American Psychologist

© 2024 The Author(s) 2024, Vol. 79, No. 8, 1036–1048

ISSN: 0003-066X https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0001304

I Am Not (Your) Superwoman, Black Girl Magic, or Beautiful Struggle:

Rethinking the Resilience of Black Women and Girls

Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards1 and Valerie N. Adams2

1
General Internal Medicine, Samuel DuBois Cook Center on Social Equity, Duke University
2
Department of Childhood Studies, Rutgers University–Camden

The concept and social media hashtag, #BlackGirlMagic, is used to demonstrate the ability of
Black women and girls to create paths and to succeed despite intersectional racism, sexism, and
classism. Conversely, the concept of Black Girl Magic and Strong Black Woman schemas have
been used to glorify struggle, undermine support, and victim-blame. Therefore, resiliency for
Black women and girls requires clarification on how and why it is used and understood by
researchers and practitioners. This article examines the experiences of Black women and girls
by (a) evaluating the use of resiliency research and theoretical frameworks (Luthar et al., 2000;
Spencer, 2005); (b) exploring unrecognized strengths and vulnerabilities across the lifespan;
and (c) providing recommendations for researchers, interventionists, and practitioners to rethink
resilience for Black women and girls. Black feminist thought and womanism frameworks are
integrated to promote sustained healthy development for Black women and girls. Resiliency can
only be promoted in Black women and girls if (a) immediate psychosocial and physical needs
are addressed while (b) concurrently eliminating systemic barriers and social norms that allow
Black women and girls to experience outsized adversity.

Public Significance Statement

Using research and theoretical frameworks, this article clarifies and redefines how resiliency
is understood for Black women and girls. Rather than pressuring Black women and girls to
be resilient, radical shifts in societal norms and the elimination of systemic barriers are
necessary for enduring health. The article explores unrecognized vulnerabilities and
strengths across the lifespan as opportunities to create avenues for healthy functioning for
Black women and girls.

Keywords: resilience, Black girl magic, Black women and girls, phenomenological variant of
ecological systems theory, womanism

1
In this article, Black and African American are used interchangeably.
The concept and social media hashtag, #BlackGirlMagic, Although there are many shared experiences of gender across the African
was created by Black women to demonstrate Black women diaspora, this article focuses on the experiences of Black girls and women in
America. Further, the authors acknowledge the expansive nature of gender
and girls’1 ability to succeed despite intersectional racism, identity, while also recognizing that the experiences of gender nonconform-
sexism, and classism (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, ing and transwomen are not sufficiently captured in this article.

permits copying and redistributing the work in any medium or format for
Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8430-4850 noncommercial use provided the original authors and source are credited
Valerie N. Adams https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0209-9564 and a link to the license is included in attribution. No derivative works are
This research was partially supported by an Academic Award from permitted under this license.
International Business Machines, Inc., to Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards. The Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards played a lead role in conceptualization,
funding source had no other role other than financial support. The authors administration, visualization, writing–original draft, and writing–review and
have no known conflicts of interest to disclose. Research, data, and edting. Valerie N. Adams played a lead role in conceptualization, writing–
theoretical frameworks included in this article are appropriately cited and original draft, and writing–review.
available. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Keisha L.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Bentley-Edwards, General Internal Medicine, Samuel DuBois Cook Center on
Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International License (CC-BY-NC-ND Social Equity, Duke University, Box 104407, Durham, NC 27708, United
4.0; https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0). This license States. Email: [email protected]

1036
 RETHINKING THE RESILIENCE OF BLACK WOMEN AND GIRLS 1037

such, this article examines the experiences of Black women

and girls by (a) evaluating the use of resiliency research and
theoretical frameworks (Luthar et al., 2000; Spencer, 2005),
(b) exploring unrecognized strengths and vulnerabilities
across the lifespan, and (c) providing recommendations for
rethinking resilience in Black women and girls.

Luthar’s Resiliency
Psychologists have investigated why some people who
live in challenging environments struggle, while similarly
situated people can lead relatively healthy or normal lives.
The construct of resiliency has ranged from ideas of personal
invulnerability due to a biological fit to one’s environment
(Anthony & Koupernik, 1974), to perseverance and passion
or grit (Duckworth et al., 2007), to understanding contexts
and processes (Luthar et al., 2006; Spencer et al., 2006), or
Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards a combination of these approaches (Kim-Cohen et al.,
2004). Regardless of the approach to resiliency, psycholo-
gists are attempting to discover the key to supporting healthy
2020; Jordan-Zachery & Harris, 2019). As the term has development after exposure to trauma and adversity. Luthar’s
moved outside of Black cultural spaces, Black Girl Magic is concept of resiliency is both elegant and complex for
exploring the experiences of Black women and girls across
often used to demonstrate excellence without the context of
the lifespan.
resilience or to encourage a goal-oriented Black woman who
Luthar et al. (2000) operationalize resiliency as a “dynamic
is also juggling multiple obligations. Although the authors
process encompassing positive adaptation within the context
agree that the achievement of Black women and girls is
of significant adversity” (p. 543). The team further clarifies
magnificent, the expectations of resilience are used to
that the conditions of resiliency require that the adversity
undermine support, demand service and sacrifice, or even must pose a sufficient challenge to healthy development
blame Black women and girls for the adversities they face and that positive outcomes must occur despite exposure to
(Abrams et al., 2014; Aniefuna et al., 2020; Evans-Winters, this adversity. This dynamic process relies less on biological
2011; McGee & Bentley, 2017). considerations and more on the interplay between social/
A quandary exists of honoring the creativity and environmental contexts and family or individual attributes
resourcefulness of Black women and girls through the (Luthar, 1999; Luthar et al., 2000).
concept of Black Girl Magic while providing the space and Particularly for Black women and girls, the latter con-
grace to make mistakes, grow, and be cared for (Adams-Bass dition for resiliency is often misapplied. Rather than “the
& Bentley-Edwards, 2020). The pressure to continuously achievement of positive adaptation ‘despite’ major assaults
rely on Black Girl Magic reinforces and contributes to on the developmental process” (Luthar et al., 2000, p. 543),
superwoman/strong black woman schemas for Black women, it is interpreted as positive adaptation that occurs because
leading to cycles of achievement, burnout, and somatic of major assaults on the developmental process. From
concerns (A. J. Thomas & Speight, 2005; Woods-Giscombé, acknowledging barriers to perceiving them as necessary
2010). Drawing on the Luthar et al. (2000) construct of for success (i.e., the beautiful struggle), initiatives that are
resilience and Spencer’s (2005) phenomenological variant of designed to promote healthy development can pressure
ecological systems theory (PVEST)-linked vulnerability Black girls to be more resilient, rather than easing the burden
status and resiliency prediction dual-axis model, this article of relentless adversity. Additionally, resiliency-supporting
challenges assumptions about the hardiness of Black women programs for Black girls have goals representing nominal
and girls, offering alternative approaches to supporting, educational achievement (better than Black boys but less
advocating, and encouraging holistic growth. than White peers) or, conversely, put pressure to always be
How and why researchers and practitioners use resiliency exceptional at all things. Thus, the execution of resiliency
for Black women and girls requires clarification. V. G. interventions for Black girls can manifest as both high stakes/
Thomas (2004) challenged the field to integrate and develop low expectations and high stakes/high expectations.
theoretical psychological frameworks that include the contexts These misapplications of resilience align with Luthar et al.’s
of Black women and girls to ensure this knowledge is included (2006) critiques of how resiliency is often conceptualized.
throughout psychology training, research, and practice. As They assert that resilience occurs as a process rather than as
1038 BENTLEY-EDWARDS AND ADAMS

relationship was not found in similarly disadvantaged

White or privileged Black young adults (Brody et al.,
2013; Brody, Yu, Miller, & Chen, 2016). Allostatic load
assesses the cumulative toll of chronic stress and is noted for
its association with hormonal functioning related to aging
and metabolic disorders (Guidi et al., 2021).
Context matters for conceptualizing the process of
resiliency in general, and specifically for Black women
and girls. Researchers and practitioners must contemplate
how support and risk factors of resilience apply in the context
of American racism and sexism.

Spencer’s PVEST
Luthar’s assertion of resilience as a process, as opposed to
an individual trait, fits well with Spencer’s (1995) PVEST.
PVEST is a cyclical and recursive model of development
that considers the interplay between contexts and how this
Valerie N. Adams
interplay informs perceptions, appraisals, and outcomes at
the individual and system levels. Net risk/vulnerability level,
net stress engagement levels, reactive coping strategies, life-
static supports and risk factors—particularly those based on stage-specific coping outcomes, and emergent identities are
individual (biological or personality) traits. Protective factors the five elements. The PVEST has been previously applied to
or supports are the conditions and experiences that typically the psychosocial and physical development of Black women
lead to positive outcomes or buffer the severity of adverse and girls across the lifespan (Bentley-Edwards & Adams-
conditions. Risk or vulnerability factors are the conditions Bass, 2022) and specifically for Black adolescent girls
and experiences that present significant challenges to an (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020; Carter et al., 2017;
individual and are typically associated with negative out- Seaton & Carter, 2019).
comes. Regarding support and risk factors as fixed can lead The PVEST-linked vulnerability status and resiliency
to an oversimplification of the adversities faced, the existing prediction dual-axis model (Spencer, 2005) augments the
supports that allow the adversity to be countered, and how overall model by surveying the risk and protective factors,
positive adaptation is defined. Element 1 of the complete PVEST model, which contribute
For example, living with two custodial parents is often seen to resiliency (see Figure 1). Spencer’s dual-axis model is
as a protective factor for children and teens. However, this
factor is most protective when these family members devote Figure 1
time to sustaining self-esteem and racial identity (Murry Adaptation of Spencer’s (2005) PVEST-Linked Vulnerability Status
et al., 2001; Smith-Bynum, 2023). These family processes and Resiliency Prediction Dual-Axis Model
should be evaluated on a continuum within their contexts.
Unhealthy family processes can explain how the children of
wealthy parents, who in isolation can be seen as a support or
protective factor, can also have poor mental health and
substance use outcomes (Luthar & Barkin, 2012; Luthar &
Latendresse, 2005).
Further, positive adaptation is often narrowly defined as a
single adjustment outcome (e.g., academic achievement or
depression) without accounting for the overall well-being or
trajectory of the adaptive response (Brody et al., 2013; Chen
et al., 2022; Infurna & Jayawickreme, 2019; Infurna &
Luthar, 2018). Researchers are gaining interest in under-
standing not just the process of resilience but also the cost
of resilience. For Black young adults with economically
disadvantaged childhoods, high psychosocial competency
and educational attainment were also related to greater Note. PVEST = phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory.
allostatic load or propensity for diabetes (Type 2); the latter See the online article for the color version of this figure.
 RETHINKING THE RESILIENCE OF BLACK WOMEN AND GIRLS 1039

influenced by prior concepts of resilience (Anthony & Black feminist thought acknowledges the heterogeneity
Koupernik, 1974) and ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, of Black women’s experiences based on age, social class,
1977). However, PVEST and its dual-axis model evaluate the education, sexuality, and citizenship, among other identities
balance between risk and support factors while also con- (Hill Collins, 2000). However, Hill Collins (2000) asserts
sidering the context of multiple system influences (Spencer, that “a Black women’s collective standpoint does exist,
2005; Spencer et al., 2010). Spencer and Swanson (2013) one characterized by the tensions that accrue to different
make the distinction that everyone has “exposure to risks and responses to common challenges” (p. 28). From this pers-
protective factors, but the nature of the risks is different, and pective, a Black girl can recognize the challenges that her
the protective factors correlate with specifically experienced mother faces as a shared obstacle that most Black women
cultural supports and protective factors” (p. 1559). As such, in her community endure. She can consider how she will
the consequences of risk and the benefits of support are not navigate these situations herself—even if it is not a present
evenly distributed across race and gender. The dual-axis threat. With Black feminist thought, the individual and group
model also provides an opportunity to identify within-group experiences intersect to understand how the world sees Black
differences in outcomes. women and girls, and how their supports and vulnerabilities
Considering the experience of Black women and girls, inform how Black women and girls process these appraisals
many characteristics that can be seen as support in some areas into identities and behaviors.
may also provide increased risk in other areas. Rather than
thinking about static supports “or” barriers, the dual-axis
Unrecognized Vulnerabilities and Strengths of Black
model requires the critical evaluation of supports “and”
Women and Girls Across the Lifespan
barriers, acknowledging that a factor may serve both roles
depending on the context. Additionally, the dual-axis model The real-world experience of Black women and girls may
provides the flexibility to consider how support and risk run counter to the preconceived notions of their strength and
factors may vary across the lifespan (Spencer et al., 2010), invulnerability. Therefore, the resilience of Black women and
as what may be a support for Black women, might be a risk girls can be put into conversation with the findings of Luthar
for Black girls. and Latendresse (2005) on children from affluent back-
grounds regarding missed opportunities to identify vulner-
abilities and provide appropriate support. The dual-axis
Black Feminist Thought and Womanism model (Figure 1) also supports the unacknowledged strengths
Outside of traditional psychological research, scholars and protective factors of Black women and girls. The
and activists have thought deeply about the wellness and culturally supported behaviors of Black women and girls that
resilience of Black women and girls in ways that complement are often encouraged by family members to avoid harm, can
Luthar’s and Spencer’s frameworks (Luthar et al., 2000; simultaneously be viewed as a risk factor by those unfamiliar
Spencer, 1995). Specifically, the fields of Black feminist with their context. This section presents the complexities
thought and womanism are particularly useful in under- of unacknowledged strengths and vulnerabilities for Black
standing the collective wisdom and experiences of Black women and girls to highlight areas where researchers and
women and girls (Hill Collins, 2000; Walker, 1983). practitioners can bolster support. In taking a lifespan
Womanism was coined by Walker (1983) to identify approach, the contexts and processes of resiliency that are
Black women’s (and women of color’s) approach to noted by Luthar and Spencer can be better understood. Hill
feminism, which includes cultural expression and joy, Collins (2000) acknowledges that although the experiences
emotional flexibility, spirituality, hope, an appreciation and appraisals of individual Black women are diverse, there
of loving relationships in all their forms and gendered is also group knowledge and shared experiences that can
counterparts, autonomy, community building, and a key touch Black women and girls’ lives. The following examples
distinction being the commitment to the “survival and of unacknowledged strengths and vulnerabilities can mani-
wholeness of an entire people” regardless of gender (p. 11). fest across the lifespan. However, this section demonstrates
Although coined by Walker, the components of womanism the ways that life-stage contexts and developmental pro-
can be found in Anna Julia Cooper’s work on supporting cesses can inform self-perceptions and how the world
Black women’s development and fighting racial oppression responds to Black women and girls in ways that may both
in the early 20th century, as well as in contemporary fortify and diminish well-being.
womanist theology and psychological frameworks with
the same goals (Baker-Fletcher, 1993; Bryant-Davis &
Girlhood
Comas-Díaz, 2016; Coleman, 2008; Cooper, 1988; Moody
et al., 2023; E. M. Townes, 2006). Using the womanism Girlhood connotes a developmental period of innocence
framework enables support for the holistic healthy develop- when girls are provided protection and afforded opportunities
ment of Black women and girls. to explore, identify, and strengthen hobbies and other
1040 BENTLEY-EDWARDS AND ADAMS

interests as a preface to adulthood. Yet, until recently (for the basis for how youth come to develop static or stereotypic
academy), the girlhood experience of Black girls has been an selves and other representations (Adams-Bass, 2021).
understudied phenomenon. Embedded in the adultification Television, advertising, and social media are primary
of Black girls is the perspective that Black female children sources of information and socialization. Images of Black
are not innocent or deserving of protection (Epstein et al., women and girls have increased in mainstream media over
2017). In the adultification process, Black girls are not as the past decade. Reality television shows targeting Black
emotionally mature as their imposed life stage, which renders audiences catapulted to the number one genre for youth aged
an unrecognized vulnerability in their interpersonal relation- 16–25 with the introduction of Flava of Love. Stereotypic
ships. Believing that Black girls are emotionally hardy or caricatures of Black women continue to be recycled in reality
somehow culpable leads to their absence as victims in the TV franchises such as Love and Hip-Hop and The Real
bullying discourse. When assessed using a multidimensional Housewives of Potomac. Distorted depictions of Black
measurement of bullying behaviors, Sawyer et al. (2008) women remain a staple of this genre. Unfortunately, these
found that Black elementary school-aged girls reported images, rooted in negative archetypes of Black women, that
significantly more bullying than other girls. However, when is, the sapphire or jezebel, are often projected onto Black girls
simply asked if they were being bullied, Black girls’ in schools and other spaces where adults and peers are
responses were not significantly different than their peers. At responding to them as adults instead of children (Adams-
the very least, Black girls should be equally considered in Bass, 2021).
antibullying interventions. Black girls are managing virtual and in-person interactions
To counter issues of harassment and bullying, Black that heavily rely on false narratives about who they are and/or
parents often encourage their daughters to be assertive and to their ability to manage difficult encounters, with an
stand up for themselves. This functional approach to bullying assumption that resilience mitigates the impact of these
is done to prevent future bullying and may serve to protect experiences on their psychological and physical well-being.
Black girls from seeing themselves as bullying victims Negative Black stereotypical images are a challenge when
because they may be defending themselves either verbally, Black youth encounter people who are exposed to this type of
online, or physically (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, media content without cultural context, who endorse these
2020; Bentley-Edwards & Adams-Bass, 2022). On the one images as representative of Black people (Adams-Bass &
hand, this strength-based approach can teach Black girls self- Henrici, 2019).
advocacy in environments that don’t always intervene on Black girls experience online racial victimization directly
their behalf. On the other hand, school zero-tolerance and indirectly, and both have been found to have a
bullying/violence policies may result in Black girls being significant impact on self-esteem and psychological distress
disciplined, even when defending themselves. Even though (Tynes et al., 2010). Tynes and colleagues found that
girls are practicing self-advocacy, repeated emotional and exposure to online racial victimization is significantly
physical assaults become a source of childhood trauma. correlated with posttraumatic stress disorder. Matsuzaka et
Teachers, school administrators, and parents should recog- al. (2022) investigated the online sexual victimization of
nize that the bullying experiences of Black girls may look Black young adult women from a womanist orientation.
substantially different than bullying archetypes. For example, Online sexual victimization was significantly negatively
the bullying of Black girls may be associated with phenotypic associated with body esteem, but high levels of womanism
markers that are uncommon among non-Black girls, such buffered the harmful impact of general online victimization
as hair texture, or it may be associated with their willingness on body esteem. The results of these studies suggest media
to self-advocate verbally. As such, adults should seek socialization and engagement represent the dual-axis high
opportunities to intervene, shield, promote conflict resolution vulnerability quadrant with apparent difficulties associated
strategies, and ultimately keep Black girls healthy and safe. with media content. Black girls are managing body and
gender politics as they experience puberty (Carter et al.,
2017); commodified Black beauty standards are an
Adolescence additional layer of messaging to be decoded and understood
(Bentley-Edwards & Adams-Bass, 2022).
Media exposure and consumption have become a Black teens also find social media as a mechanism for
formidable variable in Black girlhood experiences. Media resistance, joy, camaraderie, and innovation (Adams-Bass
involves exposure to mass communication (television, & Bentley-Edwards, 2020; Bentley-Edwards & Adams-
radio, internet, newspapers) messages, which teach people Bass, 2022; Martinez, 2022). In these ways, social media
socially accepted behaviors that have: (a) a direct influence sites like TikTok have been a vehicle for Black adolescent
on cognitive ability and behavioral functioning and (b) a girls to share a key strength, the ability to unapologetically
mediating or facilitative indirect influence on learning take up space (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020;
(Adams & Stevenson, 2012). Media socialization is the Scott, 2022). On TikTok, Black girls have created unique
 RETHINKING THE RESILIENCE OF BLACK WOMEN AND GIRLS 1041

dance trends that have become viral sensations and have woman schemas are often seen as part of successful Black
been able to distribute their creative pursuits in areas that womanhood, sometimes called learned and compulsory
often diminish their contributions, like the hip-hop and resilience (Abrams et al., 2014; Allen et al., 2019). However,
beauty industries (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020; the gains achieved from this schema may come at the expense
Adams-Bass et al., 2014; McNab, 2023; Scott, 2022). While of health, similar to those found in resilient African American
resisting false narratives of Black girlhood and womanhood, adolescents and young adults (Brody, Yu, & Beach, 2016;
these teens are also using social media to become informed De France et al., 2022). Allen et al. (2019) found that when
and engaged in social justice issues (Anyiwo et al., 2020; interacting with experiences of discrimination, specific
Hope et al., 2015). This early onset of social protest and aspects of Strong Black Woman schemas (motivation to
civic engagement has enduring effects of racial agency that succeed and obligation to others) were associated with higher
remain throughout the lifespan (Bentley-Edwards, 2016) allostatic load indicators. Over the long term, this schema
and follows in the legacy of prior movements involving veils difficulties and masks vulnerabilities until they show up
Black youth who engaged contemporary media (i.e., Black in health outcomes.
music) to gain traction for Black civil rights (Bentley- Black women who have achieved educational and career
Edwards & Adams-Bass, 2022; Chapman-Hilliard et al., success are often expected to have positive health outcomes
2022). The benefits garnered from teens’ social media use (see Figure 1) because these statuses are related to better health
should be balanced with monitoring from trusted adults in outcomes in the general population. However, health data
their lives to minimize the risks of exploitation and distorted reveal that pregnancy-related death rates for college-educated
self-image. Black women are 5.2 times higher than their equally educated
White counterparts and 1.6 times higher than White women
who did not graduate high school (Petersen et al., 2019).
Adulthood Two major intersecting issues represent an unacknowledged
The assertiveness and self-advocacy that are socialized in vulnerability for educated Black women. First, health
girlhood are often coupled with encouragement for professionals have a history of appraising Black women,
ambitious education goals that persist into adulthood. including pregnant or postpartum women, as strong, having
Black families will specifically encourage their daughters to high pain tolerance, and/or drug-seeking which leads to
pursue higher education and training as a route for upward mismanaged care opportunities (Johnson et al., 2019; Taylor,
social mobility, but also to protect them from dependence on 2020). This phenomenon occurs for Black women regardless
unhealthy relationships and at-work exploitation. Black of socioeconomic status. Second, the perceived Strong Black
women are often nontraditional college students, with Woman Schema and assumptions that educated Black women
roughly 40% responsible for at least one dependent child, are low risk/high support, represent an unacknowledged
often while working part time or full time (Besser Doorley vulnerability and missed opportunity to put appropriate safety
et al., 2023). protocols in place.
The ability to manage multiple responsibilities with little
or no help is associated with the superwoman or strong
Older Adulthood
Black woman schema (A. J. Thomas & Speight, 2005). The
superwoman schema is often perceived positively as an The need for loving relationships is necessary across the
acknowledgment of resilience despite enduring struggles and lifespan, and Black women are no exception to this need. It has
suffering. It can be argued that the superwoman schema is at been acknowledged that older Black women typically rely on
the root of the Black Girl Magic phenomenon. However, spirituality and involvement in the church to cope with stress
research has consistently found the adoption of superwoman and manage daily living (Brown et al., 2008; Smith et al.,
or strong Black woman schemas as harmful to mental and 2021). The nature and quality of interpersonal support
physical health and interpersonal relationships (Abrams processes in religious settings for older Black women are
et al., 2014; Allen et al., 2019; Moody et al., 2023; Woods- unacknowledged strengths (Bentley-Edwards & Adams-Bass,
Giscombé, 2010). Engaging in superwoman schemas allows 2022; Bentley-Edwards et al., 2021). Even in traditional or
Black women to meet immediate needs or goals but leaves gender-conservative Black churches, older Black women have
them vulnerable to long-term health consequences. esteemed status and influence. Older Black women can
Engaging in superwoman schemas offers a shield and become “Church Mothers” who serve as standard bearers of
a direction in managing every day and racial stressors, cultural norms and religious standards within their faith
helping others, as well as meeting goals and obligations. institution (Casselberry, 2017). As Church Mothers, older
The superwoman schema may appear to be low vulnerability Black women are highly visible, wield power, and are res-
with unacknowledged but demonstrated resiliency (see pected by their fellow congregants and church leaders. Outside
Figure 1). Because of its association with achievement of church services, older Black women who live alone are
markers and responsibility, superwoman and strong Black checked on with calls and visits, with church members
1042 BENTLEY-EDWARDS AND ADAMS

providing family-like support that can influence health interventions for Black women and girls, these programs
behaviors and outcomes (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). With that must consider Luthar’s assertion that resiliency is a process
in mind, prayer and spirituality are only one part of the support rather than a personality or biological trait (Luthar et al.,
gained from church involvement for older Black women. The 2000). Spencer’s (2005) PVEST-linked vulnerability status
relationship dynamics in church may provide significant yet and resiliency prediction dual-axis model provides a
unacknowledged influence on psychosocial and health framework for the design of research studies and the analysis
outcomes. of data. From this perspective, interventions can shift from a
Whether in or out of the church setting, older Black women deficit approach (changing flawed people) to a strength-based
have a need for social networks and intimate relationships. approach by reinforcing ongoing supports and either elimi-
Active senior residential communities provide outlets to nating or reducing the impact of direct and systemic barriers.
find companionship and engage in sexual relationships Additionally, researchers must look at how theoretical frame-
(Frankowski & Clark, 2009). The intimacy needs and works outside of psychology may complement or improve
behaviors of older adults in general, and Black women our understanding of resilience and well-being. Black
specifically, are understudied. Like their younger counterparts, feminist thought and womanist theory provide paradigms
older Black women’s intimate relationships are challenged by that allow researchers to thoughtfully integrate both risks and
limited partner options, prior trauma, and health concerns protective factors for understanding resilience specific to
(Laganá et al., 2013). Despite these barriers, older Black Black women and girls throughout the lifespan.
women are having sexual relationships with the gender of their
choice (Laganá et al., 2013; Woody, 2015). As researchers
gain interest in older lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and Take a Two-Pronged Resiliency Approach
queer adults, the experiences of Black women are typically not
included. In a small but robust qualitative study, Woody (2015) Prior work on promoting resiliency in African American
found that the older Black lesbians in their study often felt children and families has focused on psychosocial, mostly
isolated, even when partnered, because they may not have individualized outcomes (American Psychological Association,
extended family support or children, or the ability to tap into 2008). These strategies can help children navigate the
traditional religious supports. Older Black lesbians and other systemic challenges of their environment without changing
sexual minority women have difficulty in finding intimate the circumstances that placed them at risk. These are stop-gap
relationships with partners within their age group and racial efforts that can help Black girls and their families deal with their
preference. lived realities. For example, the timeframe for girlhood or
With life expectancies that exceed that of Black men pregnancy is fleeting, so urgent needs cannot wait on
by roughly 8 years, heterosexual older Black women may institutional change. As a result, efforts to promote resiliency
find themselves dating younger men. Older Black women are implemented, and structural barriers in schools and
typically know less about sexually transmitted infections healthcare remain unresolved (Clay, 2019). How many times
than younger generations. Public health workers see this should a Black woman or girl overcome adversity before the
population as low risk for sexually transmitted infection, adversities are also addressed?
even though HIV and other sexually transmitted infection For sustained, progressive, and healthy development to
transmission rates have increased for older adults occur at every stage of life, interventionists should take a
(Lichtenstein, 2008; Tillman & Mark, 2015). Recognizing two-pronged approach to promoting resiliency that will
societal and gender power imbalances should inform (a) address the immediate psychosocial and physical needs
frameworks for building and maintaining healthy intimate of Black women and girls, which should co-occur with (b)
relationships for older Black women regardless of sexual addressing policies and social norms that allow Black women
orientation. and girls to experience outsized adversity.
Researchers and interventionists must aim higher than
Rethinking Resiliency for Black Women and Girls: surviving trauma or the absence of maladaptive behaviors as
Recommendations for Research, Interventions, the goal for Black women and girls’ healthy development
and Practice and functioning, paying attention to distinct lifespan
markers when designing a study. Rethinking resiliency
Extend Your Theoretical Toolkit and health for Black women and girls requires a reflection
Theoretical frameworks are the foundation for rigorous on existing interdisciplinary frameworks. Womanism and
research practices and evidence-based interventions. Resear- Black feminist thought serve as excellent launching points
chers should reconsider the success and healthy functioning for multidimensional approaches to healthy functioning
of Black women and girls through the lens of dynamic, (Barrett et al., 2005; Collins, 2022; Moody et al., 2023;
evolving, and interdisciplinary theoretical frameworks. In Pinto, 2023; V. G. Thomas, 2004; E. Townes, 2015;
designing conceptual models for resiliency-promoting Walker, 1983).
 RETHINKING THE RESILIENCE OF BLACK WOMEN AND GIRLS 1043

Rethink Safe Spaces to a community need. As a result, digital safe spaces are
open to outsider critique for being exclusive, infiltrated by
A running thread in Black feminist thought and womanism
non-Black interlopers as well as data mining for marketing.
frameworks is that Black women and girls need safe spaces to
Nevertheless, these digital safe spaces serve to decrease
share their experiences and come together in mutual support
physical and emotional distance and to create an affirming
relative to their life stage or experience. Therefore, building
supportive community. Systemic changes are within reach
safe spaces is an essential part of long-term self-care. Collins
that would make educational and care spaces more trust-
(2022) remarks that Black women need spaces where self-
worthy and promote the healthy development of Black
care is a “practice to foster wellness in the social context of
women and girls without them exclusively carrying the
harm and injury” (p. 361). In these spaces, Black women and
burden of care.
girls are given the opportunity to exist outside of Black girl
magic; their struggles are not seen as beautiful but as a call for
action, and they can put down their superwoman capes. Support Womanism Over Superwoman Complex
Although the contexts may differ, Black women and girls Ultimately, Black women and girls need to be fully seen,
need support across the socioeconomic spectrum. For heard, and valued beyond their ability to endure adversity.
example, Luthar et al. (2017) found that mothers who For example, it is not enough to recognize the perseverance
were health professionals benefited psychologically and with of a pregnant college student working odd jobs while
lowered cortisol levels after a series of structured, safe spaces coping with insecure housing—to do so would promote
for dialogue and resource sharing. Black women and girls can superwoman schemas. Providers can support the self-efficacy
similarly benefit from peer support groups. Historically, of Black women while also directing them to relevant
kinship circles organically formed in communities and often resources that ease their struggles. Moody et al. (2023) found
served to meet the needs of Black women and girls. The that identifying with superwoman or strong black woman
evolution of Black communities and geographic migration schemas was associated with self-blaming and emotional
patterns suggest that kin remains a vital resource for Black detachment coping strategies. Conversely, identifying with
women and girls. womanism was positively associated with responding to
Ideally, the safe spaces that Black women and girls have discrimination with engagement coping strategies (education
among peers would also exist in therapy, schools, and other and activism). The engagement strategies utilized in
health settings—places that are expected to nurture learning womanism allow for encouragement, resource sharing, and
and well-being. From the classroom to clinical settings, opportunities to fight against systemic racism and sexism.
practitioners must reflect on whether they are providing a Therefore, womanism, with its focus on interconnected and
safe space for Black girls and women. Safe spaces for Black supportive spaces, is a healthier approach than the strong
girls would likely be similar to spaces for Black women but black woman schema.
be developmentally appropriate for their life stage. As noted
by Woods-Jaeger et al. (2022), schools can serve as a respite
as well as a source of adverse childhood experiences. Understand and Practice Racial Socialization
School counselors and other mental health practitioners Like other American girls, African American girls are
must consider how racial microaggressions and their own exposed to phrases like “Girl Power” and other empower-
racial stress responses can interfere with the care of Black ment affirmations. Additionally, Black girls receive gendered
women and girls. Training that addresses the unique racial socialization messages from family and other important
experiences of Black women and girls should be a adults in their lives. Racial and ethnic socialization includes
requirement for professionals who are working with these the “transmission and acquisition of intellectual, affective,
populations. and behavioral skills toward the protection and affirmation of
Traditionally “safe space” has been defined as a physical racial self-efficacy” (Bentley et al., 2009, p. 96).
space. The practice of social distancing instituted in response Gendered racial socialization provides additional direction
to the COVID-19 pandemic created high vulnerability for on navigating cultural norms and stressors based on the
the Black community (Bogan et al., 2022) and is counter to intersection of race and gender (Stokes et al., 2020; A. J.
communalism that is part of womanism and the Black social Thomas & King, 2007). Parents and other caregivers actively
experience. As Black women and girls have come under share messages about racial pride, heritage, and images of
increased attack with fewer allies, virtual platforms such as beauty that reflect the cultural perspectives of African
podcasts, vlogs, Twitter threads (now called X), TikTok, Americans; academic achievement and performance are also
and Facebook groups for Black women and/or girls have of high priority (Hill, 2001). For Black girls, these messages
become a prominent landing place. However, many of these often revolve around building confidence in their appearance
spaces are hosted on free platforms and are often facilitated (especially hair and skin color), their voice (self-advocacy),
voluntarily by Black women and girls who are responding and self-determination. Parenting processes are central to the
1044 BENTLEY-EDWARDS AND ADAMS

transmission of racial and gender attitudes. The reality of practices can promote healthy communication between Black
racism’s impact on opportunities for African American girls and their teachers and counselors.
children guides the decision by African American parents to Healthy development for Black girls includes allowing
engage in proactive racial and gender socialization (Bentley- them to be seen as children and being surrounded by
Edwards & Stevenson, 2016; Charity-Parker & Adams-Bass, trustworthy adults who will focus on the content of their
2023; Hill, 2001). These messages align with womanism and interactions rather than punishing their self-expression
Black Feminist Thought concepts of self-definition and (Adams-Bass & Bentley-Edwards, 2020). This is important
validating the experiences of Black women. Overall, racial, for all Black girls including those who have not achieved a
and gendered racial socialization can build the competencies sense of racial identity (Buckley & Carter, 2005) or exposure
to manage racial and gender stress (Anderson & Stevenson, to gendered racial socialization that can buffer efforts to
2019). Gendered racial socialization messages reframe denigrate their cultural selves. Practice-based and school
pathological messages communicated about beauty, intelli- settings should build on the leadership skills of strong-voiced
gence, and worth to become a source of empowerment that Black girls so that they will not be seen as disruptive, and as a
Black girls. result, they can become disruptors of inequitable systems as
In school or clinical settings, psychologists must support adults.
family racial socialization practices and recognize their own
role in the racial socialization of Black girls and women.
Black women and girls are not any less Black or gendered Conclusion
when in provider care. It is imperative for psychologists to In a recent article, Collins (2022) reflected on whether
evaluate the messages they convey about what is possible and Black women can “aim for wellness within a society that is
acceptable for Black women and girls in their care. unwell. Black women who uncritically try to fit into a system
Psychologists, especially White psychologists, should reflect that is predicated on the devaluation of Black female
on their racial positioning and personal socialization to humanity are unlikely to be on the road to mental health”
ensure their guidance is not contributing to the enforcement (p. 367) or physical health. Essentially, the wellness of Black
of gendered and racial hierarchies that impede the health of women and girls is unattainable without eliminating systemic
Black women and girls (Bartoli et al., 2015). barriers. Additionally, researchers and practitioners must find
the balance between providing encouragement and glorifying
the struggle for Black women and girls. Otherwise, struggle
Restorative Justice Practices for Peers and Educators
and suffering will continue to be normalized and perceived as
For Black girls, their self-advocacy is often misinterpreted necessary for the success of Black women and girls.
by teachers as confrontational, and even class participation Whether it is in response to enduring adversity, such as
can be seen as disruptive rather than engaged (Adams-Bass & living in a resource-poor neighborhood, or a specific trauma,
Bentley-Edwards, 2020; E. W. Morris, 2007; E. W. Morris & supporting adaptive recovery from these issues is a key
Perry, 2017; Stewart et al., 2009). Black girls face higher aspect of the practice of psychology. The concern about how
rates of disciplinary actions in comparison to other girls and resiliency for Black women and girls is understood includes
some boys, despite unremarkable differences in behaviors the assumption that resiliency is common and that prolonged
from their counterparts (M. W. Morris, 2015). Black girls are suffering is necessary for healthy development. As resiliency
typically suspended due to perceptions of “talking back” to research has evolved, it is clear that resiliency in response to
authority figures rather than for violence or illicit activities. adversity is not as ubiquitous as previously assumed (Infurna
Black girls are often seen as pseudoadults and culpable for & Jayawickreme, 2019; Infurna & Luthar, 2016), and there
their actions at a very young age (Epstein et al., 2017). may be a physical toll from constantly facing adversity
Instead of viewing Black teenaged girls as engaging in age- (Brody, Yu, Miller, & Chen, 2016; Geronimus, 1992).
appropriate boundary-pushing, their interactions are per- Black women and girls who manage high vulnerability
ceived as being on equal footing (and maturity) with the with finesse can obscure the high risks to their health
adults charged with their care (Adams-Bass & Bentley- (Abrams et al., 2014; Allen et al., 2019). Earlier studies
Edwards, 2020; Bentley-Edwards, 2021; Bentley-Edwards & suggest Black girls learn to navigate uncomfortable situations
Adams-Bass, 2022). by association and modeling of behaviors of those in close
These consistent findings provide opportunities for proximity, usually the behaviors of their mothers (Hesse-
practitioners and educational systems to evaluate who Biber et al., 2004). As such, intergenerational coping
provides advocacy and safe spaces for Black girls in their mechanisms must be understood in supporting the well-
academic environment. Restorative justice, with its focus on being of Black women and girls.
diminishing power imbalances through relationship building, It is great that Black girls and women have demonstrated
mediation, and empowerment strategies, should not only be such resilience. We applaud and encourage Black girls
used to improve peer relationships. Indeed, restorative justice and women to be resilient and to activate Black girl magic.
 RETHINKING THE RESILIENCE OF BLACK WOMEN AND GIRLS 1045

Yet, Black women and girls deserve to simply exist without Baker-Fletcher, K. (1993). Soprano obligato: The voices of Black women
the pressure of overcoming systemic obstacles. Resiliency and American conflict in the thought of Anna Julia Cooper. In
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solutions to eliminate these barriers, is an ethical responsi- A. (2015). What do white counselors and psychotherapists need to know
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Correction to “The Narcissistic Appeal of Leadership Theories” by

Steffens et al. (2022)

In the article “The Narcissistic Appeal of Leadership Theories,” by Niklas K. Steffens, Mark
S. P. Chong, and S. Alexander Haslam (American Psychologist, 2022, Vol. 77, No. 2,
pp. 234–248, https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000738), Mark S. P. Chong was incorrectly
omitted from the author list. The online version of this article has been corrected.
https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0001418