for the
resolution of inner conflicts of human soul and mind11. Sister Nivedita, the famous
disciple of Swami Vivekananda, saw the Gãtà as a constant motivation to work
ceaselessly without attachment to consequences12 .
The Nationalist Movement of Colonial India was also immensely influenced by
the teachings of the Gãtà. Some of the leaders and eminent scholars considered it
as a symbol of Nationalism and integrity. Bamkim Chandra Chattopadhyay, one of
the most famous Nationalist writers of Bengal, depicted Gãtà as the pinnacle of
ancient Indian wisdom which can be used as a potential weapon against the British
Colonial oppression13. Sri Aurobindo envisioned Gãtà as a divine action, where the
battle field (Kurukùetra) is in the heart and soul of every human being. Krishna,
the Supreme One, hides behind the veils of our minds and in course reveals the
mysteries of life14. Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak took Gãtà as an inspiration to
fight a ‘Dharma-yuddha’ or just war against the British15. On the contrary, Mahatma
Gandhi interpreted Gãtà as a text that teaches the practice of ‘Niùkàma-karma’ or
selfless duties. According to him, Gãtà demonstrates the futility of violence and its
true message is non-violence and peace16. Gandhi’s consideration of non-violence as
the core teaching of the Gãtà gave rise to ‘Satyagraha’ (the non-violent resistance
for the quest of truth) as an effective mean to express protest against the British
rulers.

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The Translations
There are countless manuscripts and translations of the Gãtà in almost all modern
Indian languages. In the early twentieth century, the Gita Press at Gorakhpur also
did remarkable work in spreading the message of the Gãtà among the common
Indian people. It widely distributed copies of Gãtà translated into Hindi and other
Indian languages. They are continuing this pious work till date. The influence of the
Gãtà began to spread far and beyond Asia following its translations into English and
other European languages during the latter part of 18th century.

The early translations

In 1785, the Gãtà became the first Sanskrit work to be translated into English and
published from London. It was translated into English by Charles Wilkins, a merchant
in the service of the East India Company17. Charles Wilkins was trained as a type-
setter and printer. He was also the first to attempt to design the typeset of the
Bengali script. He also assisted Sir William Jones to establish the Asiatic Society of
Bengal in 1784. Wilkins saw the Gãtà as encouragement to a monotheist form of
Unitarianism which eventually seeks to draw Hinduism away from the polytheism
advocated by the Vedas18. Charles Wilkins’s translation gained wide publicity and
within a decade it was further translated into French by Abbé Parraud (1787)19,
into Russian by Nikolay Ivanovich Novikov (1788)20 and into German by Friedrich
Von Majer (1802)21.
Kashinath Trimbak Telang was the first Indian to translate the Gãtà into English22.
He was a Sanskrit scholar and a Judge at the Bombay High Court. He translated
Gãtà in both poetry (1875) and prose (1882, ‘Sacred Books of the East’ series
edited by Max Muller, vol-8) forms.
Sir Edwin Arnold was a famous poet and journalist of his time. He translated
the Gãtà into blank verse and published it under the title ‘The Song Celestial’ (1885).
The author admires the effort of Telang in translating the Gãtà but also criticizes
him23. In the preface of his work Sir Arnold explains the motivation behind his
endeavor— “…because English literature would certainly be incomplete without
possessing in popular form a poetical and philosophical work so dear to India.24” The
work achieved great fame as the then most widely-read version of the Gãtà. It also
inspired Mahatma Gandhi to indulge himself in the life-long study of the Gãtà.

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Mohini Mohun Chatterji was a Bengali attorney and scholar and had also served
as the Assistant Secretary of the Bengal branch of the Theosophical Society. His
translation is titled ‘The Bhagavad Gãtà or The Lord’s Lay’ and it was published
in 1887 from New York. The translation is enriched with commentary and notes as
well as references to the Christian scriptures. The author dedicates his work “for
the benefit of those in search of spiritual light.” In the introduction of the book, the
author expresses his reverence and affection for Gãtà lucidly— “Beyond doubt the
Bhagavad Gãtà is the best book in existence for the study of the spiritually-minded;
for it is suited to all conditions of men; it is short; it is complete and not ambiguous;
it is direct, speaking as friend to friend or teacher to pupil, and thus is not coldly
impersonal.25 ”

Translations by famous spiritual leaders and personalities

Shri Purohit Swami was a Hindu monk who came to Britain in 1931. He became
involved with British spiritualists who helped him set up an Ashram in London.
Swami then came in contact with the renowned Irish poet, dramatist and winner
of the Nobel Prize for Literature (1923), William Butler Yeats, who had keen
interest in spiritualism. After being requested by Yeats, Swami translated Gãtà in a
manner that could be understood by the British general reader. In 1935, Swami’s
translation of Gãtà was published under the title ‘The Geeta; The Gospel of the
Lord Shri Krishna’.
A notable scholar, academician, freedom fighter and a close follower of Sri
Aurobindo, Anil Baran Roy is acclaimed as the best exponent of the Gãtà as
interpreted by Sri Aurobindo. His translation titled ‘The Message of the Gita’ was
first published in 1938 from Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry.
Swami Prabhavananda was a disciple of Sri Ramakrishna. He arrived in the
USA during 1923 and founded the Vedanta Society of Portland and the Vedanta
Society of Southern California. Swami’s scholarly doctrines on Vedanta attracted
the attention of several intellectuals like Aldous Huxley, Gerald Heard, Frederick
Manchester and Christopher Isherwood. Swami Prabhavananda’s translation of
the Gãtà in collaboration with Christopher Isherwood titled ‘The Song of God:
Bhagavad-Gita’ was published in 1944. It contained an introduction explaining the
allegorical interpretations of the Gãtà by Aldous Huxley which became as famous
as the book itself. Writing in the midst of World War II which saw destruction and

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violence on an unprecedented scale, Huxley reinterpreted the Gãtà in the light of

non-violence. He, like Gandhi, emphasized that the true message of the Gãtà is to
show the futility and uselessness of violence and how violence leads to self-
destruction causing harm to even forthcoming generations26.
Mahatma Gandhi’s doctrines on ‘an àsaktiyoga’ based on the Gãtà was
translated from Gujrati to English in 1946 (titled ‘The Gospel of Selfless Action or
the Gita according to Gandhi’) by his personal secretary Mahadev Desai. The
original passages and Gandhi’s thoughtful and elegant comments on their allegorical
implications are included in this work.
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi is known as the founder of Transcendental Meditation.
He was born in India in around 1917. Since his first global tour in 1958, Maharishi’s
techniques for human development have been taught worldwide. His translation is
called ‘Maharishi Mahesh Yogi on the Bhagavad-Gita: A New Translation
and Commentary, Chapters 1-6’ (1967). The author believes that the Gãtà “is like
an anchor for the ship of life sailing on the turbulent waves of time.27”
Born as Abhay Charan De, A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada was an
Indian spiritual teacher and the founder-preceptor of the ISKCON (International
Society for Krishna Consciousness). His translation of the Gãtà titled ‘Bhagavad-
gãtà As It Is’ (1968) is one of his most admired works and it has been translated
further into more than sixty languages.
Paramahamsa Yogananda, born Mukunda Lal Ghosh, was a monk, yogi and
guru. He established Yogoda Satsanga Society of India and through it introduced
millions to the teachings of meditation and ‘kriya-yoga’. His translation of the Gita
along with a commentary in two volumes titled ‘God Talks with Arjuna: The
Bhagavad Gita- Royal Science of God Realization- The Immortal Dialogue
between Soul and Spirit-A New Translation and Commentary’ was published
posthumously in 1995 in Los Angeles.
Swami Dayananda Saraswati was a monk of the Hindu monastic order and a
renowned traditional teacher of Advaita Vedanta. He has been teaching Vedanta
in India for more than five decades and around the world since 1976. He is the
founder of Swami Dayananda Ashram in India and U.S. His translation of the text
called ‘The Teaching Of The Bhagavad Gita’ (2005) is based on the commentary
of Sri Sankaracharya on the Gãtà.

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Other notable translations

A. B. Van Buitenen was a traditional scholar-translator and Professor of Sanskrit
in the Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations at the University of
Chicago. His translation of the Gãtà was edited by James L. Fitzgerald and published
posthumously in 1981. His translation is praised for its accurate rendering of the
original text and exceptional clarity.
Eknath Easwaran was a scholar and a spiritual teacher who wrote several
books on meditation. He learned Sanskrit from a young age and became a professor
of English literature before coming to the West. Easwaran’s translation of the Gãtà
(1985) is reliable, readable, and profound. His 55-page introduction places the Gãtà
in its historical context, presents key concepts, and brings out the universality and
timelessness of its teachings. Easwaran also wrote a three volume commentary
called ‘The Bhagavad Gita for Daily Living’ as well as a simpler commentary
titled ‘Essence of the Bhagavad Gita’. The author asserts that the central idea of
the Gãtà is to guide us to resolve our conflicts28 and to live in united harmony
through the practice of meditation and spiritual disciplines. The author also thinks
that the Gãtà is a handbook for self-realization and a guide to action that offers
something to every seeker after God, of whatever temperament, by whatever path.
The reason for this universal appeal is that it is basically practical.
Barbara Stoler Miller was a scholar of Sanskrit literature, Professor of Asian
and Middle Eastern Cultures at Barnard College, New York and was the president
of the Association for Asian Studies in 1990. Her translation of the Gãtà titled ‘The
Bhagavad Gita: Krishna’s Counsel in Time of War’ (1986) was extremely
admired and she helped popularize Indian literature in the U.S.
Dr. Nicholas Sutton was a full time lecturer in Eastern Religions at Edge Hill
University College and is currently associated with University of Nottingham and
Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies. His core area of study is the religious doctrines
in the Mahabharata. His translation of the Gãtà is basically a guide-book for the
Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies. This scholarly yet lucid translation is balanced
and objective. The author provides illuminating perception and also points out some
of the ambiguities regarding the translation of the text.
Steven J. Rosen, also known as Satyaraja Dasa, is an American author. He is
the founding editor of The Journal of Vaishnava Studies and an associate editor of

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Back to Godhead, the magazine of the Hare Krishna Movement. He authored

many books on Vaishnavism and related subjects. His translation is called ‘Krishna’s
Song: A New Look at the Bhagavad Gita’ (2007). The author provides an
overview of the Gãtà’s narrative and teachings alongside documentation of its
traditional application. It is an attempt to culturally translate the text, making use of
concepts and categories to which Western readers are accustomed.
Some other prominent translators of the Gãtà are John Davies (1882), J. C.
Thomson (1885), Charles Johnston (1908), Stephen Mitchell (2000), Jack Hawley
(2001), Georg Feuerstein (2011), Dev Bhattacharyya (2014), Richard H. Davis
(2014) etc. Apart from the above mentioned works several other translations of
the Gita in English and other foreign languages have emerged through time and
this trend continues till date.
The numerous interpretations and translations of the Gãtà not only proves its
immense value as a text but also makes it remarkable in the history of religious and
philosophical texts in the world. Though being a predominant text of Hindu religion
and culture, the Gãtà has fascinated the minds of the intellectuals with diverse
religious backgrounds. It teaches about living a worthwhile, meaningful life in the
world among fellow beings by means of knowledge, work and devotion. It supports
involvement in the performance of one’s social and moral responsibilities according
to his ‘Dharma’ and at the same time it endorses the Upanishad manifested ideal
of self-realization which leads to liberation from confines of relative existence.
The uniqueness of the Gãtà lies in its flexibility of the paths that lead to its ultimate
goal and that is the reason that we come across such varied interpretations of this
gem of ancient Indian wisdom.

References:
1. At the end of each chapter of the Gãtà it is said that— “iti ÷rimahàbhàrate
÷ atasahasry àü sa ü hit à y àü vaiy à siky àü bh ãù maparva õ i
÷ rimadbhagavadg ã t à s å pani ù atsu brahmavidy à y àü yoga ÷à stre
÷rik ç sn àryunasa üv à de…”
2. na jàyate mriyate và kadàcinnàyaü bhutvà bhavità và na bhuyaþ/
ajo nityaþ ÷à÷vato’yaü puràõo na hanyate hanyamàne ÷arãre//- 2.20.

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3. hato và pràpsyasi svargaü jitvà và bhokùyase mahãm/

tasmàduttiùñha kaunteya! yuddhàya kritani÷cayaþ//- 2.11.
4. tasmàdasaktaþ satataü kàryaü karma samàcara/
asakto hyàcaran karma paramàpnoti puruùaþ//- 3.19.
5. matkarmakçnmatparamo madbhaktaþ sangavarjitaþ/
nirvairaþ sarvabhåteùu yaþ sa màmeti pàõóava//- 11.55.
6. Explaining the portion –“vedànto nàma— upaniùatpramàõam tadupakàriõi
÷arirakasåtràdãni ca/”- of the book Vedàntasàra by Sadànandayogãndra the
commentator Ràmatãrthayati states in his commentary Vidyanmanora¤jinã—
‘‘ à di ÷ abdena bhagavadg ã t à dyadhy à tma ÷à str àõ i g ç yante, te ùà mapi
upani ù acchabdav à cyatv à diti bh à va þ /”—Ved àõ tas à ra of
Sadà nandayogãndra. Ed. Kalivara Vedantavagisa with the commentaries
Subodhinã by Nçsiühasarasvatã and Vidyanmanora¤jinã by Ràmatãrthayati.
Vedantavagisa Niketana: Hoogly, 1932 (Fourth Edition). P. 9.
7. “A word may be said regarding the philosophical tenets of Ràmakaõñha. It is
well known that he holds an important place in the history of the Pratyabhij¤à
system of øaiva thought. In the Gãtà commentary he explains the type of advaita
known as bhedàbheda, the doctrine of difference-in-identity— the standpoint
taken by… the authors of the school of Bhàskara.”— ørãmadbhagavadgãtà
with the commentary Sarvatobhadra by Ràjànaka Ràmakaõñhàcàrya. Ed. T.R.
Chintamani. Madras University Press : Madras, 1941. Introduction, p. XLI.
Also— “Several teachers of øaivaism from the time of Vasugupta down to that
of Abhinava commented upon the Bhagavadgãtà. … It is therefore, necessary
to state here how Kròsònòa is connected with the Trika Sìaivaism, and
consequently what position the Gãtà does occupy in the Sìaiva literature. …
Kròsònòa was thought by the Sìaivas to have been himself a follower of the
Trika. Perhaps for this very reason the Bhagavadgãtà is classed with the
âgamas.”— Pandey, Kanti Chandra. Abhinavagupta: An Historical and
Philosophical Study. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office : Benaras City, 1935.
pp. 54-55.
8. “I rather feel that these verses are the very pillars of the Court (hall) of the king
‘Supreme Self’: or the Gita might be likened to the Goddess described in the
Saptasati Scripture (700 verses)— the Goddess that got gladdened by giving

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absolution (by slaying him) to the Demon named Mahisha buffalo in the form of
infatuation. Therefore, one who becomes its devotee (servant) through mind,
body and speech would be the sovereign King of the empire in the form of self
bliss.”— Sri Jnanadeva. Bhàvàrtha Dãpikà otherwise known as Jnàneshwarã.
Trans. From Marathi by Ramchandra Keshav Bhagwat. Samata Books: Madras,
1979. p. 663.
9. “Without entirely rejecting the authority of the Geeta, the essence of all Shastrus,
no one can praise rites performed for the sake of fruition, nor recommend them
to others; for nearly half of the Bhuguvud Geeta is filled with the dispraise of
such works, and with the praise of works performed without the desire of
fruition.”— Ghose, Jogendra Chunder (Ed.). The English works of Raja
Rammohun Roy (Vol-II). S.K. Lahiri & Co : Calcutta, 1901. p. 146.
10. “I proceeded to read the Mahabharata, the Gita, the Manu-smriti, etc., and by
collecting verses there-from to swell the record of commandments. In this work
I got great help from the Manu-smriti. It also contains verses from other smritis,
from the Tantras, the Mahabharata, and the Gita.”— Tagore, Devendranath.
The Autobiography of Maharshi Devendranath Tagore. Translated from
the original Bengali by Satyendranath Tagore and Indira Devi. Macmillan and
Co. Limited : London, 1914, (Chapter- XXIII) p. 172. Also— Commenting on
the verse no. 94 of Chapter XII of Brahma Dharma Hemchandra Sarkar states
that— “It is rather a fainter echo of the teaching of the Bhagavadgita, “àtmavat
sarvabhåteùu yaþ pa÷yati sa pa÷yati”. It may be compared with the Biblical
precepts “do unto others as you would be done by.”— Tagore, Devendranath.
Brahmo Drarma. Trans. by Hemchandra Sarkar. Sadharan Brahmo Samaj :
Calcutta, 1992 (Reprint of the First Edition of 1928). p. 215.
11. “Intense action in the whole body, and withal a face expressing the profound
calmness and serenity of the blue sky. This is the central idea of Gita— to be
calm and steadfast in all circumstances, with one’s body, mind and soul centered
at His hallowed Feet!”— Swami Vivekananda. Complete works of Swami
Vivekananda ([Link]). Conversations and Dialogues- Swami Vivekananda
(Translated from Bengali) Shri Priya Nath Sinha/ XXXI. [Link]
12.“Two armies faced each other, in the second between the sounding of the
trumpets and the shooting of the first arrows; but in that one moment of
expectancy the Lord Krishna revealed Himself to the soul of His worshipper, in

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such a way that he saw his duty clearly; all hesitation dropped away from him,
and springing to his feet fearlessly he sounded the war-cry of the Pandavas,
and flung himself upon the fortunes of battle. For to see God is the only thing
that can make a man strong to face the world and do his duty. … And what was
taught in a single flash of insight and knowledge has stood since, through all the
ages, as one of world’s Scriptures, under the name of “Bhagvad Gita, the song
of the Blessed One.”- Sister Nivedita. The Complete Works of Sister Nivedita
(Vol. III). Sister Nivedita Girl’s School (Under Ramakrishna Sarada Mission) :
Calcutta, 1955 (First Edition). Krishna Partha Sarathi, Charioteer of Arjuna
(Under the mother essay ‘The cycle of Krishna’). pp. 286-288.
[Link] Chandra Chattopadhyay, in his Bengali commentary on the Gãtà, has
clearly stated the superiority of the Hindu spirituality reflected in the Gãtà to
that of Christianity propagated by the so-called intellectual Europeans especially
the British— “àtmatattvaviùayak ei sthåla kathàñà khçiùtiyàdi sakal dharmei
àche/ kintu t à hà r upar àr ek ñà ati s å kù ma, ati camatk à r kath à, keval
hindudharmei àche/ sei tattva ati unnata, ud àr, visìuddha, visìvàsmàtre
manuùyajanma sàrthak hay/ hindu bhinna àr kono jàtii sei ati mahatattva
anubh åta karite p à re n à i/ ye sakal k à ra õ e, hindudharma anya sakal
dharmer apekùà ÷reùñha, iha tàhàr madhye ekñi ati gurutara kàraõ/”—
Chattopadhyay, Bamkim Chandra. ørimadbhagavadgãtà. Ed. Brajendranath
Bandyopadhay and Sajanikanta Das. Bangiya Sahitya Parisat : Calcutta, 1940.
P. 32.
Also—”The messianic idea in Hinduism has found, its fullest expression in the
well-known verses of the Bagabad-Geetà… Bunkim Chunder Chatterjee, the
author of the Bande-Màtaram hymn, stands prominently among those who have
helped to call the present national spirit into being; and in modern Bengalee
literature we owe the revival of the old Hindu messianic idea to him.”— Pal,
Bipin Chandra. The Spirit of Indian Nationalism. Hind Nationalist Agency :
London, 1910. p. 27.
14.“Thus the figure of Krishna becomes, as it were, the symbol of the divine dealings
with humanity. Through our egoism and ignorance we are moved, thinking that
we are the doers of the work, vaunting of ourselves as the real causes of the
result, and that which moves us we see only occasionally as some vague or
even some human and earthly fountain of knowledge, aspiration, force, some

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Principle or Light or Power which we acknowledge and adore without knowing

what it is until the occasion arises that forces us to stand arrested before the
Veil. And the action in which this divine figure moves is the whole wide action
of man in life, not merely the inner life, but all this obscure course of the world
which we can judge only by the twilight of the human reason as it opens up
dimly before our uncertain advance the little span in front. This is the distinguishing
feature of the Gita that it is the culmination of such an action which gives rise to
its teaching and assigns that prominence and bold relief to the gospel of works
which it enunciates with an emphasis and force we do not find in other Indian
Scriptures. Not only in the Gita, but in other passages in the Mahabharata we
meet with Krishna declaring emphatically the necessity of action, but it is here
that he reveals its secret and the divinity behind our works.”— Sri Aurobindo.
Essays on the Gita. The Sri Aurobindo Library Inc : New York, 1950. The
Divine Teacher (Book I). p.17.
15. “The conclusion I have come to is that the Gita advocates the performance of
action in this world even after the actor has achieved the highest union with the
Supreme Deity by Jnana (Knowledge) or Bhakti (Devotion)…. If the Gita was
preached to desponding Arjuna to make him ready for the fight— for the
Action— how can it be said that the ultimate lesson of the great book is Bhakti
or Jnana alone?”— Tilak, Bal Gangadhar. Sribhagvadgitarahasya or Karma
Yoga Sastra. (Vol-I) Trans. B.S. Sukthankar. Tilak Bros : Poona, 1935 (First
Edition). Introduction, [Link].
Also— Tilak’s idea of Svaraj was closely associated with the utterance of the
Gita (3.35.). Bipin Chandra Pal explains this Vedantic influence on Svaraj as—
”The term (Svaraj) is used in the Vedanta to indicate highest spiritual state…
the cancellation of all conflicts and the absolute settlement of all disputes.”—
Pal, Bipin Chandra. The Spirit of Indian Nationalism. Hind Nationalist Agency
: London, 1910. pp. 46-47.
16. “But to say that the Gita teaches violence or justifies war, because advice to
kill was given on a particular occasion, is as wrong as to say that himsa is the
law of life, because a certain amount of you it is inevitable in daily life. To one
who reads the spirit of the Gita, it teaches the secret of nonviolence, the secret
of realising the self through the physical body.”— Gandhi, M.K. The Message
of the Gita. Navajivan Publishing House : Ahmedabad, 1959 (First edition).

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Gita and Nonviolence (Chapter II), pp. 12-13.

17. It is clearly stated in the cover page of the book Bhagvat-geeta or Dialogues
of Kreeshna and Arjoon; in eighteen lectures; with notes; translated from
the original, in Sanskreet, or the ancient language of the Brahmans that
the translator Charles Wilkins was a “senior merchant in the service of the
honourable The East India Company, on their Bengal establishment.”
18. “It seems as if the principal design of these dialogues was to unite all prevailing
modes of worship of those days; and, by setting up the doctrine of the unity of
the Godhead, in opposition to idolatrous sacrifices, and the worship of images, to
undermine the tenets inculcated by the Veds.” – Wilkins, Charles. Bhagvat-
geeta or Dialogues of Kreeshna and Arjoon; in eighteen lectures; with
notes; translated from the original, in Sanskreet, or the ancient language
of the Brahmans. C. Nourse: London, 1785. Preface, pp.19-20.
19. Published as Le Bhaguat-Geeta, ou dialogues de Kreeshna et d’ Arjoon;
contenant un Preìcis de la Religion & de la Morale des Indiens, Traduit du
Samfcrit, la Langue facreìe des Brahmes, en Angolis, Par M. Charles
Wilkins. A Londres : Paris, 1787.
20. Published as ÁÀÃÓÀÒ-ÃÅÒÀ, èëè, ÁÅÑÅÄÛ ÊÐÈØ Hbl, cb, À Ð Æ ÓÍÎ
ìú. óíèâåðñèòåòñêîé Òèïîãðàô³í ó Í. Íîâèêîâà : Mockba, 1788.
21. Published as Der Bhaguat-Geeta, oder Gesprache zwischen Kreeshna und
Arjoon. Kessinger Publishing : Berlin, 1802.
22. Sinha, Mishka. Corrigibility, Allegory, Universality: A History of Gita’s
Transnational Reception— 1785-1945. Modern Intellectual History, 7, 2.
Cambridge University Press : Cambridge, 2010. pp. 304-307.
23. “Mr. Telang has also published at Bombay a version in colloquial rhythm,
eminently learned and intelligent, but not conveying the dignity or grace of the
original.”— Arnold, Edwin. The Song Celestial or Bhagavad-Gita (From
the Mahabharata) Being a Discourse Between Arjuna, Prince of India,
and the Supreme Being Under the Form of Krishna. Trubner & Company:
London, 1885. Preface, pg.9.
24. Ibid. pp.9-10.
25. Chatterji, Mohini Mohun. The Bhagavad Gita or The Lord’s Lay. Trubner &
Company: London, 1887. Introduction, p.3.

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26. “The Bhagavad-Gita is perhaps the most systematic scriptural statement of the
Perennial Philosophy. To a world at war, a world that, because it lacks the
intellectual and spiritual prerequisites to peace, can only hope to patch up some
kind of precarious armed truce, it stands pointing, clearly and unmistakably, to
the only road of escape from the self –imposed necessity of self-destruction.”—
The Song of God: Bhagvad-Gita. Trans. Swami Prabhavananda and Christopher
Isherwood. The New American Library : New York, 1958 (Fifth edition). p. 22
(Introduction by Aldous Huxley).
27. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. Maharishi Mahesh Yogi on the Bhagavad-Gita: A
New Translation and Commentary, Chapters 1-6. Penguin Books, Reprint
edition, 1990. Introduction, p.1.
28. “I think, it becomes clear that the struggle the Gita is concerned with is the
struggle for self-mastery. It was Vyasa’s genius to take the whole
great Mahabharata epic and see it as metaphor for the perennial war between
the forces of light and the forces of darkness in every human heart. Arjuna and
Krishna are then no longer merely characters in a literary masterpiece. Arjuna
becomes Everyman, asking the Lord himself, Sri Krishna, the perennial questions
about life and death – not as a philosopher, but as the quintessential man of
action. Thus read, the Gita is not an external dialogue but an internal one: between
the ordinary human personality, full of questions about the meaning of life, and
our deepest Self, which is divine.”— Easwaran, Eknath. The Bhagavad Gita
(Easwaran’s Classics of Indian Spirituality Book 1). Nilgiri Press: USA,
2007 (2nd edition). Introduction, p. 2.

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Affectionate Mother: Divinity and Humanity of Sarada Devi

Dr. Rajesh Biswas

Abstract
This paper discusses the service of Maa Sarada Devi to the mankind. Sarada Devi served
for the humanity continuously since her childhood. It is true that Sarada Devi is accepted
by all of the devotees of Ramakrishna order. Generally, it is believed and recognized that she
is a Devine Mother. She is obtained as a mother of all for her ministration and devotion to
the humanity. She served food to the famine victims in her childhood at Joyrambati of
Bankura. She was a strong and positive in spiritual life and she was automatically authorized
as a Sangha Janani for her renouncement and ministrations. This paper deals with her
strong personality, ideology and focused attitude to the society. It also highlights her
service to the humanity and contributions in Ramakrishna movement. Sarada Devi served
for the upliftment of the humanity continuously. She had a great ideology. Beside spirituality
her aim was to serve the society. So, she actively worked for the social welfare and human
need.
Key words: Service, Society, Mother, Sangha Janani, Devotion

Introduction
The Indian tradition has generally respected womanhood and women in ancient
period, precisely in the Vedic age enjoyed high status and position in the society.
But, on the other hand, we find derogatory references to women in ancient religious
scriptures and secular literature developed in India since medieval period of its
history. In this period of Indian history, the freedom and privileges that women
enjoyed earlier were taken away and women in general was badly and sadly
neglected. She lapsed into illiteracy and superstition. Women, in general, remained
in a degraded condition, which they had deliberately been subjected to, for centuries.
However, it was due to Ramakrishna movement and Gandhian social movement
that women slowly started regaining their lost status and position. Sri Sri
Ramakrishna advocated and preached for spiritual upliftment of women. Gandhi
engaged many women in his struggle for political liberation of India. Thus began
the process of emancipation of Women in India in late 19th and early 20th century
and women in India began her journey on the path of modernisation with a heart
and mindful of spirituality as taught by Swamiji and Sri Sri Thakur. Women
Assistant Professor, Dept. of History, Ramakrishna Mission Residential College (Autonomous),
Narendrapur, Kolkata – 700103

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empowerment, Women studies, Gender equality etc are most relevant topics today.
Social movement, neo social movement etc made women a topic for discussion. In
this context an important character is Universal Mother Sarada Devi. Her first
identity, obviously, spouse of Sri Ramakrishna Dev. But her best identity is, no
doubt, is ‘Sangha Janani’. She is the mother of Ramakrishna movement. She
gradually established herself as ‘Sangha Janani’ after the death of Ramakrishna
Paramahansha Dev. She was the inspiration of the monks and devotees and all.

Renunciatory Mother
She was born in Jayrambati, an interior village of Bankura where Sarada Devi
started her activity to the society for humanity. She married Sri Ramakrishna Dev
when she was only 5 years old girl. Then she came to Dakshineswar as a spouse
of Ramakrishna Dev and perfectly made herself as a Guru Maa at Dakshineswar.
A rural so-called uneducated woman from this time was very popular to the devotees
of Thakur Sri Ramakrishna Dev. Selfless love and devotion made her popular to
the humanity. The personality of the holy Mother developed in a liberal environment
of the society of 19th century Bengal. Her outstanding personality grew in
magnificent minded Bengal. She became in the centre of the Sangha without any
so-called movement or politics. “I am the mother of the wicked, as I am the mother
of the virtuous. Never fear. Whenever you are in distress, just say to yourself, ‘I
have a mother,’”1 this saying of Maa is the greatest example of her selfless love.
She knows how to love so she was loved by the devotees and they also obey and
acknowledge her without any fear.
Her power of love could not be explained by any theory. Her kindness and
care made her Universal Mother. She really was a noble and caring woman. She
was really the mother of the virtuous and the wicked. Just people accepted her as
well as evil also equally obey Maa Sarada. These examples are available in her
biography. Ramkrishna movement accepted her for Sarada’s greatness and nobility.
Ramkrishna mission really is an organisation besed upon reality and liberty. This
feature of Ramakrishna Mission helped Maa to establish herself as a mother of all.
She advised “Everyone must experience the consequence of his past actions.
Nevertheless, the remembrance of God’s name helps one this much - instead of
losing a leg one may suffer merely from a thorn entering one’s foot.”2

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Holy Mother – The Stimulating Force behind the Ramakrishna Movement

Sarada Devi said “If one wants to achieve something noble, he must be sincerely
arduous and seized with a firm resolve. When I used to stay in the Nahabat, on
moonlit nights I would look at the reflection of the moon in the still waters of the
Ganges and, weeping, pray to God, ‘There are stains even on the moon, but let my
mind be absolutely stainless.’”3
At the initial stage of life, she looked after her brothers and sisters. She serves
famine victims food in her childhood, so she serves for the mankind from her early
days.4 In Dakshineswar devotees of Ramakrishna Dev were served by maa as
their children. She cooked food selflessly for the Bhaktas of Ramakrishna Dev.
One of the Bhaktas of Ramakrishna Dev was given money for the transport fare
to the home by Maa Sarada Devi.5 So self-less love of Maa Sarada, this way
spread to the society and she became the mother of all. Many female Bhaktas who
came to Thakur, face problem to stay in the Dakshineswar. Sarada Devi give them
shelter to her Nohabat. She believed that all of them were their children and she
was the mother of all.6 She was never feeling tired to serve the Bhaktas of Thakur
and these tiredlessness and love ensure her to become Mother of all. Background
of being mother of all came about when Ramakrishna Dev was alive. He kept for
mother some great sons like Naren, Rakhal, Master, Balram Basu etc. But Sarada
devi was not fully happy with these great people. Who were common, uneducated,
not devoted themselves - she was bewildered for them7 and ardent for everyone.
Really, she was a real mother.8 After having food of every devotee Maa used to
clean the leftover because everyone is equal to her. Class, Cast, Society everything
is egalitarian to her. She was really a mother of good and evil.9 Sarat was a monk
and Amjad was dacoit. Sarat belong to Hindu community and Amjad was a Muslim
but they were equipotential to divine mother.10 Village, Urban, Suburban people
tantamount to her. Sarada Devi said - “One must do some work. Through work
alone, one can remove the bondage of work, not by avoiding work. Total detachment
comes later on. One should not be without work even for a moment.”11
She was really a compassionate woman. She also said - “Don’t try that by any
means. Do your duty towards everyone, but bear love towards anyone except
God. Loving others brings much misery.”12 These attributes help her to become a
mother of all. She was a woman of the era of so-called renaissance. People of
Bengal used to accept everything by logic. No movement, no assertion only by the

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emphasis of love she become the mother of Universe. She uttered “Even the
impossible becomes possible through devotion.”13 She proved that she was devoted
to the society. Her motherly behaviour was reflected all her life. She was a woman
with strong ideology. She believed that “The only ornament of a woman is her
modesty.”14 A rural woman so-called uneducated woman, thus, accepted by the
society. Sarada Devi also inquired day-to-day activities of the various centres of
Ramakrishna Order.15 Thus, “the Holy Mother even outbid earthly mothers by her
passionate attachment to her virtually adopted child”16 and became Universal Mother.

Conclusion
Sarada Devi was a very spiritual woman. She could easily adopt other people as
her own. She played a huge role to Ramakrishna Movement. She properly guided
the Ramakrishna Sangha. Holy Mother was the Stimulating Force behind the
Ramakrishna Movement. She admittedly was a renouncer and cooperative. Swami
Vivekananda said that mother is above all. 17 Sarada Devi’s motherly attitude
expressed rightly to the world. She innocently manifested the education of love,
education of Liberty, education of devotion, education of service. Her way of
teaching is relevant equally to the present world. Really, she is the Holy Mother.
Her faith and innocence were the power of Maa Sarada. Undoubtedly Eternal
Mother is the reverence of simulacrum. Genuinely, Sarada Devi was an affectionate
mother.

Notes and References:

1. Swami Atmasthananda: Sri Sarada Devi the mother of All, (Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata,
2008), p. 90.
2. Sri Maa Saradadevi Sayings with Portrait, (Sri Sri Sarada Devi’s 150th Birth
Anniversary, Ramakrishna Mission Lokasiksha Parishad, Narendrapur, Kolkata-700103),
p. 13.
3. Ibid, p. 17.
4. Probrajika Bedantoprana: ‘Lokojononi’, in Swami Lokeshwarananda (ed.): Shatorupe
Sarada, (Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Golpark, Kolkata 700029, 1985), p.
309.
5. Ibid, p. 309.

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6. Ibid, pp. 309-310.

7. Ibid, pp 310-311.
8. Swami Gombhirananda: Shrimaa Sarada Devi, (Udhobodhan Karjalaya, Kolkata,1384),
p. 140.
9. Swami Sardeshananda: Shri Shri Maayer Smritikotha (Udhodhon Karjalaya, Kolkata,
1389), pp. 61-62.
10. Durgapuri Devi: Sarada-Ramakrishna, (Shri ShriSaradeswari Ashrama, Kolkata, 1368),
pp. 209-210.
11. Sri Maa Saradadevi Sayings with Portrait, (Sri Sri Sarada Devi’s 150th Birth
Anniversary, Ramakrishna Mission Lokasiksha Parishad, Narendrapur, Kolkata-700103),
p. 18.
12. Ibid, p. 20.
13. Swami Pavitrananda: A Short Life of the Holy Mother, (Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata,
2023), p. 93.
14. The Message of Holy Mother (Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata, 2018), p. 1.
15. Swami Atmasthananda: Sri Sarada Devi the Mother of All, (Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata,
2008), p. 43.
16. Swami Nirvedananda: The Holy Mother, (Sri Sarada Math, Dakshineswar, Kolkata,
2008), p. 73.
17. The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda, vol. I, (Advaita Ashrama,
Kolkata, 1962), p. 68.

186
The Plight of the Tiger Widows in the Sundarbans: An
Empirical Study
Moitrayee Basu & Dr. Atish Prosad Mondal

Abstract
Human-tiger conflict (HTC) is a serious public health issue in Sundarban Reserve Forest,
India. HTC is a continued concern for the significant mortality and morbidity of both
human and tiger populations. Tiger attacks in the communities around the Sundarban
Reserve Forest are under constant threat. A major portion of the population from the
villages of Sundarbans depends upon the forest resources as their livelihood activities,
where they become the victim of tiger attacks. Thus, HTC has become a regular event in
Sundarbans. Most of the forest-goers are landless poor people, the husband being the
only earner of the family, and his untimely death hurls the widow into deep poverty and
hardship.
This a comprehensive report on Sundarbans tiger-human conflicts and its impact on
widows whose husbands were killed by tigers. The study attempts to analyze the socio-
economic profile of the tiger widows and measure the impact of the incident including the
cultural stigma related to being killed by a tiger.
This is ethnographic research using qualitative tools tried to narrate how their lives
have been impacted by this incident leading to their economic and social insecurity,
deprivation, abuse, and exploitation. Interviews of tiger widows and focused group
discussions help to unfold the cultural stigma related to tiger killings and how their life has
been impacted.
Keywords: Tiger-Widows, Human-Tiger Conflict, Tiger-Attacks, Human-Wildlife Conflict,
Sundarbans Reserve Forest.

The world’s largest delta, formed by the rivers Ganges, Meghna, and Brahmaputra
along the Bay of Bengal, is in the South Asia area of Bangladesh and India known
as the Sundarbans. The Sundarbans of India comprise 19 community development
blocks, out of which 13 are in South 24 Parganas and 6 in North 24 Parganas,
having 190 Gram Panchayats and 1064 villages, with a total area of 9630 [Link].,
comprising 102 islands out of which 54 are inhabited (Samanta et al., 2014). A
total of 64 mangroves and more than 600 animal species have been enumerated in
Moitrayee Basu, Assistant Professor, Department of Accounting & Finance, St. Xavier’s College
(Autonomous), Kolkata
Dr. Atish ProsadMondal, Associate Professor & Head, Department of Accounting & Finance, St.
Xavier’s College (Autonomous), Kolkata

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the Indian part (Samanta et al., 2013). It is also home to an estimated 200 tigers
considering both Bangladesh and Indian parts of the Sundarbans (TOI, 2018).
The Sundarbans not only give shelter to numerous flora and fauna but also
plays an important role in the national economy. The livelihoods of the habitants
are mainly depending upon forest resources (Mondal, 2004). It is one of the poorest
and highest population density areas where people are dependent upon forest
resources for their livelihood, it seems these people from the Sundarbans have
little opportunity to carry on with one of the most dangerous professions in the
world. Human-tiger conflict (HTC) is a serious public health issue in the Sundarban
Reserve Forest. HTC is a continued concern for the significant mortality and
morbidity of both human and tiger populations. The communities residing around
the Sundarban Reserve Forest face a constant threat of tiger attacks (Chowdhury
et al., 2010). Human-tiger conflict in recent years has increased as their dependency
on forest resources has increased due to the factors like job loss during the
lockdown, return of the migrant workers, environmental stressors, and infiltration
of wildlife in search of prey (Chatterjee, 2023).
The identification of the Sundarbans Reserve Forest (STR) has impacted the
lives and livelihoods of the natives; to overcome such situations they adopted such
measures that they are being victimized (Ghosh, 2013). The cultural stigma of
tiger killings in the local community exacerbates an already difficult situation for
widowed women, serving as an amplifier of problems faced by all women who
have lost their husbands. Their widowhood impacts all aspects of life, namely
psychological well-being, mental health, and economic security which are intimately
attached to tiger-killing (Chowdhury et al., 2014). The Sundarbans are home to
3000 widows known as ‘Bagh-Bidhoba’who has lost their husbands in tiger attacks
(Bhattacharya, 2012). The official records show that on average 10-15 people
were annually killed by the tigers in the Sunderban Tiger Reserve (STR) (Das,
2012). Experts have argued that the wandering of tigers in close proximity is
increasing the potential for HTCs (Das, 2012).

Method
This study gives an array of Sunderban human-tiger conflicts and its impact on
widows whose husbands were killed by tigers. It attempts to explore the situation

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analysis of HTC and the aftermath of the incident including privation and coping
and consequent discrimination and disruption of livelihoods and food security in
Deulbari, Katamari, and Dakshin Durgapur and Purba Gurguriavillage of Kultali
block II. This block has a significant proportion of the population who are mainly
dependent on forest resources for their livelihood (fishing, crab collection, honey
collection, and other things), subsequently risking their lives to tigers, crocodiles,
and sharks. The paper focuses on the interviews of tiger widows and focused-
group discussions (FGDs) to unfold how their lives have been impacted by this
incident leading to their economic and social insecurity, deprivation, abuse, and
exploitation. The number of widows interviewed is 35 as some of them have declined
to be interviewed or examined. The selection of the FGD participants was based on
their willingness to participate and suggestions given by the key informants.

Discussions
Panchami Naiya, a 35 years old lady narrated her prolonged and unpleasant
experience of her severe pain of survival on the way home from fishing in the
creeks, “there are crocodiles in the river and tigers on the land, and erosion of land
attacked us from the other end.’’ Almost a decade ago, her husband had been
attacked by a tiger and dragged into the forest where she was the only witness.
Keeping her faith in Bonbibi (the defender of the forest) she enters those creeks
every night and waits till dawn spreading the net into the water. In the morning she
returns home with fresh catches. During her night-long endeavor, she often
encounters tigers.
Unlike Panchami, Aparna Kumar, another tiger widow, has turned her back
on the forest and took up the work of domestic help on the island after her husband
had been taken away by a tiger in a similar fashion. Even today, she reminiscences
that ‘accident’ which happened almost eight years ago.
Panchali Mondal, a 40 years old woman, tries a living as an agricultural laborer
and is ardently looking for better work options for her sustenance. Her husband
became the prey of the wild beast while they were fishing in the Sunderbans Tiger
Reserve (STR) forest. She too shares a similar experience of being a witness to
the incident.
Morijan Loskar, after the death of her husband Echak Molla, is dependent on

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her sons who are rickshaw pullers and occasionally entered into forest for some
extra earnings.
Ayasha Halder, 40 years old women, tries a living as a laborer in a hotel in the
Canning area and is ardently looking for better work options for her sustenance.
Her husband became the prey of the wild beast while they were fishing in the
Sunderbans Tiger Reserve (STR) forest. She too shares a similar experience of
being a witness to the incident.
Elias Mondal and his younger brother had gone into the forest for honey
collection on October 2014. All of a sudden the beast jumped on Elias, his brother
tried to save him with an axe, at that moment the tiger left wounded Elias and
pounced on his brother and went into the jungle Elias tried to rescue him but could
only rescue his mutilated corpse. He left behind his wife Farida Mondal, one of the
youngest widows at 25 years of age, and his two children. The police said that in
his case at least his body has been recovered, but in most cases, it is even difficult
to find the dead body from the forest. After his death, none of his family members
entered the forest and instead engaged themselves in agricultural work.
Sikha Mondal became the sole earner for her family after her husband’s death
from a tiger attack. Since then she had to earn for her three daughters, the youngest
one was nine years old during the incident. Though she was haunted by the idea of
being attacked by a tiger, still she used to go to the forest for her livelihood. Gradually,
the situation changed when an NGO named the Rashmoni Foundation extended
its help. Initially, they provided her with a cow and a few chickens for husbandry.
Now, she has stopped going to the forest for her livelihood.
Golapjaan Laskar, another tiger widow, has chosen bee-keeping as a livelihood
and restrained herself from venturing into the forest. Earlier, she used to go to the
forest for wood and crabs which involve uncertainty of income but an NGO helped
her by providing training and supplying materials needed for apiculture. She said,
“Bee-keeping offers me a guaranteed income of Rs.6000 to Rs.7000 per month,
which is enough to run my family.”

Analysis and Interpretation

In most of these cases of death by tiger attacks is due to illegal entry to the
reserve forest by the habitants in search of their livelihood. These attacks occurred

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predominantly in the months from November to April when the entry in the forest
increases as it is the season of honey collection. As in most cases the entries in the
forest itself are illegal (without permission from the forest department), the victim’s
family did not receive any compensation from the Forest Department or they
were cheated out by others. For claiming such compensation it is necessary to
recover the dead body from the forest and conduct the autopsy, after which
necessary documents need to be deposited to the concerned department for getting
the compensation. Amongst all the interviewers only two of them received
compensation from the Forest Department.
The victim’s body was missing in 28 incidents, and only 7 were recovered out
of which 5 were honey collectors, whose bodies could be recuperated as the
tigers were chased away by others and 2 were recovered from the forest only
after the tiger left their mangled bodies. Out of that, only 3 of the bodies were
brought back home, the rest have been either cremated or buried in the forest.
Those corpses have brought with them a horrific experience for their dear ones.
In an interview, the widow narrated that her husband’s body muscle mass was
half eaten and covered in blood and it was difficult to recognize him. This ocular
clash had a deep psychological impact along with a strong sense of guilt, and
misfortune. Out of these 35 widows, 10 are still engaged in forest-based livelihood
activities, 18 are engaged in various labor-based jobs (household helper, SHG worker,
agricultural worker), 5 are not earning (dependent on their granchildren or relatives)
and 2 have to earn their bread by begging.
Anadi Dolui, an authorized honey collector narrated his experience during the
interview. When he entered the forest for honey collection, he was attacked by a
tiger but he was able to survive as his associates had counter-attacked the animal
with sticks. After the attack he was fainted and admitted to a hospital for a week
as his legs were pierced by the claws, still, he continued to carry out his expeditions
in the forest.
Presently there are 258 million widows in the world and almost one-tenth of
them live in extreme conditions of poverty (UN, 2019). Being women, they have
their specific needs but their voices and experiences are not enough to have an
impact on their survival. Women in the Sundarbans (Chowdhury et al., 1999) are
poorly educated and have very limited access to resources for their betterment.
The estimated female marriage age is 14 years and motherhood often begins at a

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tender age of 16 years with the burden of a patriarchal society characterized by

an abusive and an alcoholic husband 10 which increases the rate of domestic
violence 11 which aggravates the stress level or mental illness of those women.
These circumstances are related to their husband’s death along with the associated
economic and psychological stress of widowhood. The life of widows is a classic
example of gender discrimination and can be perceived as marginalized, sexual,
economic abuse, and oppression. It is estimated that 3000 tiger widows are there
in the Sundarbans region of Bengal (Bhattacharya, 2012).The husband’s unnatural
and sudden death turns them into social outcasts. Cultural stigmas attached to
these tiger widows worsen their suffering; with the loss of their husbands, they
lose their social security, economic security, and well-being.
It is evident from the study that the tiger widows are physically abused,
sometimes by their in-laws for domestic disputes or by their children or others as
they are the outcasts; they often face flak even in the workplace. Though this is a
very sensitive issue in the community, some of the widows revealed how they are
quietly suffering dishonor at the hands of others. During the interview, one of the
widows revealed that “a wealthier landlord has given her the proposal of being the
mistress and assured to pay the maintenance money”, she ruled out the proposal
as it seems humiliating to her. There were some shreds of evidence that younger
women are trapped in trafficking and reported as lost in the Sundarbans, sometimes
they are forced into prostitution (Malik, 2013). Remarriage is not at all encouraged
as they are held responsible for their husband’s death. In some cases, they are so
attached to their deceased husband that they do not want to replace that with
someone else. In my study, a young widow who was in their early 30s married
again, to a widowed man who also have children from his deceased wife. So the
chance of remarriage is rare.
Tiger widows are mainly a marginalized population. Out of the 35 widows
interviewed, 26 were living below the poverty line (BPL) mainly because their
husbands were illegal forest workers from poor families and the sole earner, so
after their death, these women were thrown into economic crisis. Almost in all
cases in this study, their relatives had denied the financial responsibility towards
the widow or their children. The tiger widows are mainly illiterate, unskilled labor
as a result earning opportunities for them are also very less. So, they again choose
some form of forest-based living or a day-labor job. In a few cases, they have

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been employed as a servant in a well-off family. As they are considered as evil or

cursed very few are willing to employ them. Only 2 widows (interviewed) had
some agricultural land and they survive on the agricultural produce. One widow in
my study moved to Kolkata in search of work and currently, she is working in a
household. As she moved out, her neighbors labeled her as a bad woman and
criticized her character, “in my bad days there was no one to help me, but now
they are gossiping about my character as I am working in Kolkata”.
To cope with this crisis they instigated their children to discontinue their
schooling and send them to work for the survival of the family. This had led to a
high rate of dropouts from school and an increase in child labor. Many tiger widows
will arrange their daughters’ early marriage (sometimes at the age of nine) not
only to secure their financial condition but also to ensure their social security
(Chowdhury et al. 2014). It has been reported that Sundarban girls are at risk,
especially of being trafficked to other states of India (Gupta, 2010). To fight these
issues, some NGOs have started up schools for the children of tiger victims. The
government has also taken initiatives for creating livelihood options by providing
them with livestock and conducting training programs to make them skilled workers,
building artificial bee hives, or encouraging fishing in ponds. The differential load
and multidimensional frangibility of tiger widows open up the need for social justice,
support, and security (Chowdhury et al. 2016).

Conclusion
The Forest Department report shows that the number of HTC increased in the
year 2018, also in 2019 the number of tigers in STR increased to 200 (National
Tiger Conservation Authority) only on the Indian side. As a result, the number of
tiger widows has also increased in the region. So, the conservation policies need to
be reformed as it is seriously affecting both the tigers (Goodrich, 2010) and humans
(Ahmed et al.,2012). The participation and perception of inhabitants regarding
tiger conservation policies need to be considered (Bhattarai et al., 2014). The
balance between the biodiversities in nature and the population dependent on it
should be the prime concern. For that purpose, it is pertinent to keep the wild
habitat area undisturbed. The government must initiate measures to prevent
encroachment in the core area. Alternative sustainable economic activities should
be regenerated for the marginalized section (Datta et al., 2011). The economic

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and social security of the victim’s family should be addressed for their survival
(Dhakal, 2011) and in the long term livelihood opportunities for the local people must
be a key issue (Ghosh, 2013). Enhancing the social acceptability (Manfredo, 2001)
of the tiger widows through active community participation, and addressing gender-
environment issues are recommended. All these are possible through the active
participation of the locals under a strong and coordinated strategy (Dhakal, 2014).

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196
Ethnicity, Identity and Power: A Study on Contemporary
Thailand
Dr. Purabi Barman

Abstract:
Ethnic movements received worldwide attention as one of the destabilizing factors troubling
nation states in the post-cold era. The countries where the ethnic tension has become a
center of concern are Myanmar, Srilanka, India in Asia; Sudan and Rwanda in Africa. But
more ethnic movements in Asia are found in the Southeast Asia. Thailand is no exception.
Thailand is a multiethnic country with a great variety of ethnic groups. These groups
quarrel and vie with each other for the betterment of their living conditions and sometimes
they choose the path of violent action. As a result, Thailand has experienced unrest in
each of its peripheral regions. In this paper, I have tried to explain the meaning of ethnicity
and briefly dealt with several ethnic groups and their movements in Thailand.
Keywords: Ethnicity, Thailand, Ethnic groups, Ethnic movements, Insurgency, Hill People

Ethnicity, Identity and Power: A Study on Contemporary Thailand

Socio-political movements of ethnic communities are not a recent phenomenon. It
became the main concern for the whole world. Ethnic movements received
worldwide attention as one of the destabilizing factors troubling nation states in the
post-cold war era. It was no more confined to the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia
in Europe, but also spread to the two other big continents like Asia and Africa. The
countries where the ethnic tension has become a center of concern are Myanmar,
Srilanka, India in Asia; Sudan and Rwanda in Africa. But more ethnic movements
in Asia are found in the Southeast. Here Thailand is no exception. Hence we
discuss the ethnic movements in Thailand in its entirety.

Understanding Ethnicity
The concept of ethnicity is somewhat multidimensional. It consists of aspects such
as race, origin or ancestry, identity, language and religion. The term ethnicity derives
from the ancient Greek term ethnos which originally means heathen or pagan1. It
appeared in the English language only in the 1950s and was first recorded in the
Oxford English Dictionary of 1953. According to Nathan Glazer and Daniel
Moynihan, “Ethnicity seems to be a new term”2.
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Heramba Chandra College, Kolkata-700029,
West Bengal.

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Earlier no such attention was paid to ethnicity by scholars. But the situation
changed during the decade of 1960-1970. Since the late 1960s, ethnicity has been
a main preoccupation in social and cultural anthropology and it remains a central
focus for research after the turn of the millennium3.
There are different views about the meaning of ethnicity. According to Thomas
Hylland Erikson “ethnicity is an aspect of social relationship between agents who
consider themselves as culturally distinctive from members of other groups with
whom they have a minimum of a regular interaction. It can thus also be defined as
a social identity (based on a contrast vis-à-vis others) characterized by metaphoric
of fictive kingship”4.
Ethnicity is social in nature and is also an alternative form of social organization
and social identification based on the presumption of shared history and a common
cultural inheritance. It also shares certain distinctive features such as language,
culture, physical appearance, religion, values and customs.
There are also several approaches to the study of ethnicity. The most important
approach is that of the so called ‘primordialists’. This term was first used by
Edward Shills (1957). In the primordialist view, the ethnic ties are treated as a
coercive social bond. In contrast to ‘primodialists’, the ‘instrumentalists’ treat
ethnicity as a social, political and cultural resource for different interest and status-
groups (Brass, 1991; Cohen, 1974).
In short ethnicity can be used to build unity and solidarity within a fragmented,
weak community that is seeking to attain some form of equality. It also benefits
society only to the extent that it aids individuals and groups in the transition from
one state to another5.
Most of the countries in the world are multiethnic and the population is divided
into heterogeneous groups within the framework of existing state structures. The
groups are distinguished according to certain ethnic attributes and may be referred
to as ethnies. Through ethnicity, these groups demand equal opportunities in social,
economic and cultural fields. Sometimes their ways to achieve these goals have
proved violent, and then comes ethnic conflict.
There are again several sources of ethnic conflict. Economic inequalities and
transformations are particularly important. But the major sources are cultural,
linguistic and religious differences. Also, there are international conflicts triggered

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by ethnic differences: conflicts between national states which are caused or

exacerbated by ethnic movements of secession and irredentism6.
These above causes of ethnic conflict have been seen in Thailand. In order to
discuss ethnic disparities in Thailand, we should first explain its location and the
number of ethnic groups.

Thailand: Its Location and Ethnic Groups:

The Kingdom of Thailand is located at the center of mainland Southeast Asia. It is
bordered on the west and north by Myanmar, to the northeast by Laos and to the
southeast by Cambodia. It extends southward along the Isthmus of Kra to the
Malay Peninsula where it borders Malaysia. It has a maximum dimension of about
2500 km north to south and 1250 km east to west.
Thailand is a multiethnic country with a great variety of ethnic groups. Ethnically
Thailand is a heterogeneous nation but in terms of population Thailand is
homogeneous, with more than 85 percent speaking a Tai language and sharing a
common culture (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, January 2010). The
ethnic group of Thailand can be divided into three categories: 1. Thais; 2. Hill peoples
of the North; 3. other groups include the Chinese and minorities in the South7.
Estimates in 1957 concerning ethnic groups in Thailand are as follows:
Thai 18,585,000
Chinese 3,000,000
Malay 670,000
Cambodian 185,000
Vietnamese 25,000
Indian and Pakistani 60,000
Mon 60,000
Karen 60,000
Westerners 5,000
Others 150,000
Total 22,800,000
Source: The 1957 Population and Housing Census, National Statistical Office, Office of the Prime
Minister, Thailand.

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Thais may be divided into four major groups: Central Thai (Siamese) of the Central
valley; the Northeastern Thai (Lao) of the Northeast (Khorat); the Northern Thai
(Lanna) of North Thailand; and Southern Thai (Chao Pak Thai) of Peninsular
Thailand. The Thai’s migration from southern China began during the 11th century.
Central Thai have been the dominant group culturally, politically and economically.
It comprises about 32 percent of Thailand’s population. Central Thai retain their
prestigious identity irrespective of whether they live in the core Central Thai regions
of Central Thailand or elsewhere in the nations8.
Ethnic Groups:
Thai 75%
Chinese 14%
Others 11%
Source: The 2000 Population and Housing Census, National Statistical Office,
Office of the Prime Minister, Thailand.

Religions:
Buddhist 94.6%
Muslim 4.6%
Christian 0.7%
Other 0.1%
Source: The 2000 Population and Housing Census, National Statistical Office,
Office of the Prime Minister, Thailand.
The Northeast Thai, the second largest Thai Group are also known as the
Thai Lao or Lao Isan which indicates their similarity to the Lao across the border.
They are more like the Lao than like Central Thai in language and in some customs.
This group comprises about 30 percent of the population. They live in the northeast
region which has been run by Central Thai Administration for over 100 years and
their living standard is very poor. They survive by growing rice and other crops
and raising cattle and water buffalos for sale. The northeast thais are the followers
of Theravada Buddhism, although they also celebrate regional festivals not
celebrated by other Thais9.

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Another major Thai- speaking group is the ‘Northern Thai’. Although the
Northern Thai are assimilated into Central Thai Society, they desire to see
themselves as a distinct and major Thai group in Northern Thailand and continue
to use their own written language.
‘Southern Thai’ are another major Thai speaking group. They live in the poor
rural southern region. The Southern Thai have been influenced by the Malays of
neighboring Malaysia. The majorities are the Buddhist, but when they came into
contact with the Malays, a small Muslim minority appeared in the region. The
economic condition of the Southern Thai is very critical. For that reason many
southern thai people have migrated to other countries for employment10.
In addition to these four major Thai speaking groups, there are also a number
of ethnic minority groups in the North and North-east, most of them have either
been assimilated into the larger Thai population or retain ties to co-ethnics in Laos,
Myanmar or China. Minor groups are Phuthai, Shan, Lue, Phuan, Saek and Kharat
Thai11.
The Hill people of Thailand live in the North West region. This region is also
known as the Golden Triangle, one of Asia’s main illicit opium producing areas. It
is an area of 950,000Km2 that overlaps the mountains of four countries of Southeast
Asia: Myanmar (Burma), Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. Principal tribal groups are
Khis and Kaleung in the northeast; the Mons living in the Peninsula along the
Burmese border and the Karens living along the Northern Burmese border. They
migrated from China. The total number of population is unknown because some
individuals or communities have assimilated into Thai society, while some others
live isolated in the hills. The Chaobons are also classified as a Hill people and live
in the South and the East of the North West territory. There also exist Yamburi,
indigenous hunter gatherers. They have also been assimilated into Thai society.
There are also some 20 other minority groups including Akha, Musso, Meo, Kamuk,
Tin, Lawa, and so on. Those communities which are not assimilated into Thai
society survive by shifting cultivation in rugged, isolated mountain or dense forest
terrain. Most of the people are Buddhist in assimilated societies.
There are also many national minority (defined as a group of people which has
culture, language, race etc. distinct from those of the rest of the population and
also small in number) groups in Thailand. A major ethnic minority is the Chinese
(about 14%) who live in cities and towns in the central and southern regions. They

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are engaged in business and commerce throughout the country. The Chinese
migrated to Thailand and easily assimilated into Thai society. They remain a distinct
minority group due to continued use of the Chinese language, membership in trading
networks, and adherence to their traditional Buddhist- Taoist- confucionist religion-
all important markers of Chinese society.
In Thailand there are also some Vietnamese and Khmer who have mostly
come from Cambodia. The Vietnamese number about 70,000 (source) and Khmer
close to 1million. Also small numbers of residents from India, Europe and US live
mainly in the urban areas in Thailand. With the existence of multiple ethnic groups,
Thailand is facing various ethnic movements among these groups.

Ethnic Movement in Thailand:

These ethnic groups which we mentioned above live in Thailand with their cultures,
attitudes and religions. In spite of these differences among ethnic groups, they
lived peacefully in the past. But now they quarrel with each other for the betterment
of their living conditions and sometimes they choose the way of violent action. As
a result, Thailand has experienced unrest in each of its peripheral regions and
become an attractive subject for study by the scholars. Here we examine the
nature of the problems which have not yet disappeared.
The situation of the ‘Hill people’ of Thailand who are living inside the Thai
border is under threat. They migrated from China and live in the northern part of
Thailand. The state’s policy towards these people remained one of neglect rather
than active political and economic intervention until the early [Link] then the
government has proclaimed policies to promote the economic development and
national integration of the Northern communities. In practice, however, the relative
underdevelopment of the region and the political subordination of its communities
have intensified12. The hill peoples are also harassed by the state officials who
often violate their human rights. The hill people are deprived of Thai nationality
though there is a policy to grant Thai nationality. Historically, Thai government
policy towards the hill people has been framed with a view to preventing them
from becoming a threat to national security; curbing opium cultivation in the hilly
terrain region along the Burmese and Laotian borders and preventing de-forestation.
Thai officials claim that through shifting cultivation hill people destroyed the forests.
They are also treated as second class citizens. Overall, hill people have been

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facing some major problems including the inability to participate in the larger Thai
society and economy equally, limited access to government services, lack of land
rights and citizenship and increasing disruption of social system leading to drug
addiction, prostitution and gradual loss of cultural identity13.
The Northeast Thai group represents another restive ethnic group in Thailand.
The sole problem among the ethnic groups is communist insurgency. The
northeastern region lacks internal cultural homogeneity in that it consists of a variety
of related dialect and cultural groups14. It includes Puthai, Yuai, So, Saek and
Kaleung. There are also Chinese and Central Thais and migrant groups such as
Vietnamese refugees who have migrated recently. Other groups are Kha Brao,
Khmer, Kui and the hill tribe Chaobon. Some of them are not interested in assimilating
into the Thai society. But some desire to be included in the Thai society. For that
reason there exist inter-ethnic problems within the society. Those ethnic groups
who are not assimilated are always trying to separate themselves and form an
independent society. In order to achieve this goal they follow the path of rebellion.
The Thai- Muslim problem in Southern Thailand constitutes the most serious
ethnic group problem. It is now attracting much attention today because it is the
most violent movement and threatening regional stability. This problem has now
changed the political landscape of entire Thailand.
The Southerners are different from the majority Thai of the country- physically,
linguistically and culturally. They look like Malays, and speak Yawi, Malay dialect
as well as follow the Islamic code of life. Their geographical distance from Bangkok
and closeness to Malaysia pushes them to lean on their immediate neighbor. The
overall aim of the southerners is the establishment of an independent Islamic State.
For achieving this goal, they have begun a separatist movement which is threatening
the stability of the country Thailand.
The separatist movement in Southern Thailand began in the early 1900s. The
root causes of this movement are a complex mixture of history, ethnicity and religion,
fueled by socio- economic disparities, poor governance and political grievances15.
The problem in Southern provinces started when King Chulalongkorn decided
to speed up the process of assimilation and centralize the administration in 1901.
After that the three provinces wrapped by violence, Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani
originally formed the part of an independent entity called the Pattani Kingdom
which was slowly included by the Thai state from the late 18th century onwards.

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The two Anglo Siamese treaties in 1902 and 1909 resulted in the formal incorporation
of the three provinces into Thailand, while the rest of the Pattani kingdom became
part of British Malaya16. After 1910, the Siamese government began to emphasize
the use of Thai language. There was a concerted attempt to educate the Malays
in Thai (Dulyakasem 1991, p.141) and this led to periodic protests in the southern
provinces. Siam then embarked on a centralizing policy that led to the imposition
of Thai administrative officials in the three southern Malay provinces. Most of
these officials were Thai Buddhist and unfamiliar with the local Malay language
and Muslim culture that led to social antagonism.
In the three provinces of Yale, Nrathiwat and Pattni, the majority of population
were Malay-Muslim. They spoke Malayu and adhered to Islam. Soon after the
introduction of 1921 Primary Education Act, a major rebellion was organized in
1922 by Tengku Abdul Kadir from Kalatan, where he moved in 1915. Beginning in
the 1920s the Thai government initiated the policy of forced assimilation with the
aim of turning this Malay Muslim into Thai- Muslim17. A modernization program
was also introduced to eliminate ‘backward’ Islamic customs and dialects and
impose uniformity in language and social behavior.
During the 1930s and 1940s, the government declared that Pondoks (religious
schools), Madrassa like schools should give instruction in Thai instead of Malay
and Arabic. Local Malay Muslims saw this as a threat to their identity and Pondoks
began to encourage Pan- Malay Nationalism and Islamic revivalism through their
curricula18. After that thousand of Thai Muslim youth after completing their pondok
education started going to other Muslim universities.
The Malay Muslims of Southern Thailand realized that national integration is
the source of their own cultural disintegration. They also believed that Thai Buddhist
and Malay Muslims belong to two different cosmological orientations.
The era of the Second World War (1939-45) was marked by protests, riots
and the Dusun Nyor (Dasunnayur) uprising19. Led by Haji Sulong, Chairman of
Pattani Provincial Islamic Council the rebels made seven ethno-religious demands
to the Central government, focusing on political freedom for the Malays and the
preservation of their language. His only religious demand was the recognition and
enforcement of Muslim Law. But his effort to sever the Malay region from the
rest of the country was put down by the Central Thai authorities.

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Organization and Mobilization of Ethnic Groups in the South:

The period of 1960s and 1970s marked a new phase of political tension in the
region and Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat became a zone of dissidence and this
situation has further deteriorated to the extent that the so-called Deep South is
now in the throes of full-scale ethnoreligious insurgency. In this period a variety
of militant separatist movements occurred in the Southern Thai provinces. The
common aim of these movements was to carve out an independent Muslim state
with Pattani as the center. Violent action in pursuit of this objective typically fell
into the classic pattern of low-intensity conflict, generally involving ambushes,
kidnappings, assassinations, extortion, sabotage and bomb attacks20. Their main
aim was also to create a sense of insecurity among ethnic Thais living in the region
and to mount more pressure on the central government to accept the political
demands of Malay Muslim separatism. In that period some groups emerged which
were in the forefront of this unrest. They are as follows—
BarisanRevelusi Nasional (BRN): BRN was formed in 1960 by Abdul Karim
Hassan in a response to a government education program that forced the network
of nominally independent religious boarding schools in Pattani to take as a secular
curriculum in addition to their Islamic studies21. It rejected the Thai Constitution
and wanted to bring about complete secession of the South Muslim provinces to
form an independent Pattani state.
Pattani United Liberation Organization (PULO): PULO was the most
prominent and active rebel group among the other groups operating in Thailand. It
was formed in 1960 by Tengku Bira Kotanila and followed a dual track policy of
both non-violent and violent action. Its non-violent action was the improvement of
education standards among the Southern Malay population. Through armed action,
this group wanted to draw international attention to the plight of the indigenous
Southern Thai population and wanted to establish a separate wing known as the
Pattani United Liberation Army.
New PULO: Furthermore, a split within PULO saw the creation of a group called
New PULO in 1995 led by A-rongMuleng and Haji Abdul Rohman Bazo22. The
goal of this faction appears to align with that of its parent.
Barisan Nasional Pembebasan Pattani (BNPP): Along with BRN, PULO,New
PULO, there was another group operating in Southern Thailand called BNPP led

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by Tengku Abdul Jalal. Islam was part of its policy.

Barisan Bersatu Kemerdekaan Pattani (Bersatu): Due to their different
ideological outlooks BRN, PULO, BNPP and New PULO, never managed to
attain their actual objective. Operating under the umbrella of Bersatu, they carried
out a coordinated series of bombings and shooting attacks code named Falling
Leaves that resulted in 9 deaths, several injuries and economic damage23.
The activities of these organizations dropped markedly by the late 1980s because
of the demise of the New PULO. In that period the government also defeated the
separatist insurgency in the south through a combination of improved governance,
economic development projects, and blanket amnesties for the insurgents and
stepped-up security cooperation with neighboring Malaysia. Another attempt was
made through the Southern Borders Provinces Administrative Center (SBPAC),
established in 1981 under the Ministry of Interior(MoI) to formulate broad ranging
policies for defusing tension.
Despite these policies taken by the Thai government to normalize the situation in
the southern provinces, violence re-erupted. After assuming power in 2001, Thaksin
Shinawatra dismantled the SBPAC and imposed martial law in the Deep South. In
protest separatist movements has resurfaced in southern Thailand.
The first signs of a re-emergence of violence showed at the end of 2001, when
five- well coordinated attacks on police posts in Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat left
five officers and one village defense volunteer dead. The number of incidents
increased from 75 in 2002 to 119 in 2003. But the two most significant incidents
occurred in 2004. They are the Krue Se (April28, 2004) and Tak Bai (October25,
2004) incidents.
Kreu Se Jihad: In protest against martial law, on April 28, 2004, religious militants
assaulted military forces and occupied the famous Krue Se Mosque in Pattani, a
symbol of Malay Muslim resistance to Thai (Siamese) domination. This incident
led to a large public media debate about the methods employed in dealing with the
situation.
Tak Bai Incident: There was another incident in Tak Bai district of Narathiwat.
86 Muslims died who demonstrated against the jailing of a local Muslim accused
of inciting violence, due to the suffocation in trucks on which they were piled on
for transportation to a military camp.

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These two incidents in 2004 marked another phase of insurgency. After these two
incidents the government realized that they should concentrate on promoting a
secular curriculum rather than censoring religious education through the pondok.

Recent Trends:
Between January 2004 and the end of August 2007, the number of attacks increased
day by day. In that period two groups were responsible for the majority of attacks.
First are the BarisanRevolusi Nasional- koordinasi (BRN-C) and its right wing
RundaKumpalan Kecil (RKK). The second is Gerekan Mujahideen Islami Pattani
(GMIP). Their overriding goal would seem to be the creation of a separate Malay-
Muslim state incorporating three provinces, Yala ,Narathiwat and Pattani within
five years. In order to achieve independent statehood, these groups (BRN-C and
GMIP) have adopted some strategies. The first is to shatter the fabric of society
in the south, polarize society, force Thai Buddhists to migrate and destroy Thailand’s
governmental structure in the Deep South. To date, the militants have achieved a
high degree of success. Another notable incident occurred in April 2005. Militants
exploded bomb at Hat Yai International Airport, The French owned Carrefour
Supermarket, and the Green Palace Hotel in Songkhla. In August 2006, 22
Commercial Banks were targeted for bombings. In December 2006, the Bangkok
Post reported that separatist groups were planning to form an alternative government
for the Islamic Pattani state which included their own flag.
During 2006-2007 the situation was controlled by new Prime Minister General
Surayud. He apologized for the mishandling of the crisis by the Thaksin government.
He also revived SBPAC under its new name of Southern Border Provinces
Development Center (SBPDC) which is playing a crucial role in resolving the
Southern Conflict to create mutual acceptance and trust between Thai Buddhists
and Malay Muslims. PM General Surayud also took some measures such as
delivering justice, recognizing local language and culture, and letting locals manage
their own affairs24. He tried to solve the problem in Southern Thailand but at last
he failed to do so.
The situation was partly controlled by new premier Samak Sundaravej in 2008.
He initiated some form of autonomy to solve the problem in the Southern provinces.
Samak government proposed joint military and private business ventures to boost

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the local economy for ending insurgency in the South. The government also
transferred the responsibility for running the southern provinces to the army. Despite
several steps taken by the Samak Government, the situation could not be totally
controlled.
After the Samak Government, the Somchai Wangseat Government also unveiled
a strategy to solve the problem. He wanted to improve the economic condition of
Deep South. But the condition is still deteriorating.
Nowadays the instability in the South has been marked by an explicit religious,
jihadist undertone. Separatists frequently attack drinking houses, gambling halls,
Karaoke bars and other establishments associated with western decadence and
secularism. They also distributed leaflets (printed in Malay language) warning the
local people to wear traditional muslim dress and fully respect the Friday holiday.
The situation in Southern Thailand remains highly worrying and the government
should adopt some measures to curb this problem as soon as possible.
The problems in the peripheral regions in Thailand are the result of decades of
economic backwardness, the cultural hegemony of Thai Buddhism, lack of
employment opportunities, the non-recognition of religious, linguistic, and cultural
diversity within the Thai polity and widespread feelings of deliberate neglect by
Bangkok.
While the northeast is the poorest region, measured against core indicators of
economic development, Pattani, Yala and Narahiwat are among the least developed
provinces of the country25 . Government policies towards the promotion of
development in these areas failed to reduce regional economic disparities. But the
situation in north, northeast, northwest Thailand is apparently well tackled by the
Thai government. At the same time the volatile condition in the southern region
could not be tackled by the Thai government.
State responses to the upsurge in separatist violence proved futile and
exacerbated the situation. During the Thaksin era (2001-2006), some measures
had been taken to tackle the problem. In 2001, when the separatist sentiment was
on the rise, Thaksin dismissed the violence as a turf war between rival criminal
gangs. He did not want to know the actual reason behind the unrest. In 2002, he
abolished the SBPAC and the Civil-Military Task Force 43(CMP-43) which were
the key elements in the Thai government’s successful counter insurgency campaign.

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He transferred the responsibility to keep peace in the south from the army to
police. In 2004, when major violent incidents occurred, the Thaksin administration
could no longer ignore the problem and declared martial law in the south.
In other words, state responses also helped to fuel the separatist sentiment. In
February 2005, the government announced that the south would be divided into
red, yellow, and green zones; red zones contained villages deemed to be supporting
the insurgents and would be denied government funding26. This policy was widely
condemned. After the bombings in Yala in July 2005, the government announced
an Emergency Decree after revoking martial law. These new measures gave the
security services immunity from prosecution and the power to search and make
arrests without warrants and to hold the suspects for seven days without charge27.
The new measures give the license to the security forces to kill.
Not all the measures taken by the Thaksin government were harsh. In March
2005, in response to domestic as well as international pressure following the Tak
Bai incident, Thaksin appointed a National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) to
find a peaceful solution to the conflict. Its recommendations included, inter alia,
the need to right past injustices, encourage greater participation by Malay Muslims
in decision-making bodies and allow the use of the local dialect as a working
language by government officials. To achieve peace, the Thaksin government was
ready to talk secretly to the exiled leaders of separatist organizations which had
been active from the 1960s until the late 1980s, such as PULO, BRN and Bersatu.
But no such kind of fruitful outcome was achieved by these secret talks.
The Thaksin government’s heavy-handed response to the violence not only
embittered separatist movements but also strained the relations with neighboring
countries such as Malaysia. So that it can be illustrated that the state responses
under the Thaksin government proved futile.
In order to improve the economic condition of the three provinces (Yala,
Narathiwat and Pattani) plus Satun and Songkhla, Surayud designated these places
as a special economic zone. He realized that economic backwardness was one of
the main reasons for the secessionist movement. To improve the educational
standards in the south, Surayud announced some new scholarship programs for
Malay-Muslims attending university. But the real problem lies in the provisions of
primary and secondary education.

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It was hoped that the Surayud government’s adoption of a new strategy would
result in a drop in the level of violence in the south. But these hopes were belied.
The number of bombings, assassinations and acts of arson increased dramatically.
Instead of relying entirely on the traditional law and order approach, the government
should undertake effective measures that will solve the whole problem. More
autonomy should be given to the provinces. Local political organs such as village
councils should be given more authority. Police forces should be localized. The
government should undertake a ‘mass education’ program leading to more political
consciousness and active participation of the public in civil affairs. Drastic reforms
should immediately be undertaken before “the Land of Smiles” turns into “the
Land of Blood and Tears”.28

Conclusion:
Ethnic problems in Thailand mainly in the South have more recently become the
focus of so much international attention. This ethnic violence in Thailand may
soon attract transnational actors who see this conflict as a skirmish in a greater
global “War on Terror”.

Notes and References:

1. R. Williams, Keywords (Flamingo, 1976), p.119.
2. N. Glazer and D. P. Moynihan: Ethnicity- Theory and Experience ( Harvard, UP, 1975), p.
1.
3. Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, Second Edition, Anthropological
Perspectives, Pluto Press ( 2002), p. 1.
4. Thomas Hylland Eriksen: Ethnicity and Nationalism,( London: Pluto Press, 1993), p. 10.
5. Nathan Glazer, Andrew M. Greeley, Orlando Patterson and Daniel P. Moynihan: ‘What is
Ethnicity’, Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol-27, No-8 ( May
1974), p. 27.
6. J. Hutchison and A.D. Smith, Ethnicity,( New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp.
3-4.
7. David Levinson: Ethnic Groups World Wide: A Ready Reference Handbook, (Oryx

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Dr. Purabi Barman

Press, c 1998), p. 287.

8. Ibid. p. 287.
9. David Levinson: Ethnic Groups World Wide: A Ready Reference Handbook, (Oryx
Press, c 1998), p. 287.
10. Wendell Blanchard: Thailand, its people, its society, its culture, (HRAF Press, 1970).
11. David Levinson: Ethnic Groups World Wide: A Ready Reference Handbook, (Oryx
Press, c 1998), p. 287.
12. David Brown: The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia, (National University of
Singapore, Dec, 1992), p. 167.
13. BoonthanSakanand: “Hill tribes’ anger boil over” (atimes. Com, July 29, 1999), p. 1
14. David Brown: The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia, (National University of
Singapore, Dec, 1992), p. 171.
15. Ian Storey: “Ethnic Separatism in Southern Thailand: Kingdom Fraying at the edge?”
Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies, (March 2007), p. 2
16. Ibid, p. 2
17. Ian Storey: “Ethnic Separatism in Southern Thailand: Kingdom Fraying at the edge?”
Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies, (March 2007), p. 2.
18. Imtiyaz Yusuf: “Ethnoreligious and Political Dimensions of the Southern Thailand
Conflict” in Islam and Politics: Renewed and Resistance in the Muslim World, Amil
Pandya, Ellen Laipson (eds) (The Henry L. Stimson Center, c 2009), p. 47
19. Itty Abraham, Sumie Nakaya: “Uncertainty, Knowledge and Violence in Southern
Thailand”, Economic and Political Weekly, June 16, 2007, p.2304.
20. Peter Chalk: “The Malay Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Understanding the
Conflicts Evolving Dynamic”, RAND (NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE)
Corporation, c 2008, p 5.
21. Ibid, p. 5
22. Rohan Gunaratna, Arabindo Acharya and Sabrina Chua: Conflict and Terrorism in
Southern Thailand, (Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2005), p. 39.
23. Peter Chalk: “The Malay Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Understanding the
Conflicts Evolving Dynamic”, RAND (NATIONAL DEFENSE RESEARCH INSTITUTE)
Corporation, c 2008, p. 8

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24. Imtiyaz Yusuf: “Ethnoreligious and Political Dimensions of the Southern Thailand
Conflict” in Islam and Politics: Renewed and Resistance in the Muslim World, Amil
Pandya, Ellen Laipson (eds) (The Henry L. Stimson Center, c 2009), p. 50
25. A. Ashayagachat: “Apology Not Enough, say Experts”, Bangkok Post, November 6,
2006, p. 10.
26. Aurel Croissant: “Unrest in South Thailand: Contours, Causes and Consequences
Since 2001” Contemporary Southeast Asia, 27, no-1 (2005), p. 27
27. Ian Storey: “Ethnic Separatism in Southern Thailand: Kingdom Fraying at the edge?”
Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies, (March 2007), p. 6
28. “Ethnicity Mid Political Unrest In Thailand” by Jingjai Han chanlash. Paper presented
at the Annual Conference of the Canadian Society for Asian Studies, Laval University,
Quebec, May 1976.

212
Simulation: An Alternative to Mindreading
Dyuti Ghosh

Abstract
There is no doubt that philosophy is a discipline that has evolved in all parts of the world
in an unique way basing on the socio cultural backdrop. Among the dominant domains of
philosophy there is the domain of philosophy of mind. In this paper I would like to highlight
the role of simulation as an alternative method of knowing other minds. I will thus discuss
the epistemological problem of mind which majorly focuses on ‘how do we know other
minds’. Speaking about the historical background of the different theories of mind, I
would gradually shift into the understating of other minds in the 21st century. I would
then like to establish why simulation, which is a first personal account of mind reading,
stands out as an better alternative than the prevailing account of theory-theory.
Keywords: argument by analogy, authority, theory-theory, simulation theory, folk
psychology, theory of mind, first personal approach, third personal approach.

Simulation: An Alternative to Mindreading

1.A Brief mapping of the developments of the problems in the domain of
philosophy of mind:
Since ages, philosophers have always raised questions very successfully and
efficiently. It is true that they probably have not succeeded to resolve them, but
that does not make their questions any less relevant. From such varied range of
questions different fields of philosophy have evolved over different courses of
time. For example, in the 18th century, the main focus was on metaphysics, later
this focus was shifted to epistemology. In the beginning of the 20th century
philosophy of language became prevalent, and in the 21st century, it is the era of
consciousness. Although it seems that we have come a long way, if we really dive
within, we will see that probably we have been able to figure out the nature of the
physical world to some extent, but the realm of mind still remains unexplored and
is largely unknown to us till date. In this paper I would try to highlight some of the
important theories of the domain of philosophy of mind and will also try to shed a
little light on why philosophy of mind and its pertinent questions are still prevalent
in the recent times. I would start by discussing a little bit about the metaphysical
questions and will then shift to the epistemological ones.
[Link] Scholar, Department of Philosophy Jadavpur University 188,Raja SC Mallick Road Kolkata:
700032, West Bengal, India

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

Let me begin by introducing certain ideas and questions about mind. Mind
itself is such an entity that appears to be very unique in nature and is different
from all other things that we generally perceive. We all think that we are free by
mind. The mental ability of an organism appears to be both dependent and
independent of nature and thus it becomes difficult for us to determine its place in
nature. Philosophers of mind have been trying to figure out this problem for long.
The different problems of this area can be classified into four broad group following
Paul Churchland. Paul Churchland, in his book Matter and Consciousness (1984),
has divided the areas into four broad sections.
a. Ontological issues (deals with existence of things)
b. Epistemological issues (deals with knowledge)
c. Semantic issues (deals with relation between words and meanings)
d. Methodological issues (deals with various methods of knowing mind)
Both in West and India, common sense views of mind always say that mind and
body together makes a man and both are intimately connected. This is the starting
point of philosophy of mind. If we admit that mind and body are two different
substance which are related, the question then arises, how do they interact with
each other. This question was first raised by Descartes, and since then, many
philosophers have continued to do so. In the dualist tradition mind and body are
accepted as two different substances and it is regarded that the nature and
characteristics of mind as a substance is entirely opposite to that of body. The
mental substances are conscious, non-extended and is free to some extent, whereas,
the physical substances have extension but are non-conscious. Physical entities
have a spatial existence, whereas mental entities have a temporal one. Although
we characterise them into two very contrasting categories, we can never deny
that they are related to each other. We do create a causal link between them. But
the question is, how do these two substances, whose characteristics are opposite,
interact with one another. Descartes mentioned the presence of penial gland where
the mind and body interact. But this is not a very acceptable solution as it was later
proved that no such gland exists.
Now, if we say mind is not a substance, it is merely a property or suppose we
say that there is a neutral substance with neutral character which has mental and
physical properties, even that does not solve the problem. The question, how does

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Dyuti Ghosh

mind act upon body and vice versa, still remains a mystery. If someone was to say
that mind does not act upon body, then a question would thus arise, why did mind
evolve at all? So, mind cannot just be an epiphenomenal property of matter. There
are others who think that mind evolves from matter and once it does, it then becomes
independent, after which there is an interaction between the two. So, there are
various sorts of theories in this particular area.
When the dualist failed to give a satisfactory solution to this, some thought that
autonomy should not be given to mind. They held that mind can be reduced to
something else. Mind, to them, is nothing but a vocabulary, which can be completely
eliminated. While dealing with the questions ‘whether mind exists’, ‘what is the
nature of mind’ , etc, we find different kind of ontological theories, for these are
the ontological problems regarding mind. In the domain of metaphysical problems
of mind, we deal with different kinds of dualism, epiphenomenalism etc. we try to
understand their standpoints regarding mind.
The next set of questions that we would deal with are the epistemological
questions. The main concerns are, ‘how can we know minds’, ‘how can we know
other minds’ , etc. Traditionally the nature of problem of other minds was both
metaphysical and epistemological. To some extent, if we try to draw it further it
can be said that they were methodological also. The metaphysical problem is often
bracketed because in psychology (both scientifically and philosophically) of
contemporary era, mind is regarded as a physical entity. In 20th century and 21st
century, mind is not accepted as something independent of the material world. So,
in this system the question that whether mind exists or not, becomes obsolete. Yet,
how will we resolve the asymmetry between the status of knowledge of other
minds and my own mind, still remains unresolved. This problem is still prevalent
because in contemporary times also the first-person access is still taken quite
seriously. This is one continuity between the traditional and the contemporary
problems of other minds. We still think that we can know our mind in such a way
in which no one else can know it. Thus we have a sense of authority regarding our
mind and our own mental states. And as an effect, we think that we cannot know
the mind of others in the same way, with the same clarity as we know our own
minds. This is the asymmetry that prevails between the status of knowledge about
our own minds and other minds. One way of knowing other minds was the method
of analogy which held that by experience we know ourselves and our own minds,

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basing on which we can infer other minds too. We have an assurance that we
have minds and we are also sure about the fact that there is a connection between
our mind and the behaviour that we exhibit. We can perceive similar kinds of
behaviour exhibited by other people around us and thus by analogy we can conclude
that they too possess mind. This is the classic argument by analogy which was
given by strong empiricists like Mill. Although this is an age-old argument, yet
various philosophers in the recent times also deal with this method. The methods
which we got for solving the problem of other minds those same methods are
discussed in a new form in the contemporary times also. There are two major
solutions in the contemporary times. One of them is the theory theory approach
and the other is the simulation theory approach.

2. Theory theory: the belief- desire folk psychological account.

In case of the Theory Theory approach, which was previously known as the
functionalist strategy, propose that there is a necessary application of folk
psychology while knowing other minds. They hold that mental states are not directly
observable and theory of mind necessarily needs a system of inference. To them,
there is a theory of mind from which we draw inferences in order to attribute
mental states to other people. This a very detached third personal approach. While
reading other people’s mind or while attributing certain mental states to them we
usually draw our inferences basing on certain laws and generalisations of causal
relations between the observed and unobserved behaviour. They believe in the
presence of a boxological diagram, where there are boxes labelled as ‘folk
psychology’ and ‘folk physics’ which are within an overall ‘belief box’. Thus, for
them, to know a subject matter is one thing and the thoughts about knowing the
subject matter is an independent thing. They presuppose a strict rationality as a
condition for mind-reading. This restricts the domain of knowing other minds and
rules out the capabilities of babies, autistic children, children with down syndrome,
etc of having knowledge about other minds. They say, we grasp principles about
how particular thoughts are connected with the content. But these principles do
not depend on the connections between the state of affairs and the thoughts. And
the grasp on these kind of principles helps in forming successful predictions about
the thoughts of others. So this definitely demands a strong rationality as a
presupposition of knowing other minds. Thus, the belief-desire folk psychological

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understanding of other minds remains a detached third personal approach and

fails to bridge the gap between the target and the knower. It will not be right for us
to think that this is the only prevailing method following which we get to know
about the mental states of others.

3. Simulation Theory: An alternative ‘first personal’ account of mindreading.

There is an alternative approach of knowing other minds. And that is simulation
theory. This is not a detached third personal approach like that of theory theory.
Rather it is a theory which takes the first personal approach. It was mainly
propounded by Robert Gordon and Jane Heal and Alvin I. Goldman. They tried to
prove that it was not necessary to rely on any belief desire folk psychological
method to know other minds. We all have minds. Yet, it always seems that the
way in which we know our own minds is never the same as any other form of
knowledge. We know our mind by practices. But in case of knowing others, we
observe their behaviour. As the first step we imagine ourselves in the other person’s
place and we try to understand his/her situation. So, we are using our power of
imagination by which we actually are ascribing some mental state to the other
person. When we again comeback to ourselves, we then take the help of the third
person ascription. Thus, the methodology in case of simulation is first personal and
the ascription is third personal. Let us take up some examples to understand the
simulation theory. Suppose there are two bottles of coke of 500 ml each. In such
case, we can use one bottle as the model of the other. If someone asks how much
water can the second bottle hold, we can easily fill up the first bottle and make the
person understand. When there are two similar things, we can use one to understand
the other. We must remember that suppose instead of two bottles of coke of
500ml each, if there is one bottle of coke and another bottle of Pepsi, even then we
can fill the bottle of coke of 500ml to show how much water a bottle of Pepsi of
500ml can hold. Thus, we need to understand it very clearly that similarity does
not mean sameness. But, if someone asks whether a table or chair can be a model
of a bottle or not, the answer would always be ‘no’. Because, in case of simulation,
if we want to show something as a model of something, there needs to be a
similarity either in functionality or in the ideas. Simulation is a process by which
we understand one entity or process with the help of some sort of similarity and
not by theory or calculations. Here we take the help of age old idea of argument

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by analogy and understand others’ mental states presupposing that they are same
as us. Just as we can predict different things about our future and about which we
are unsure of, we can also do so in case of others also as they are same as us.
Now let us take a concrete example. Suppose there is an aeroplane and a model
aerodrome. When one aeronautical engineer creates an airplane, it goes through
various test flights. For this testing it is not possible to put the new airplane on the
sky. Thus, they have a model aerodrome which has wind turbulences and all other
environmental conditions which would actually be there in the real environment
when the airplane flies in real life. The wind tunnel is the model of the actual
environment. When an airplane can fly properly in an aerodrome only then it is
launched. This is a very good example of simulation process. Alvin I. Goldman
says in general there is a distinction between theory driven and process driven
simulation. The aforesaid example is an example of both process and theory driven
simulation. The aeronautical engineer must know the process of how an airplane
flies which makes the simulation process driven, and he must also know the theory
of creating an aerodrome and must abide by mathematical law of physics which
makes this theory driven also. But, if we take the example of prediction of forest
fire, then we can see that forest fire spreads rapidly and thus the prediction of it
becomes very important. The scientists thus create a grid map of the area and
they actually model the whole thing statistically and mathematically and they model
the whole thing theoretically. This is not at all process driven, it is totally based on
calculations. It is very important to carefully make this distinction between process
driven and theory driven simulation.
Let us now move to mental simulation and see which kind of simulation will
they refer to. The people who propound simulation theory always try to say that
there is no need of applying any theory of mind to understand the mental states of
others. In our day-to-day life we need to understand other people. Actually, one
human being is a natural model of the other. Two person may not be totally the
same but they do have some kind of similarities or some alikeness. Basing on that
we do a kind of process driven simulation. Suppose I see that my friend calls me
and says that she won’t be able to come to see me that day. Now, suppose I notice
that while telling this to me over phone, her voice shivered. So, in such a situation
I will place myself in my friend’s situation and will try to think why did she say so
and why did her voice shiver, basing on which I will arrive at a conclusion. And

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then I will again switch to being myself and say that ‘yes, she may have this kind
of problem’.
We know that the fundamental assumption of simulation theory is similarity or
something close to identification. Now, there can be simple and complex simulation.
In both the cases we do not use any sort of complex theory of mind. If there is any
theory involved, they are the theories about the world or about our sameness with
others. What we do is, we simply put ourselves into others shoes and try to
understand the situation. This a very first personal approach. But we do not do the
actions which are followed by such situation. We understand the situation by placing
ourselves in the other persons position and we then come out of that first person
approach and we ascribe some mental state to that person. This is something can
even be done by a child. Suppose a child sees his/her friend crying. We see that
often that child also starts crying. This a very simple form of simulation and is
often known as catching. This also happens between a mother and a child which
is often called emotional contagion. Again, suppose there is an infant who is not of
the age to fully express their feelings. Yet, seeing various behavioural outburst the
mother can understand what the child is feeling or what he/she needs. How does
the mother do this? She places herself in the shoes of the child and then there is
shift of role, that is the mother thinks herself to be the child and she tries to understand
that under what circumstances she would project behaviour of the said kind. This
is the first personal approach. The mother then again shifts back to her own self
and she ascribes a mental state to the child which helps her to understand the
actual need of the child. Thus, in our regular lives we always go through a process
of simulation. Someone who has down syndrome may not possess the knowledge
of a strong and well knit theory of mind and may not have knowledge of the
connections of the conditionals. Yet they understand and can correctly predict
many behaviours of their immediate care givers. And this is done by simulation
where there is no necessity of accepting a strong and strict form of rationality. If
we opt for the theory of theory theory as a methodology to understand the mental
states of others, we fail to take such situations into account. There is no need to
think that simulation is only possible in the aforementioned type of situations.
However, complex the situation may be, we can always simulate our fellow beings.
Some may ask what if the other person pretends in front of me, and what if they
showcase such behavioural states in which is not an expression of what he/she is

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actually feeling. There is always a room for such conditions. But simulation does
not claim that it is always right. But, just because of that we cannot deny that we
do understand other people around us on regular basis without any complex theory
of mind. If we would have always believed that others portray wrong behaviour,
then communication would have become impossible. Simulation theory thus acts
as a first personal process of understanding other minds and it shows us that
understanding other minds is not necessarily an abstruse process involving some
difficult theory of mind.
Thus, I want to highlight that understanding other minds, which is not only a
concern for philosophers alone, but also is equally important area for even a layman,
is not something difficult and strongly complex as the theory theory or the
functionalist theory claims it to be. It also shows how philosophy is intrinsically
related to our daily lives and our several interpretations of others. In a situation so
dire, when we are in a need to stay knitted to each other, when there is a necessity
to try and understand our fellow mates, the people surrounding us, we do not need
a theory of mind which makes it complex and difficult to understand each other.
We rather need a process or theory which is not detached rather is majorly first
personal and inclusive. Here lies the importance of simulation theory and thus
here lies the importance of philosophy of mind as a domain even today.

References
• Churchland, M. Paul. (1984). Matter and Conciousness (3rd ed). Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press.
• Goldman, I. Alvin. (2006). Simulating Minds: The Philosophy, Psychology,
and Neuroscience of Mindreading. New York: Oxford University Press.
• Gordon, [Link]. (1986). Folk Psychology as Simulation. Mind and
Language, 1(2), 158-171.
• Harman, G. (1973). Thought. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
• Heal, Jane. (2003). Mind, Reason and Imagination. Philosophy of Mind and
Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Nichols, S.; Stitch, S; Leslie, A.; and Klein D. (1996). Varieties of Off-Line
Simulation. In P. Carruthers and P. K. Smith, (eds.), Theories of Theories of
Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Bankim Chadra Chattopadhyay's Rajmohan's Wife: An
Eastern Figure in Western Dress
Atasi Sahoo

Abstract
The cultural and linguistic analysis of the first Indian novel in English throws light on the
glorious attempt made by the mind hidden behind this novel. Though 'a false start',
Rajmohan's Wife presents before us the representatives of both eastern and western ideas
as Bankim was an English educated Indian. Under the veil of English language, he has put
the contemporary middle class Bengali life, including the helplessness and claustrophobia
of women in discordant marriages, the power-structure within the family among upper-
caste Bengalis in the nineteenth century. My paper endeavors to sketch out how very
much surprisingly Bankim has wrapped a fully Indian theme within the western cloth
portraying a woman of uncommon vitality who refused to be totally dominated and
subjugated either by her brutal husband or by the expectations of claustrophobic patriarchal
society, using the techniques of Victorian novel writing or the classic realist novels of
nineteenth century Europe, the trends of Romantic writing and also sometimes taking the
help of Vaisnav poetry and Gothic writing. This paper engages itself in discussion on
various issues regarding Bankim's attempt to illustrate his contemporary Indian culture
through the medium of English after being influenced by the acquired language and its
literature.

Keywords: Realism, romance, Gothic, fatalism, new woman, Englishness

Literature provides an open space for the amalgamation of different elements

undergoing a process of evolution, depending on numerous changes allowing the
readers to have a mysterious trip to the creative world. This creative world is
minutely connected to the socio-cultural aspect of Bengali society and has been
enriched collecting its stuff from home and the world. The creative minds of Bengal
have enriched the creative space by their enormous contribution starting from the
time of Renaissance till now. The Renaissance in Bengal in nineteenth century has
got its fullest fruition through the progressive pens of the great architects of literature
namely Michael Madhusudan Dutt, Vidyasagar, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyaya,
Rabindranath Tagore, Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay and others. Simultaneously, a
very bright and dazzling connecting link was formed between Indian culture and
SACT-I, Department of English, Raja N.L. Khan Women’s College, Paschim Medinipur, West Bengal.

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western culture significantly as a result of commercial purposes of the Europeans.

Literature of Bengal before the Renaissance was very limited and was confined
within a very short boundary producing rhymes, poems, essays etc. But later on,
we can perceive a massive growth of literature with the impact of various other
innovative techniques. Like drama, the birth of novel in Bengali literature is also the
result of the inspiration of English literature. The present form of novel writing is
actually the valuable gift of western literature. The pioneer of successful novel
writing in Bengali is Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay as Brajendra Nath Banerji
announces in the “Preface” to Rajmohan's Wife, “Bengal's first great novelist like
Bengal's first great modern poet made his debut in the field of literature in the
English language” (Chatterjee). So, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay's attempt to
start a glorious journey actually started the splendid journey of Indian English Writing.
Now, the question regarding Bankim's initiative to use the medium of English
while writing the first novel demands a discussion. Apparently, it can be assumed
that Bankim got the inspiration from his English education. Before entering into the
academic domain of Hoogly College he had already studied English for six years
under the guidance of two Englishmen- Stydd and Sinclair, in Midnapore school.
Though he wrote a few English poems, his first endeavor in writing novel in English
language introduced the readers with his view about the Englishmen. Though in
many of Bankim's Bangla novels the English-knowing urban dilettante is the butt of
author's ridicule (for example, Debendra in Krishnakanter Will). In Rajmohan's
Wife Madhav's knowledge of English and his Calcutta background are significantly
portrayed as signs of his moral superiority over Mathur, a stereotypical image of a
Bangali, who gazes at the women as they return from the river carrying water,
indulges in vulgar gossip and uses illegal means to satisfy his greed for money. So
Bankim's portrayal of English culture depended on the language he chose to write,
based on the desired readers. On the one hand by taking this initiative, Bankim
wanted to draw the attention of the Calcutta elites and the Englishmen, who were
the government bodies of colonized India and he tried to maintain a safe and stable
position in government service. A web of interconnectedness of culture and language,
narrative voice and implied readership can be analyzed in this respect. This love
for English education among the Calcutta elites is actually the result of the steps
taken by the British government to educate the Indian people as Edward Said
makes the idea clear in his Orientalism (1978) that the Orient is the complete

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opposite of the Occident which is 'developed', 'Christian', 'progressive' and 'civilized'.

Europe had a completely negative view about the Orient, Orient is the complete
'Other'. As Said puts it, “The Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West) as
its contrasting image, idea, personality and experience” (Said 1-2). As they are
civilized and superior, they have the responsibility to shower the bliss of education
among the illiterate folk living in Orient. So, towards the end of the 18th century
and in 19th century the British missionaries took an agenda to fulfil their multipurpose
objectives such as spreading English education and religious doctrines, of course,
for the sake of their own commercial benefits. In 1857, as a result of Wood's
Despatch, three famous universities in India namely Calcutta University, Bombay
University and Madras University were established. 'English education' by that
time had become an attractive feature of posh lifestyle, thereby, it played a unique
role in the lives of the Calcutta elites, as also in the lives of similar men in the other
metropolitan areas of India. Even the word 'education' had come to be synonymous
with English education, of which the study of English literature had occupied a
major part. In this respect we should take a glance at the words of Nirad C.
Choudhuri:
From the second quarters of the nineteenth century, the word education which
had passed into Bengali speech, sometimes in the contracted from of 'ejoo', was
applied only to those who knew English well, and never to anyone else, however
learned he may be in Sanskrit or Bengali. A profound scholar who might have
been a great authority on Vedanta philosophy, would have been called a pundit, but
never an educated man. (qtd. in Chattopadhyay 140)
As a result, a little tint of westernization is apparently evident in Bangali Babu
culture and Indian literature. Bankim, one of the seven students in the first graduating
batch of Calcutta University, himself also made the idea clear about his attachment
and inclination towards Englishness in an essay “Bharatbarsher Swadhinata Ebang
Paradhinata”. He talks about the domination of British culture and language as
well as Indian's dependence on British governance. Also, he points out India's
failure to protect its countrymen from the British clutches. Along with that it's
because of the impact of British culture, the Indians are well acquainted with the
all-round progress they were making. It might be quite thought-provoking to note in
this respect that one of the distinguished younger contemporary writers of
Bankimchandra, namely Sri Aurobindo published several dedicatory pieces in a

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Bombay based journal Induprakash (1894) and in one of the essays he talks about
the problem regarding originality in other language rather than vernacular one though
he himself was a prolific writer, writing only in English. In a later essay Sri Aurobindo
again declared that Bankim was a leading figure who endowed magical spell over
the imaginative minds with his beautiful flowery language and strikingly extraordinary
character portrayal throughout his creative world.
All these convince us not to deny the dominant presence of Bankim's infatuation
towards Englishness in our first Indian English novel. Though every individual
character is portrayed diligently, they are actually the representatives of Bengali
middle-class society of 19th century India. Huge success embraced Bankim in the
romance mode with his realistic illustration and undoubtedly, he beautified this
presentation by the innovative gifts of other narrative traditions. He was enormously
influenced by the tradition of Sanskrit Kavya (for example, presentation of female
beauty wrapped by the colourful wrapper of metaphor— “charm as that of the
land-lotus half scorched and half radiant by the noon-day” (Chattopadhyay 4). He
was greatly attracted towards the Victorian narrative model of demonstrating the
female protagonists as found in Charlotte Bronte's Jane Eyre, George Eliot's
Middlemarch, Thackeray's Vanity Fair. Simultaneous influence of Victorian British
trend of writing is visible in the end as he tries to confine the whole story within the
beginning-middle-end structure finding out the rewards at the end as found in the
works of Dickens, Thackeray and Eliot. He was also greatly indebted to the elements
of Gothic novel in his evocation of horror while he portrays the light of 'a solitary
and feeble lamp' and frightening creaking of doors as found in the chapter “Captors
and Captive”. Again, the concept of fatalism that we find in the works of western
writers as well as Madhusudan Dutt, is not invisible in Bankim's Rajmohan's Wife.
Sometimes, when Matangini, the protagonist comes across any sudden crisis, she
laments mentioning the ill fate of Kulin girls. From the very beginning she has
accepted everything as only the outcomes of her fate. Along with these, we can
find Bankim's deft use of other few techniques which are available in Victorian
novel writing. From chapter- “Love Can Conquer Fear” onwards the author
occasionally enters into the narrative to make prefatory comments in the manner
of Henry Fielding's Tom Jones or Joseph Andrews. In “Love Can Conquer Fear
we find similar approach, “In which the author narrowly misses an opportunity of
introducing a few ghosts and regrets that he cannot gratify his young readers”

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(Chattopadhyay 46). Sometimes Thackeray's delineation of the theme of

conversation between the author and the reader has located itself in a few places
in the text, as in the expression 'dear reader' in chapter- “The Last Chapter in
Life's Book- and in This”. Another point is that the whole story is located at
Radhaganj, an East Bengal village by the banks of the river Madhumati. It reminds
us of the beautiful illustration of country-side in the novels of Scott and Hardy. Like
the unescapable Egdon Heath, the locality of Radhaganj attains a significant space
as a protagonist. Again, the readers of Christabel can very easily recognize the
nocturnal journey of a young girl of eighteen with a beating heart while walking
through the jungle. Bankimchandra also tried to create a connecting link between
his reformist tendency and the outer world in his creative field bringing together the
home and the world. According to the customs of traditional Hindu society, women
are restricted only to the domestic sphere but Bankim's heroines, such as Ayesha
in Durgeshnandini, Rohini in Krishnakanter Will, Saibalini in Chandrasekhar and
notably Matangini in Rajmohan's Wife do not represent the meek and docile
'patibrata' women, rather they are strong enough to deal with the shackles of
patriarchal society like 'new women' rejecting the boundaries of conservative society.
Bankim has tried to combine brilliantly the East and the West, in her use of the
words 'Jericho' and 'Durga' simultaneously. Bankim is also skilled in his dealings
with the tragic elements, reminding us the echo of Shakespearean diction in order
to intensify the dramatic impact of the Othello-like speech. Sukanya Banerjee
conveys her critical remark regarding Bankim's choice of English language to write
the novel, “That Bankim chose to write Rajmohan's Wife in novel form for Indian
field (he had earlier written in verse while in college) reflects the enthusiasm
generated by the English novel amongst the Western-educated Indians” (Banerjee
477).
The protagonist of the novel is Rajmohan's wife, the name Matangini is insignificant
as the title itself suggests her not being free from her marital status in case of her
identity referring to all the married Kulin women. But Matangini is a rebellious
figure; she is brave and embodiment of uncommon vigour and vitality. Matangini,
the eighteen-year-old 'perfect flower of beauty', is attributed with some extraordinary
qualities. Bankimchandra delved deep into the socio-cultural problems of Indian
society and dealt with the theme of emancipation of Hindu women. The novel
impels us to take a glance at the entire question of 'women' in nineteenth century,

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the helplessness, the suffering, the claustrophobia of women in incongruous

marriages. But Matangini denies to stay dominated and subjugated under the
expectations of both brutal husband and patriarchal society. She loves Madhav, her
sister's husband; going against the concept of 'ideal' wife she confesses her love
which does not suit the contemporary Indian womanhood. Matangini has been
forbidden from going to fetch water from the river but she is compelled by Kanak
to do so. Here Malashri Lal's 'The law of the threshold' is thus violated by Matangini.
As Matangini chose to cross the socially approved 'Laxmanrekha', she cannot re-
enter that same space which she left, so she must have other choice in case of her
permanent address. Even, she dares to go beyond the threshold to rescue her lover
and exposes herself to Madhav. She does not want to stay confined under the
traditional bounds. She is the representative of an emerging new modern world, full
of vitality, charm, energy, adventurousness. She has the spirit of a new woman as
we find in the works of Ibsen, G.B. Shaw and others. Like the 'new woman',
Matangini has also a voice of her own and she has enough courage to give utterance
of that. Thus, she is not merely Rajmohan's wife, as Paranjape views, “but the
'spirit' or personification of modern India itself” (Mukherjee 149). Defining
Rajmohan's Wife as a national allegory, Paranjape continues, “What the novel actually
offers is a way of mapping the Indian society of that period on a complex grid of
political, social and cultural coordinates. The novel accomplishes this through richly
textured negotiation of cultural choices for a newly emergent society which, for the
sake of convenience, we may call modern India” (147). Frederick Jameson's
words seem praiseworthy in this respect, “All third-world texts are necessarily, I
want to argue, allegorical, and in a very specific way: They are to be read as what
I will call 'national allegories', even when, or perhaps I should say, particularly
when their forms develop out of predominantly western machineries of representation,
such as the novel” (Jameson 69). Bankim has shown sympathy towards Matangini's
confession of love for Madhav, but at this very crucial moment practical Bankim
has seized the authorial flow of novelist Bankim who faces the same problem as
Matangini herself. Both the protagonist and the creator of the protagonist find
themselves puzzled due to a conflict between socially accepted marriage and 'illegal'
passion out of the institution of marriage. He could not grant this extra-marital love
affair of a wife of nineteenth century India. The author is in dilemma and as a
result of this dilemma Matangini is sent back to her father's home because as a

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representative of new world she cannot stay in this old traditional world but
unfortunately, she died an early death, unknown, unheard. The question remains
unanswered—Is it the justice towards a 'new woman'? In this respect Bankim's
attitude to the Raj can also be understood, as at the end of the novel justice is
brought by the Irish magistrate. So Bankim gives political approval to the colonizers
in a moment of crisis. Nineteenth century traditional Bengal was yet to achieve
that emancipation, it was in the process of becoming.
The hero of the novel, Madhav, “a remarkably handsome young man of about
twenty-two” (Chattopadhyay 8), and an English-educated progressive Zamindar is
from Calcutta. Though he lacks the vitality and energy of Matangini, the main point
of focus is his love for Englishness, his habit of reading English books, the decoration
of his house with western furniture. To some extent we can assume that
Bankimchandra himself is reflected in Madhav because of his polished sense of
lifestyle like English people. Unlike Mathur, who is a stereotypical representation
of Bengali patriarchal husbands, Madhav belongs to those sophisticated babus. But
quite interestingly, the female characters are more active than their male
counterparts. This feature is visible in Twentieth century celebrated writer Amitav
Ghosh's The Shadow Lines, where Thamma and Ila are more active than Tridib or
the narrator. Still Matangini and Madhav share their equal parts of Bankim's romantic
imagination. Depending on the English models, Bankim has given utterance to the
desire of woman in chapter “We meet to Part” as he writes that these two are
brought to the fore because of their desire. But Matangini's union with Madhav is
impossible, because the extra-marital desire of a Kulin Badhu is 'sinful', though
both of them personally and ideologically constitute the basis of the new India
which is awaiting to come. Matangini, like Hester Prynne should wait patiently for
that new world to be united with the man of her love. Similarly, according to the
critics, for Bankim, India's destiny is in the hands of new English educated elite, but
somehow this cannot be achieved so easily. There are insurmountable obstacles in
the path of emerging new India. Thus, Bankim's idea of emerging new world is
only broken, but not totally defeated; it is shattered but not destroyed. This idea of
the emergence of new India can be found throughout 19th and 20th centuries.
Here we can recall Tagore's Gora (1909) where we find the probability of new
India both in the union of Gora-Suchorita and Binoy- Lolita. Tagore registered
success in refashioning that new India. About Bankim's contribution, Srinivasa

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Iyengar writes, “In his life-time, Bankim reigned as the literary dictator of renascent
Bengal, and while he was a master of the romantic as well as the historical novel,
he alos frankly confessed: 'I am a teacher or nothing'” (Iyengar 315)
After Rajmohan's Wife Bankim never took any such initiative to give utterance
to his imagination in English without ever mentioning the real reason behind such
abandonment. He is, like Michael Madhusudan Dutt, a precious gem in the crown
of Indian literature. Both of them dared of English embracing their vernacular
language. Nevertheless, Rajmohan's Wife always remains “a potent site for
discussing crucial questions about language, culture, colonization and representation”
(143), as Paranjape counts what Mukherjee believed. So, Bankim's initiative to
present the eastern figure in western dress, though considered as a 'false start' by
critics, is quite thought-provoking as the readers can feel the magical spell of the
first Indian English novel that brought before them a dazzling mixture of century
old Indian classical tradition and literary trends of canonical literature from Britain,
without missing his excellent style of presentation and showing his successors the
path towards the reign of a new way of writing.

Works Cited
• Banerjee, Sukanya (2014). “Troubling Conjugal Loyalties: The First Indian Novel
in English and the Transimperial Framework of Sensation.” Victorian
Literature and Culture. Cambridge University Press, 775-489. https://
[Link]/stable/24575893
• Chattopadhyay, Bankimchandra (2009). Rajmohan's Wife. Penguin Books: India.
• Chatterjee, Bankimchandra (1935). Rajmohan's Wife. Prabasi Press: Calcutta.
• Iyengar, K R Srinivasa (2010). Indian Writing in English, Sterling Publishers
Private Limited: New Delhi.
• Jameson, Frederick (1986). “Third-World Culture in the Era of Multinational
Capitalism”. Social Text, 15 (Autumn), 65-88. JSTOR. [Link]
stable/466493?origin=JSTOR-pdf
• Mukherjee, Meenakshi (2002). Ed. Early Novels in India. New Delhi: Sahitya
Academy.
• Said, Edward (2003) Orientalism, Penguin Books, London.

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Therapy of Mind through Indian Classical Music and
Yoga: The Concept
Dr. Sujata Roy Manna

Abstract
Indian Classical Music and Yoga- both are the strong but silent healer of mental stress and
depression of human beings. Even, the Bio-Music form is also enriched by Indian
Classical Music through the experimental deals with sounds or music performed or
created by non-humans. But, in this topic, there are some concepts of the relation between
the Indian Classical Music and Yoga, that can be applied to the human-beings for reducing
and for healing their stress, agony and depression.
Keyword : Indian Classical Music, Raga, Alap, Tan, Sargam, Chhandas, Yoga, Stimulation,
Meditation, Therapy, Circulation, Memory, Cognition, Physiological activities, Mental
disorder, Metabolic disorder, Emotion.

All the human beings of the World, are familiar with the two words ; -- Indian
Classical Music and Yoga. Apart from our country, Indian Classical Music is
very much well known and in many areas it is well practised too. However, the
training of Indian classical Music, may be received or not by the non- Indian
people, still most of the people can identify Indian Classical Music, while it is sung
or played. Hence, the forms of the various types of Indian Classical Music ( both
in North and South Indian), are familiar, while the people come across with this in
any part of the World. The Ragas are the base and ultimate, potential of it :- we
can easily realise it.
In the other hand, Yoga ( which is organised by the Indian sages in the ancient
era) is the common and popular term, that we use to utter or to prescribe, when the
health is the topic of our conversation or speech or any kind physical requirement
regarding medical assistance or physicians' advice. If anyone is suffering from any
disease, the physicians prescribe the medicines as per need of patient. Moreover, it
is advised to do some Yoga along with those medicines as well.
But those , who are mental patient or have some mental disorders, they are
prescribed to do Yoga. In spite of that, for physical fitness walking and Yoga are
the best medicines as we all know and the physicians' advice are in such way.
Assistant Professor & Artist of Music. Raja N.L. Khan Women’s College, Paschim Medinipur, West
Bengal.

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Now, here are the common word that most of the people use frequently, - Therapy
and Mental- health. So we can easily think about the two terms – Physical Health
and Mental Health. The researchers of the World ( including the physicians and
psychiatrists ) found the root and realise the role of Yoga or the cream of Yoga,
which slowly but positively effects upon the human-beings to achieve good health
of body and mind.
Then, what's about the Indian Classical Music is related and effective with
Therapeutic Yoga in our daily- lives and also in the future -lives? Let us have a
clear basic concept or outline of the both. Therapy means treatment without oral
medicine, injection, ointment through some continuous process of doing Yoga or
any other else? Here is the answer;-- the answer is, not only Yoga; It is also
possible through Music, by listening and even through singing or playing musical
instruments. The question occurs : which type of Music ( in India) are eligible to do
this Therapy? The answer is: Almost all of them, which can be listen by the normal
people, who are capable to choice the specific music, that can be loved or fascinated
to listen by them. But if anyone is feeling ill or sick in body or mind, then, they are
not capable to choose and to make themselves active for listening according to
their choices. Here the actual requirement of Therapy occurs very importantly and
emergently for those people.
Now , We may engage ourselves to concentrate upon the Inter-relation between
Yoga and Indian Classical Music in the perspective of Therapy. Both help to
release the stress, stimulate brain cells, control heart rate, help to overcome
depression, anxiety and many other disorders related to body and mind. The
anatomical knowledge and the physiological activities are surely be organised by
the detection, cognition, selection of any kind of mental disorder or the mental crisis
of a person, before singing him/her proper therapy. It is not necessary that, patient
of any kind of disorder in body, becomes free from suffering after listening Indian
Classical Music or capable to do Yoga. These two mediums of healing are needed
to do from days after days before falling on diseases or disorders.
There are so much symptoms of mental disorders similarly as the disorders
of the body. But these symptoms of stress or depression, can be observed carefully
by the people, in the fast-living-life-styles of the people. We are usually detected
the disorders after many -time acuteness or extreme limit of behaviours. The
mental disorders can be occurred excluding the structural changes of any person.

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The mental disorders have the self existence without any physical disorders of any
person. But, there are serious- relations between the body and mind. In most of
the cases people have their physical disorders after the long term or short term
sufferings of their mental disorders. They use to behave in unnatural manners or
spend unnatural life style, which the people are compelled to do without their
consciousness or awareness. These mental disorders are basically of two types of
source:
1) Neuroses : there are some classifications in it;--- Hysteria, Neurasthenia,
Anxiety State, Psychasthenia and
2) Psychosis : is usually in two types;--- Functional & Organic.
In so many medical- surveys, it was observed in most of the cases that, the
patients don't co-operate with physicians' advice , during & post of the treatment.
Moreover, in most of the cases, the neuro-symptoms and the psycho- symptoms
are found as mixed & matched. Those can't be detected separately from one to
another category. The Psychoses are basically in five categories : Mania,
Melancholia, Manic depressive psychosis, Paranoia and Schizophrenia. International
Classification of Diseases and Health Problems by WHO re-constructed the
classification of mental-disorders in 1992. Later on, in the year of 1994, Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of mental disorders (DSM-IV) added more & more important
information with statistical view. They detected and classified the mental disorders,
according to one's age, socio-cultural perspective, suppressed attitude & behaviour,
family-situation, updated-symptoms. The latest categorisation of mental disorders
are priorly based on five mental situation of people, is called Mental Retardation.
The entire mental scenario is situated & grown up in such various ways:
1) Mild Mental Retardation,
2) Moderate Mental Retardation,
3) Severe Mental Retardation,
4) Profound Mental Retardation,
5) Unspecified Mental Retardation.
Hence, the words 'Remedy', 'Healing', 'Therapy', 'Treatment”, 'Recovery',
'Solution' are arosen for the sake of the people or the patients and against of those
disorders, captured by the people. The people, who belong to their normal-lives,
should walk a mile on everyday-activities ( this is too helpful & easy-treatment for
anyone). But, those who have in such normal way, what should day do? They

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should be prescribed or habituated by their guides, nurses, helpers, family members

to make them listened Indian Classical Music or to sing or to play along with them
and to make them engaged few types of Yoga and Meditation, which can be easily
accessible to them according to their ability and capacity of health ( body & mind).
We should not think about them as music-performers or music-learners. The
resonances of the musical sound make their nerves & brains help to relieve from
their sufferings by phobia, agony, depression & psycho-somatic disorders.
In the other hand, the Therapeutic Yoga & Meditation including some special
activities, such as Bhraamoari, Pranayam with Anulom & Vilom including some
Asanas, which the patients can avail and able to do, those are the healers of their
abnormality; prevent to be the disordered persons. As we know very well, that
Deep-breathing is very much effective for any person. It is organized, preferably
through Yoga & Riyaz of Swaras of the Ragas ( like Alap, Taan, Sargam etc.).
Usually people have no proper idea & knowledge to do those aforesaid criteria,
even during their health-walking (morning or evening) also. The beneficial &
effective process are only be received through Yoga & Indian Classical Music.
Actually, the Ragas of Indian Classical Music are the healers of the mental
disorders or diseases; the benefits of Therapy through the Ragas with their proper
application of performance or expression or to listen it with proper time & guidance
by the knowledgeable Experts:
1) It reduces Anxiety,
2) Reduces the side-effects or the damages of physical & mental stress,
3) Most effective in hypertension ,
4) It improves all the healing-processe ,
5) Prevents Alzhymer & Dementia,
6) Very much helpful to reduce depression,
7) Helps to reduce & prevent various psychological disorders,
8) Even, it works to control Diabetes,
9) It is too much beneficial to control Asthma,
10) Amazingly helps to improve insomnia,
11) Obviously the practice of Indian Classical Music or the stimulations
through this is helpful for reducing constipation,
12) The Riyaz of Swaras of different Ragas with different combinations &
different speeds increase the capacity and works of memorization,

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13) It reduces acidity ,

14) Moreover, the different Ragas help to recover some specific types of
weakness and prolonged or acute illness of the mind & body,
15) It helps to recover Autism, caused by differences in the Brain, the Genetic
diseases.
Specifically, we can remember some name of the Ragas of Indian Classical
Music for multi & specific healing & therapy of mind & body also. Such as: Asavari,
Bhairavi, Todi, Desh, Khamaj, Bageshree, Bhimpalasi, Puriya, Megh- Malhar,
Darbari, Sarang, Malkauns, Jaijaiwanti, Sohni, Marwa, Purvi, Shivaranjani, Mian-
ki-Malhar and so on.
Similarly, there are 56 Yoga, oriented with Physical-healing and 28 Yoga are
oriented with Psychological-healing . The following names of some categorical
names for the example of:-----
a) Asana: Bhujangasana, Salavasana, Dhanurasana, Shashangasana,
Pawanmuktasana, Ardhamatsendrasana etc.
b) Pranayam: Suryaveda Pranayam, Sheetali Pranayam, Ujjwayani Pranayam ,
Bhraamari etc.
Benefit of Yoga & Pranayam:
1) Acceleration of Blood circulation,
2) Increase the Muscle power,
3) Mobility of joints of the body,
4) Reduces the low-back pain,
5) Increases the Lung-capacity,
6) Increases the co-ordination of the Brain.
But, it should be strictly done with the proper guidance and instruction by the
Expertise- therapists and Physical- instructors as well.

The sources of reference:

1) Pandit V.N. Bhatkhande-----2022-----Kramik Pustak Malika (Hindi), Vol-I---(
Publisher: Sangeet Sadan Prakashan, India)---Latest Edition ( 21st December,
2022)---(all through the book).
2) Prof.(Dr.) [Link]----2004---'Mind and Body'----Yoga Panacea----(Publisher:
Indian Publishing House, Kolkata, India)---- ( April, 2004, 1st Edition)----Page
: 25 to 31.
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Chārvāka Ethics and Its Practical Impact in Our Life

Swarnali Maitra

Abstract
Chārvāka Ethics, also known as Lokayata Ethics, refers to the ethical philosophy associated
with the ancient Indian school of thought known as Chārvāka or Lokayata. Chārvāka
was a materialistic and atheistic school of philosophy that emerged in India around the 6th
century BC. Carvaka Ethics is primarily concerned with worldly matters and rejects the
existence of supernatural entities such as gods, karma, and an afterlife. According to
Chārvāka, the only reality is the material world, and the pursuit of pleasure and avoidance
of pain are the ultimate goals of human life. From an ethical standpoint, Chārvāka Ethics
advocates for hedonism, emphasizing the importance of maximizing personal pleasure and
minimizing suffering. It rejects the idea of moral duties, obligations, and ethical principles
based on religious or metaphysical beliefs. In this research article I would like to explore
Chārvāka ethics through the lens of practical relevance in our daily life.
Keywords: Chārvāka, Dharma, Kama, Pleasure, Hedonism, etc.

Introduction: Philosophy tries to interpret the meaning and the value of human
life and its relation to the world in which we live. it endeavors to comprehend the
nature of the reality by Logical thinking. It is impossible for man to live without a
specific philosophical outlook. Broadly Indian philosophy is intensely spiritual and
has always emphasized the need of practical realization of truth.1
The schools of Indian Philosophy are divided into two broad classes, namely
orthodox and heterodox. There are six orthodox schools and three main heterodox
schools, namely Chārvāka, Bouddha and Jaina. The charbaka’s are materialists.
The school of materialism in India seems to be very old and materialist way of life
is the way of enjoying the sensual pleasures. The way of enjoying the pleasures of
the senses is as old as humanity itself and will surely last as long as humanity lasts.
Accounts of the Chārvāka sysytem are found in Madhabacharyay’s
‘Sarbadarshansamgraha’ and Haribharda Suri’s ‘Saradarshansamucchay’. The
Chārvāka are considered as the only Materilistic School. Brhaspati a heretical
teacher is regarded as the traditional founder of the Chārvāka school. The word
‘Chārvāka’ is not a proper name but a common name given to a materialist and it
signifies a person who believes in eat, drink and be marry or a person who eats up
Faculty Member of Department of Philosophy, Dinabandhu Andrews College, 54, Raja S.C Mallick
Road, Garia, 24 Parganas (S), Kolkata-700084

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all moral and ethical consideration or a person with sweet speaking ability and
therefore whose doctrine is superficially attractive to the common people. A
materialist is also called ‘Lokayatamata’. The entire Philosophy of the Chārvākas
logically depend on their epistemology holds that perception alone is the means of
valid knowledge. According to them matter is the only readily and the doctrine
dismisses necessarily all belief in a supernatural and transcendental being. It
recognizes neither a God who controls the universe nor conscience which guides
man and it does not care for belief in a life after death, liberation and the law of
karma. The Charbakas holds that the world as composed of the four primary
elements of earth, water, fire and air, which are perceived in its gross shape.
Everything which exists including the mind is due to a particular systematical
combination of these four elements. Consciousness is regarded as a mere product
of matter. The soul is the body endowed with consciousness. There is no proof for
the existence of the soul apart from the body.2
The Chārvāka Ethics:
The most notable characteristic of Indian philosophy of its spiritual outlook.
The direct realization of spiritual truths enables a man to attain liberation. It seeks
to know what is the ultimate aim or Summum Bonum of human life and how it can
be achieved? Some Indian Philosophers like the Mimamsakas believe that heaven
(swarga) is the highest goal of human life which is a state of unalloyed bliss that
can be attained hereafter by performing vedic rites. Many others regard liberation
as the highest goal of human life. Liberation means complete freedom from all
sorrows and sufferings. The Chārvākas answer to this question is in keeping with
his epistemological and metaphysical theories.
The Chārvāka also denies future life. Consequently he denies the existence of
heaven and refuses to believe that there is any soul apart from the body. Heaven
and hell are the inventions of the cunning priests who inculcated the performance
of vedic rites by common people in order to carry their livelihood. The Chārvāka
holds that if liberation is freedom of the soul from its bondage to physical existence,
it is absurd because there is no soul. On the other hand if liberation means the
attainment of a state free from pain, it is also an impossible idea because human
life is a mixture of pleasure and pain. We should avoid pain as far as possible which
inevitably accompanies pleasure. The spiritual outlook of the majority of the Indian
system of Philosophy could never regard sensual pleasure to be the highest good of

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life. But the materialist Chārvākas consider enjoyment of sensual pleasure on the
Summum Bonum of life. In this regard we can quote from Hiriyanna’s Outlines
of Indian Philosophy “draw away man’s mind altogether form the thought of a
higher life and fix it upon the world of senses; there’s neither heaven, non hell, no
permanent soul surviving death and enduring in future life or transmigrating into
another body. So live happily so long as you live. Eat, drink and be marry, for once
the body is reduced to ashes, there is no hope of coming back here again”3
So try to get the maximum amount of pleasure out of this life. Pleasure is often
found mixed with pain in life. This should not discourage us in the pursuit of pleasure.
Pleasure should not be renounced in fear of pain which accompanies it. No wise
person casts away the the grain because of the husk or rejects the fish because of
the bones in it. Life in this world is the only life. There is no concept of future life.
We must therefore regard the pleasure arising in the body as the only good thing
that may obtain. The maximum of sensual pleasure with the minimum of pain is the
highest good. Pleasure has an intrinsic value. We should not therefore threw away
the opportunities of enjoying sensual pleasure in the false hope of enjoyment
hereafter. According to them a sure shell is better than a doubtful golden coin. Pain
should be avoided as far as practicable. They refuse to entertain any qualitative
difference in Pleasure. It has not been said in Chārvāka Philosophy that one should
give up lesser pleasure in order that higher pleasure may be obtained and enjoyed.
Rejection of Traditional Purusārthas:
Ancient hindu thinkers visualized the quality of life acquires a balance between
the physical and spiritual aspect of life of the people and it is towards that good that
Purusārthas is aimed. Purusārthas constituted the four fold objectives of human
life. There are four Purusartha:. Dharma (virtue), Artha (wealth), Kama (pleasure),
Moksha (liberation). The four Purusārthas points out the different aspect of human
nature. Among of the four Purusārthas, the first three are related to the worldly
aspect of human life while Moksha is relevant to the spiritual aspect of life. According
to Chārvāka Kāma is the only supreme Purusārtha. The Chārvāka rejects the
liberation. Liberation can be attained often death and no men would willingly work
for it. Virtue and vice are invention of the cunning priests. Pleasure is the supreme
end and wealth is means to pleasure. It is not on end initself. So enjoyment and
wealth ought to be pursued. The sensual pleasure arising from the embrace of a
woman and other objects of enjoyment is the highest good or end.

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As enjoyment of the maximum quantity of sensual pleasure to be the ultimate

end of life are regarded a gross egoistic hedonism. The Chārvāka philosophy
resembles in respect to the philosophy of Aristippus and Epicurus in Greece, who
believed pleasure is the highest end of human life and did not qualitative difference
among pleasure. Pleasure in this life and that of the individual is the sole aim of
man. Collective happiness if it is even thought of, is regarded an expressible in
terms of individual happiness and there is no conception of a general good to which
the interests of the individual are to be subordinated.4
Chārvāka Hedonism: The Ultimate Pleasure Principle
The Chārvāka has become synonymous with materialist and materialist
philosophy was very attractive to the common people. Hence it was also known to
the doctrine common people as Lokayata Darshan. The Chārvāka says eat, drink
and be merry, for death nothing remains, while life is our, lives joyously, none can
escape death’s searching eyes. It is very much true that pain cannot be totally
eliminated as pleasure must be fought with pain. We should not throw away the
opportunities of enjoying the sensual pleasure. It is foolish to discard pleasure through
fear of accompanying pain. It has encouraged the spirit of free thinking. It has its
novelty in challenging all the traditional values. It revolted against the blind
acceptance of dogmas without subjecting them to critical examination and careful
scrutiny. An eminent author remarks that “As Hume aroused Kant from his
dogmatic slumber by challenging all that was hitherto to accept in philosophy.”5 So,
Chārvāka gave a death blow to all traditional thoughts and values and thus created
the need for reaching and revaluation necessary for all living philosophy.
It is somewhat suspicious that the Chārvāka doctrine should consists so much
in denying what is accepted by the other schools and soul little in contributing a
new idea of its own to the sum of Indian thoughts the individual hedonism has an
appeal to the animal in man and pleasure, in fact is considered by all. The Chārvāka
denied all human values which make life worthy. They are so impatient of obtaining
sensual pleasure that did not even try to secure freedom form pain. Every man,
according to them must make the best of a bad bargain and enjoy himself as long
as he lives. But sensual pleasure is a very faint shadow of the supreme pleasure.
There is a qualitative difference in pleasure. The pioneer philosopher John Stuart
Mill, as best known for utilitarianism, a consequential ethical theorist says that “a
life of sensual pleasures ought to be the end of human life. The gratification of

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senses can never contribute the highest good of a rational man. The pleasure of a
pig is absolutely not the same as the pleasure of the philosopher”.6 Thus rejects
virtue as the end of life, but a life devoid of virtue is the life of a beast. The Indian
philosophers never ask men to exclude there in sensual pleasure or desires totally
but to control sensual pleasures to rejoined pleasure of the soul by a practical life of
temperance, self control and spiritual discipline. It was for this reason that later on
distinction was made between crude and refined Chārvākas.
The celebrated work ‘Kamasutra’ of Vatsayan recommending the desirability
of pleasure including sensual pleasure, yet regarded Dharma or the moral values
as the supreme end of life and says that acquisition of pleasure should be in
conformity with Dharma. He recommends a harmonious cultivation of all the three
values of life Dharma, Artha and, Kama. No value should be rejected, suppressed
or even looked down. As a man, after all is also a biological animal, satisfaction of
his senses is as natural as the satisfaction of hunger or thirst. Above all man is not
a mearly biological animal, but also a spiritual being with moral constrain, rational
and self conscious person capable of realising the values.
Concluding Remarks:
Carvaka Ethics promotes a pragmatic approach to life, encouraging individuals
to seek pleasure through sensory experiences and sensual gratification. It suggests
that one should prioritize personal happiness and well-being in the present moment,
as there is no guarantee of an afterlife or future rewards. However, it’s important
to note that Carvaka Ethics is a minority viewpoint in Indian philosophy and has
been subject to criticism and opposition from other schools of thought, particularly
those with religious or spiritual orientations.7 Nonetheless; it represents an interesting
perspective on ethics within the rich tapestry of Indian philosophical traditions.
On the basis of the above discussion we may conclude that, the Chārvāka is
therefore a materialist, positivist, and naturalist doctrine. The downfall of Chārvāka
philosophy maybe due to its rejection of authority of the Vedas and the denial of
cardinal values.

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Notes and References

1. Sinha, Jadunath, Indian Philosophy, Vol. 1 and 2, Motilal Banarasidass, 2006.
2. Chatterjee, Datta, Satishchandra & Dhirendramohan, Introduction to Indian Philosophy,
Rupa Publication, 2022
3. Hiriyanna, M. Outlines of Indian Philosophy, Motilal Banarasidass, 2005.
4. Radhakrishnan, S. Indian philosophy. Vol. 1 Oxford University Press, 2008
5. Sharma, Chandradhar, A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy, Motilal Banarsidass,
2016
6. Mill, John Stuart, Utilitarianism, London: Parker, Son & Bourn, West Strand, 1863
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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

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1ñ `#áXá[ íýFýïí]ïíU]á', S÷OX S÷@üá^, XáýEÞý 1973, *X.âa.a[@üá[ *~ü aÁ S÷ábÙÿïíWýýIý â]âXïíýIýKý, SçÌýá-
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2ñ `#áXá[ íýFýïí]ïíU]á', Ùåký„ ïíPU Uaå[ S÷Ul„ý aÛB÷b', S÷OX S÷@üá^, 20 íX 2005, SâsEýXU§ÿ UáÛ]á #á@üáïíPâX,
SçÌýá-10-11ñ
3ñ `#áXá[ @üáïí][ @üïíZ@üGR @üâU : Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå : GBPã^ WýµýáýEýáYÞ', Wýá[âU, #áBu ý 2004, SçÌýá-153ñ
4ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-105ñ
5ñ [UãúRáO Jýá@åü[, àáâbNýó', àáâbïíNýó[ aáXB÷ã', âUr‡Wýá[Nýã S÷@üáâ^Ný, ýEýNåýOÞ aÛy€ý[M, ^÷áUM 1388,
SçÌýá-13ñ
6ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-105ñ
7ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-105ñ
8ñ `KÙýâR^ ^Nýïí@ü[ âRâ_k„ý B÷wƒÿ < @üâU íBáâUmP ýEýú Páa', @åüXåP @åüXá[ WýµýáýEýáYÞ, WæýâX@üá #Û^ñ
9ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-106ñ
10ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-106ñ
11ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-106ñ
12ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, à§ÿ : âRa§ÿNýá : [UãúRáO', `[UãúRáO : âUr‡@üâU < UáDüáâ]', *X.âa.a[@üá[ *~ü aÁ
S÷ábÙÿïíWýýIý â]âXïíýIýKý, NçýNýãZ aÛy€ý[M, GáRåZáâ[ 1991, SçÌýá-206ñ
13ñ àåQãúRáO Pïíºý[ S÷Ul„ý aÛB÷b', àæYÞáUNÞý', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, S÷OX aÛy€ý[M, @üáâºÞý@ü 1390, SçÌýá-
265ñ

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Anudhyan An International Journal of Social Sciences (AIJSS)

14ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-106ñ
15ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-107ñ
16ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-107ñ
17ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-108ñ
18ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-110ñ
19ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-110ñ
20ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-110ñ
21ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-113ñ
22ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-113ñ
23ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-115ñ
24ñ `@üâU', `S÷OXá' @üáUóB÷wƒÿ, íS÷ïíXú âX¼, bÙÿâ~üZáR #óáïíaáâaïíZïíýIýKý SáUâ]â^Û í@üáÛ â]âXïíýIýKý, RNåýR
aÛy€ý[M, 7 bÙÿ #á_áýLòý, 1361, SçÌýá-6ñ
25ñ ÙáÛ]á aáâbïíNýó[ í[Aáïí]Aó', #áïí]á@ü[³R Pá^|üÂ, íPUãS÷aáP UïímPóáSáQóáZ, SçÌýá-463ñ
26ñ ÙmPã[ UmPRá', Uåký„ ïíPU Uaå, Ùåk„ýïíPU Uaå[ í^÷Ìý @üâUNýá', RáWýáRá âS÷âmý ýÛ <Zá@Þüaà â]âXïíýIýKý, S÷OX XåÿPùM,
TüáqåR 1359, SçÌýá-15ñ
27ñ `í@üáïíRá íXïíZ[ S÷âNý', Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, Ùåk„ýïíPU Uaå[ í^÷Ìý @üâUNýá', RáWýáRá âS÷âmý ýÛ <Zá@Þüaà â]âXïíýIýKý,
S÷OX XåÿPùM, TüáqåR 1359, SçÌýá-24ñ
28ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-116ñ
29ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, `@üáïí][ SåNåý]', àåWýá_ XåïíAáSáQóáZ : SPáâNý@ü', âRKÙý *G SáUâ]^áaÞ S÷ábÙÿïíWýýIý â]âXïíýIýKý,
âk‡NýãZ aÛy€ý[M, Gå]ábÙÿ 1984, SçÌýá-98ñ
30ñ àåQãúRáO Pïíºý[ S÷Ul„ý aÛB÷b', àæYÞáUNÞý', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, S÷OX aÛy€ý[M, @üáâºÞý@ü 1390, SçÌýá-
255ñ
31ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-117ñ
32ñ Uåk„ýïíPU Uaå, àáâbNýó ýEýýEÞýá, [UãúRáO < KÙýºý[ aáQ@ü', íP'G SáUâ]â^Û, RUX aÛy€ý[M, *âS÷] 2018,
SçÌýá-117ñ

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