Journal of Peace Research

2021, Vol. 58(3) 449–461

Can women benefit from war? Women’s ª The Author(s) 2020

agency in conflict and post-conflict societies Article reuse guidelines:

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DOI: 10.1177/0022343320905619
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Punam Yadav
Centre for Gender and Disaster, Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London

Abstract
Women’s agency in Peace and Conflict Studies has received increased policy attention since the formulation of UN
Security Council Resolution in 2000. Academic attention regarding this question has, as a result, also increased
dramatically in the intervening period. Women today, as a consequence, are not just seen as victims of conflict, but
also as agents of change. Despite their vulnerabilities in the situations created by conflict, women may be exposed to
new knowledge and opportunities, which may have positive impacts on their lives. Therefore, it is important to
recognize the lived realities and the multiple stories of postwar societies to address the new needs of people and build
a sustainable peace. This article examines the everyday lives of women in post-conflict Nepal to demonstrate the
significant transformations that have taken place since the war. It specifically investigates conflict-induced social and
structural changes through the lived experiences of women tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and
women politicians. This article is based on the analysis of 200 interviews and six focus group discussions (FGDs)
carried out over a period of 12 years in seven districts of Nepal.

Keywords
civil war, Nepal, peace and security, post-conflict transformation, women’s empowerment, women’s agency

Introduction progress since post-WWII literature on women’s experi-

ences, which highlighted the backlash that forced work-
Can women benefit from war? The current debate on
ing women back into the domestic sphere (Trey, 1972).
women’s agency and empowerment in war and post-
However, the notion of backlash still has prominence in
conflict contexts has produced a burgeoning body of
feminist literature on post-conflict societies, which seems
literature on women’s post-conflict empowerment (e.g.
to overshadow the recognition of the gains that women
Andrabi, 2019; Berry, 2017, 2018; O’Reilly, 2018;
achieve during war and emphasizes the reassertion of
Kolås, 2017; Asaf, 2017; Sjoberg, 2018; Anderson,
patriarchal control. For example, Lori Handrahan
2016; Tripp, 2015; Wagha, 2014; Wood, 2008; Petti-
(2004: 436) argues:
grew & Shneiderman, 2004). Women’s agency in con-
flict and post-conflict societies has also received increased
War tends to break down patriarchal structures, and
attention in policy and practice since the adoption of women gain, as an unintended consequence, freedom,
United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) responsibility and worth. This gender liberation appears
1325 in 2000 (UNWomen, 2015; Haeri & Puechguir- short-lived, as the national patriarchy begins to reassert
bal, 2010). Women today, as a consequence, are not just itself after the war and expects women to return to ‘the
seen as victims of conflict, but also as agents of change. way they were before the war’, that is, to their subordi-
The ‘post-conflict moment’ is increasingly seen as an nate positions.
empowering moment for women (Brück & Schindler,
2009; Manchanda, 2005). Therefore, an emphasis has
been placed on the need to capture that ‘moment’ to Corresponding author:
bring about or secure change. This suggests some [email protected]
450 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

Despite conscious efforts to recognize the changing Women, Peace and Security: 1325 (2000), 1820 (2008),
nature of wars, understandings of post-conflict societies 1888 (2009), 1889 (2010), 1960 (2011), 2106 (2013),
cling to an obsolete sense of war that assumes that there 2122 (2013), 2242 (2015), 2467 (2019) and 2493
is a ‘coming back’ of some sort, either of men from the (2019).1 As of December 2019, 83 UN member states
war, who will take over everything from women, pushing have adopted National Action Plans (NAPs)2 to address
them back into the kitchen, or of an authoritarian/con- gender-specific needs in conflict and post-conflict soci-
servative government, which will take away any gains eties. Some countries have already developed their third
that women achieved through their struggles. Hence, and fourth NAPs (for example, Norway adopted its
social transformation is seen either in the hands of a few fourth NAP in 2019);3 others, for example the European
political leaders or in the hands of so-called experts – a Union and African Union, have adopted Regional
top-down process and not a bottom-up, self-evolving, Action Plans to collectively address gender-specific
organic process. In other words, women’s everyday needs.4 Other efforts have also been made to increase
agency (see Parker & Dales, 2014), their everyday nego- and strengthen the effectiveness of these resolutions,
tiations with patriarchy in a disrupted social space and such as those of the Convention on the Elimination of
their transformative potential, is largely missing from the All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
current literature. (CEDAW), which adopted its General Recommenda-
In this article, I examine the everyday lives of women tion 305 with all the provisions of UNSCR 1325 to
in post-conflict Nepal to demonstrate the significant make it legally binding. All of these policy documents
transformations that have taken place since the war. I have recognized women as agents of change.
specifically investigate conflict-induced social and struc- Feminist scholars have argued that women are not
tural changes through the lived experiences of women always the victims of war, that they are also actors of
tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and change, and that conflict can be a vehicle for women’s
women politicians. Building on my previous work, in empowerment due to men’s absence in the family and
which I argued that women are not just victims but also women’s greater exposure to the public sphere (see
beneficiaries of war due to ‘the rupture in restrictive
Andrabi, 2019; Berry, 2018; Asaf, 2017; Tripp, 2015;
gender norms’ (Yadav, 2016a: 171), and guided by
Moghadam, 2013; Hughes, 2009; Pettigrew & Schnei-
Cynthia Enloe’s (2004) model of feminist curiosity, I
derman, 2004; Gardam & Charlesworth, 2000). Darini
ask additional questions about these ruptures, consider-
Rajasingham-Senanayake (2004) published a paper over
ing, for example, their transformative quality, the dur-
a decade ago in the context of Sri Lanka’s war, arguing
ability or sustainability of the ruptures, and the impetus
that retreating to previous structures of analysis was not
towards a return to pre-conflict gender norms. This arti-
possible because of the changes that conflict had brought
cle contributes to the current debate on women’s agency
to Sri Lankan society. Manchanda (2004), meanwhile,
in conflict and post-conflict contexts (e.g. Berry, 2018;
Tripp, 2015; Wood, 2008). asserts that the Maoist conflict in Nepal failed to fulfil its
This article is divided into six main sections. The first promise in terms of achieving gender equality. However,
section examines the current literature on women, war she also argued that, despite disappointments, women in
and social change and identifies gaps in that literature. Nepal have benefited from the Maoist conflict (Man-
The second section lays out the theoretical framework chanda, 2004). Shazana Andrabi (2019) examines
for this article. The third section gives a brief background women’s experience in Jammu and Kashmir to demon-
of the civil war and the status of women in Nepal. The strate how, despite the negative consequences of war,
fourth section presents examples of the transformative women have transformed their own situations from vic-
effects of the civil war in Nepal. The fifth section offers timhood to being agents of change. Nevertheless, despite
a systematic analysis and sheds light on the durability of
such gains; the sixth section presents conclusions. 1
WPS resolutions can be found at http://www.peacewomen.org/
why-WPS/solutions/resolutions.
2
See https://www.peacewomen.org/member-states.
Women, war and social change 3
See Fourth Norwegian NAP: https://www.peacewomen.org/sites/
default/files/actionplan_wps2019.pdf.
Gender oppression has been a feature of war throughout 4
There are 11 RAPs: https://www.peacewomen.org/member-states.
history. Efforts have been made, both in policies and 5
See CEDAW General Recommendation 30: https://www.ohchr.
practice, to address the gendered consequences of war, org/Documents/HRBodies/CEDAW/GComments/CEDAW.C.
through mechanisms such as the UNSC Resolutions on CG.30.pdf.
Yadav 451

increasing attention and scholarship recognizing these demographic, economic, and cultural shifts’ (Berry,
gains, the question of the sustainability of these gains 2018: 2). She analyses how war in both countries led
remains (Berry, 2018). Codou Bop (2001: 33) argues to ‘increases in women’s political agency’ (Berry, 2018:
that women’s gains ‘seem to be more fragile in post- 2). She argues that women’s participation in combat
conflict than their loss which often goes unexplained roles does not only challenge gender roles but also
because of the lack of political perspective on transform- increases the possibility of women taking part in politics
ing gender relations in a post-conflict context’. Man- at various levels (Berry, 2018: 3). In this article, I aim to
chanda (2001: 100) argues that more structured and extend this line of inquiry to examine the transformation
hierarchal peacetime politics have slighted gains that of social norms, cultural practices and gendered struc-
women achieved during conflict times, which has tures in post-conflict Nepal. I do this by analysing
prevented the adequate addressing of these issues in the lived experiences of women from different fields,
post-conflict reforms. In both of these analyses, the such as women tempo drivers, war widows, women
responsibility for recognizing the gains is placed on the ex-combatants and women politicians.
state, not on society, non-state actors or individuals. In order to conceptualize the process of social change,
A prominent anthropologist, Stephan Lubkemann I draw upon Pierre Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of social
(2008: 1), sees ‘war as a transformative social condition life, in particular his notion of field, habitus and practice,
and not simply as a political struggle conducted which allows us to examine the interaction between
through organized violence’. However, he argues, structure and agency – the multiplicity and the fluidity
because of the focus on violence in war studies, the of social relations. I will also use Judith Butler’s (1988)
‘agency of ordinary people’ is neglected (Lubkemann notion of performativity to illustrate how the collective
2007, 2008, cited in Wood, 2008: 540). Extending performance of disobedience could lead to the changing
Lubkemann’s line of inquiry, Elisabeth Wood (2008: habitus of people, which then leads to a wider transfor-
540) examines social processes looking at ‘the transfor- mation of social norms and gendered structures.
mation of social actors, structural norms, and practices
at the local level’ in four war-torn countries: Peru, El
Salvador, Sri Lanka and Sierra Leone. She argues that
Social space and the process of social change
‘[w]ar may radically change the pace of existing pro- According to Bourdieu, ‘any social formation is struc-
cesses, redirect them, or alter their consequences, with tured by way of a hierarchically organized series of fields’
perhaps irreversible effect’ (Wood, 2008: 540). (Bourdieu & Johnson, 1993: 6). A field, for Bourdieu, is
Within the past decade, burgeoning scholarship on ‘a structured system of social positions – occupied either
women’s agency in post-conflict contexts suggests how by individuals or institutions – the nature of which
war breaks the gender boundaries, paving the way for defines the situation for their occupants’ (Jenkins,
women to exercise their agency. However, few studies 1992: 85). These fields are ‘relatively autonomous but
have looked at the transformative effects of war (e.g. structurally homologous with others’ (Bourdieu & John-
Berry, 2018; Yadav, 2016a; Tripp, 2015). The transfor- son, 1993: 6). Each of these structured spaces has its own
mative potential of small, localized changes, which often rules and logic of functioning, which members of that
are the initial catalyst for broader social change, has not field are expected to follow, and the knowledge of these
been recognized or considered for analysis. rules determines individuals’ membership in that com-
Aili Tripp’s (2015) prominent work in the field of munity (Bourdieu & Johnson, 1993: 6). These rules are
women’s agency and empowerment in post-conflict often taken for granted. Hence, they remain unques-
countries, in which she analyses the experiences of tioned until there is a need for it, and these social rules
women in Africa, shows a positive correlation between are practised as part of everyday life. Through the teach-
war and women’s increased political participation. She ing and practice of these rules, they become social law,
argues that the ‘most dramatic changes in women’s polit- which then becomes embodied law (Bourdieu & Nice,
ical engagement have occurred in countries that came 2001: 39). Bourdieu calls these embodied laws ‘habitus’:
out of major conflict’ (Tripp, 2015: 3). In her recent ‘[h]abitus is both a system of schemes of production of
book, Marie E Berry (2018) analyses the experiences of practices and a system of perception and appreciation of
women in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina in the after- practices’ (Bourdieu, 1989: 19). In other words, people
math of war. She argues that ‘while war is destructive, it act according to their habitus, and their acts are recog-
is also a period of rapid social change that reconfigures nized or perceived as normal or natural because the per-
gendered power relations by precipitating interrelated ception is also a product of habitus. Habitus is a way of
452 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

life, which provides a sense of belonging, or a ‘sense of questioning of doxic practices (Bourdieu, 1977: 168)
one’s place’, but it is also a ‘sense of the place of others’ and provides a space for critical reflexivity, which con-
(Bourdieu, 1989: 19). For example, it provides a sense of tributes to change. Reflexivity is not just individual; it
our community versus their community. can happen at the community level, which can be seen in
According to Bourdieu, social actions are neither shared practices (Lash, 1993). These shared practices are
wholly determined nor completely arbitrary; instead, also challenged when there is a mismatch between the
habitus generates and shapes our actions according to field and the habitus. For example, when Maoist women
the rules and internal logic of the field (Adkins, 2003: in Nepal proved on the battlefield that they were no less
23). We are not just the carriers of these rules. Our than men, the people’s perception of what women were
actions shape the habitus of the field. For instance, prac- capable of doing changed (Yami, 2007). Hence, the
tising Hindus know what their religion expects of them. unevenness of the relationship between field and habitus
However, the practice of Hinduism varies in different offers scope to study social change and continuity within
parts of the world. Therefore, within the same field, we feminist analysis (McLeod, 2005: 12). In this article,
see different practices of social rules (Adkins, 2003). Yet, I examine how the mismatch between field and habitus
we do not always act consciously (Brubaker, 1993: 225). due to crisis created by the armed conflict in Nepal led to
We are mostly comfortable with what we have. Bourdieu a wider social transformation.
refers to this as a ‘doxa’ or a ‘doxic experience’ (Jenkins, This article is part of my ongoing research in Nepal. It
1992: 70). Doxa implies practical knowledge: ‘[t]he is based on the analysis of 160 individual interviews
social world doesn’t work in terms of consciousness; it carried out over a period of 12 years, between 2006 and
works in terms of practices, mechanisms and so forth. By 2018, with women politicians, war widows, women ex-
using doxa we accept many things without knowing Maoist combatants, wives of missing persons, internally
them, and that is what is called ideology’ (Bourdieu & displaced people (IDPs), tempo drivers and other
Eagleton, 1992: 113). women. I also interviewed 40 key informants, including
To lead a normal life, we take certain things for policymakers from government institutions, political
granted, making our lives easier. However, this does not leaders, national and international NGO representatives,
mean that we are completely bound by these rules. Each officials from bilateral organizations and village leaders.
social actor is a producer and reproducer of the rules and The research includes six focus group discussions
norms. Actors follow these rules and also modify them (FGDs) with conflict-affected women. My fieldwork was
when necessary (Jenkins, 1992: 77). Bourdieu argued that carried out in seven districts of Nepal, covering different
even ‘the most intolerable conditions of existence can so geographical locations, such as the capital city (Kath-
often be perceived as acceptable and even natural’ (Bour- mandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktpur), Rolpa, Newalparasi,
dieu & Nice, 2001: 1). He argued that women ‘often Siraha and Dhanusha. My own ethnographic account,
unwittingly, sometimes unwillingly contribute to their as a Nepali woman who has had first-hand experience of
own domination by tacitly accepting the limits imposed, the People’s War, also informs my analysis.
[which] often take the form of bodily emotions – shame, The researcher’s positionality is a highly debated topic
humiliation, timidity, anxiety, guilt – or passions and sen- in social science research, with some questioning the
timents – love, admiration, respect’ (Bourdieu & Nice, reliability and validity of research (Chavez, 2008) and
2001: 38, emphasis in original). However, he continued, others arguing that the research outcomes are linked to
‘[i]t doesn’t mean that the dominated individuals tolerate the researcher’s political and cultural identities (Geleta,
everything; but they assent to much more than we believe 2013). I position myself within the interpretivist stance
and much more than they know’ (Bourdieu & Eagleton, (Denzin, 1997), which sees the researcher as part of the
1992: 114). Thus, the reason why discriminatory socio- research process. My knowledge and understanding of
cultural norms have been effective for so long is because the local contexts, including the knowledge of local
the social institution not only silently observes them but languages and cultures, have contributed to extend my
also maintains them (Puigvert, 2001: 30). analysis, allowing me to see small localized changes,
Although people do not question these taken-for- which would otherwise have not been possible.
granted or ‘this is how it is’ rules until they have to, they
do question these rules and change them when they are
put into situations requiring transformation, such as
Women in Nepal
conflict or crisis. Describing his notion of habitus as a Despite some significant changes in recent years, patri-
generative structure, Bourdieu argued that crisis leads to archy still plays a significant role in the social
Yadav 453

organization of Nepal. The first National Code (the married, they are married for life, no matter what the
Muluki Ain 1910) was written in 1853 by men from the relationship is like, and women are expected to be vir-
higher caste.6 It was derived mainly from Hindu reli- tuous even in present-day Nepal.
gious texts, such as Manusmriti (the Law of Manu),7 Despite several amendments in the National Code
which formed the basis for the National Code 1963 (the 1963, gender-based discriminatory provisions persist.
Muluki Ain 2020).8 The Manusmriti is a highly gen- However, since the civil war, there have been significant
dered text that puts women at the bottom of a family changes in gender relations with a domino effect, the
unit, with no independent status. Marriage is seen as a dynamics of which are addressed below.
religious ritual; therefore, it is universally normative. The
following verses illustrate how Manusmriti views women:
Civil war in Nepal
[67] The ritual of marriage is traditionally known as the With the success of the democratic movement in 1990,
Vedic transformative ritual for women; serving her hus- which abolished the 240-year-old monarchy, people had
band is (the equivalent of) living with a guru, and house- hopes for a better future. However, the struggle over
hold chores are the rites of the fire. (Manusmriti, power between the political parties and political instabil-
Chapter 2, in Doniger & Smith, 1991: 24) ity – two general elections, and the formation of several
[2] Men must make their women dependent day and coalition governments within five years – led to wide-
night and keep under their own control those who are spread frustration. Amid this frustration, the Nepal
attached to sensory objects. [3] Her father guards her in Communist Party (Maoist) announced an armed move-
childhood, her husband guards her in youth, and her ment in 1996, which they called the People’s War. Their
sons guard her in old age. A woman is not fit for inde- advocacy for equality and non-discrimination, including
pendence. (Manusmriti, Chapter 9, in Doniger & promises to transform Nepal, attracted many people who
Smith, 1991: 197) wanted to see change. The movement grew quickly, and
Despite changing gender relations in modern Nepal, a significant number of people from discriminated
the resonance of these self-explanatory verses from the groups joined. Women comprised 33% of the Maoist
Manusmriti can still be found in everyday practice. For militia. The war lasted for ten years (until 2006), during
instance, although Nepal has been well ahead compared which thousands of people were killed (over 13,000),
to other South Asian countries, giving women the right hundreds of people disappeared (over 2,800), and hun-
to vote in 1951, women’s social status is still secondary dreds of thousands of people were displaced (approxi-
to that of men. The National Code 1963 had many mately 200,000) (IDMC, 2010; Thapa & Sharma,
gender-based, discriminatory provisions and assumed 2009; Thapa & Sijapati, 2003). Young women were
marriage as universal. Therefore, women did not have widowed, and there was a significant increase in
the right to inheritance, and they could not pass their woman-headed households because of the absence of
citizenship to their children. Daughters are seen as some- male members in the family (WHR, 2010). People lost
one else’s property, which influences their upbringing, their property, livelihoods and social networks. Schools
causing low literacy rate among girls, son preference and and health posts were bombed. Basic infrastructures were
the practice of dowry. destroyed, and communication was cut off between vil-
According to the United Nations International Chil- lages (Yadav, 2016a).
dren’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), over one-third The situation became worse after the announcement
(36.6%) of girls in Nepal are married before they are of the state of emergency in 2002, with military check-
18, even though the legal age for marriage is 20.9 In points every few kilometres. Travelling from one place to
some parts, especially in the Madhesh (also known as the another became risky because the country was heavily
Terai), girls are sent to school only until they get married militarized, and citizen rights were suspended. As the
because there is a demand for educated girls. Once conflict escalated, social life came to a standstill in most
parts of Nepal. Curfews became regular phenomena,
occurring in some locations daily, such as Rolpa, a Mao-
6
See http://www.cll.org.np/images/muluki-ain-1910-BS.pdf. ist stronghold. People were targeted by both conflicting
7
Manusmriti was written around 500 BCE.
8 parties because of their political orientations and affilia-
See the Muluki Ain 2020: http://nepalconflictreport.ohchr.org/
files/docs/1963-04-12_legal_govt-of-nepal_eng.pdf. tions. Police and army cadres were targeted by the Mao-
9
See UNICEF report on Ending Child Marriage in Nepal: https:// ists because they were seen as the gatekeepers of the state
www.unicef.org/rosa/reports/ending-child-marriage-nepal. and therefore were the ‘enemy’. Hence, their families
454 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

were also at risk. Likewise, Maoists and their families empowerment. In the following section, I will discuss
were targeted by the security forces. Others felt trapped some of the long-lasting changes in post-conflict Nepal.
between the two fighting forces and left their villages. As
a result, the country saw huge migrations, both internal
and external. Migration that started as a necessity during Transformative effects of the civil war
conflict became a trend, which left most of the villages In this section, I will discuss four examples of how war
with only women, children and elderly people, which has has led to the opening up of various social, economic and
had a significant impact on society, including changes in political spaces for women, and how their new roles and
gender norms and cultural practices. performances have led to the transformation of social
It has been 13 years since the peace agreement was norms and structures. The first example is of women
signed in 2006. Despite myriad conflict-related grievances tempo drivers.
yet to be dealt with, the government ‘do not want to hear The Safa tempo was introduced in Kathmandu in
a word about peacebuilding’.10 For example, two commis- 1993 as a measure against increasing air pollution (Baral,
sions, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Parajuli & Aryal, 2000). It grew into one of the most
Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared popular forms of public transport in Kathmandu. A Safa
Persons, have received over 64,000 complaints11 and are tempo is not a taxi but a small, three-wheeled electric
making very slow progress in addressing them and the vehicle that carries up to 12 people and operates on fixed
thousands of undocumented IDPs still displaced. Political routes. There are around 600 of them in Kathmandu
instability and frequent changes to the government (over Valley alone. Thousands of people use tempos each day
25 coalition governments in 28 years of democracy) have to reach their destinations. There were no stated restric-
added further complexity to the sociopolitical scenario of tions on women driving, but driving public transport
Nepal. Moreover, a devastating earthquake in 2015 was regarded as men’s work. When Sumitra Dangal first
claimed over 9,000 lives and left 3.5 million homeless; entered this profession in 1996, she became headline
it shifted the priority of the government and international news. Crossing the gender boundary, she was ardently
donors from conflict-affected people to disaster recovery criticized by people, some showing concern over her
and reconstruction.12 safety and security, others pointing fingers at her mor-
However, despite all these negative consequences, ality as a woman who had entered a man’s space; yet, she
conflict has also created a positive space for women and persisted. As conflict escalated, the capital city Kath-
marginalized groups to exercise agency. Arguably, the mandu saw a high influx of IDPs (see IDMC, 2010).
changes that people experienced in Nepal within a few These displaced people needed income to survive in the
years would have taken several decades if there was no new city. Since Sumitra Dangal had already paved the
conflict. GDP growth was recorded at 0% in 2016. way, more women started becoming tempo drivers. Safa
However, in the same period, the Women, Peace and tempo driving became a viable occupation, especially
Security (WPS) Index ranked Nepal as first in South Asia among women, because of the attractive income and
for the primary indicators of inclusion, justice and secu- independence, even though women met substantial chal-
rity.13 In terms of gender rights and the rights of women, lenges. For example, tempo owners would not lend
Nepal stands 42 places higher than its per capita ranking, women tempos, and women also faced harassment by
which suggests that political stability and economic fellow drivers, passengers and traffic police. Maya, who
growth are not the main indicators of women’s started driving a tempo after being displaced in Kath-
mandu, said that initially male drivers and traffic police
made fun of women drivers. However, with an increas-
ing presence of women in the driving profession, the
10
Interview with an international NGO in Nepal in December perceptions changed, and women were seen as safe and
2016.
11
even professional drivers.14
See TRC: http://trc.gov.np/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/TRC-
This example reveals a significant transformation in
Bulletin.pdf. Also see CIEDP: http://www.ciedp.gov.np/ne/
content.php?id¼24. the role of Nepali women. However, the journey for
12
See 2015 Nepal earthquake facts and figures: https://www. them has not ended here. Most of these women tempo
worldvision.org/disaster-relief-news-stories/2015-nepal-earthquake- drivers want to drive four-wheeled vehicles. They want
facts.
13
WPS Index: https://giwps.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/
14
2019/11/WPS-Index-Report-2017-18.pdf. Interview, December 2014.
Yadav 455

to join government and non-government organizations husbands. Hence, they felt increased risk of rape and sex-
for better status and better pay. The post-conflict social ual violence.16 Due to the white sari, which symbolized
inclusion discourse has opened up possibilities for them. their widowhood, people held different perceptions about
Some of the women tempo drivers have already realized them, leading to discriminatory behaviours. Widows
their dreams by joining UN agencies and international expressed that they felt traumatized because the white sari
organizations in Nepal. The unusual situation created by never let them forget their loss; they were simultaneously
conflict, in which women were forced to work outside excluded from public space (Yadav, 2016b).
the home for survival, challenged the doxa (in this case When widows started gathering and sharing their
tempo driving being men’s work), which opened up experiences with the help of WHR, they learned that
space for new knowledge (Bourdieu & Eagleton, the discrimination was not personal but cultural, which
1992). Women in the driving profession has become a was a starting point for questioning the doxa, the taken-
new norm, which is neither questioned nor criticized by for-granted discriminatory gender norms. Valentine
anyone, as evidenced by the headline ‘Women on the Moghadam (2013:1) claims that ‘structural changes are
road: Driving with dignity’ (Raut, 2011). linked to “consciousness”’. When widows came to know
The second example is of a cultural transformation – that the white sari had no religious significance, that led
the transformation of widowhood in Nepal. Prior to the to their changing performance (Butler, 1988). Slowly,
civil war, there were strict rules around widowhood. they started avoiding white saris and wearing other col-
Widows were required to wear white saris (a symbol of ours. Like women tempo drivers, those few widows who
purity), especially in high-caste Hindu families, irrespec- started defying the culture of the white sari were criti-
tive of age. It was a common practice, and no one ques- cized and labelled as bad women. However, with the
tioned it. Widows were not supposed to remarry but increasing practice and repeated performance of widows
were expected to be loyal to their husbands even after wearing other colours, it slowly became normal, chang-
their deaths, as described in the Manusmriti: ing people’s habitus of widowhood.
Now, the white sari is no longer mandatory for
[151] when her father, or her brother with her father’s widows, and their presence in public space has also sig-
permission, gives her to someone, she should obey that nificantly increased. Indeed, around the year 2000, the
man while he is alive and not violate her vow to him current president of Nepal was seen on TV in a white sari
when he is dead. (Manusmriti, Chapter 4, in Doniger & after she became a widow. However, by 2015, she was
Smith, 1991: 115)
seen on TV wearing saris of different colors. Even
though widow remarriage is not yet a common practice,
During the People’s War, thousands of young
there have been cases of widows remarrying and being
men died. Hence, a large number of women became
widows, with over half of them under the age of 40 accepted.17 The changing performance of widowhood
(WHR, 2010). To help these war widows, some non- has not just meant liberation from the white sari; widows
governmental organizations (NGOs) started working have experienced changes in many aspects of their lives,
with them. An NGO called Women for Human Rights such as there are no longer restrictions on what they can
(WHR)15 started a movement called ‘the Red Colour eat and what they can do, and they have gained more
movement’, which was against the discriminatory prac- access to public spaces (see Yadav, 2016b). It is impor-
tices enforced in widowhood. As part of the movement, tant to note, however, that the practice of widowhood
widows were given red saris, implying that a white sari differs in different ethnic groups within Nepal, and the
was a discriminatory cultural practice and that it had no experience of widowhood also varies depending on the
religious significance. Although this movement was not subject position of each individual in society, which is
entirely successful because of the backlash from the influenced by many factors, such as education, economic
community, it planted a seed for social transformation status, age, family values and so on.
(Yadav, 2016b). The third example of transformation relates to women
The practice of wearing a white sari had a significant politicians and the changing political space in Nepal.
impact on women’s lives. In my interviews with them,
young widows said they felt insecure and vulnerable in a 16
Interview, May 2012.
17
white sari because they were seen as women without The famous Nepalese comedian Hari Bansa Acharya, a widower,
was remarried to Ramila Pathak, who was a widow. See https://www.
texasnepal.com/comedian-hari-bansha-acharya-weds-for-the-second-
15
See http://whr.org.np. time/.
456 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

Women’s representation in politics was minimal until people like her, the Madhesi people, and she started
2008. It did not exceed 6%, even after the establishment taking a closer interest. After cooking, she started taking
of democracy in 1990 (Upreti & Shrestha, 2017; Nepali part in the protests. In 2008, Nepal held its first CA
& Shrestha, 2007). Those who were in politics were from election. The Madhesh Janadhikar Forum, which was
an elite class, often with male relatives in politics (IDEA, leading the Madhesh movement of 2007, also took part
2008). Such roles were out of reach for the majority of in the election. Devi was a highly desirable candidate – a
women in Nepal, and leadership positions were always in woman from a lower caste with a poor economic back-
the hands of male politicians; scant acceptance of women’s ground. She was nominated as one of the 601 CA mem-
leadership in politics existed. One senior Nepali congress- bers, which had 197 (33%) women.
woman, for example, said it was very difficult for her when When I spoke to Devi in 2011, she said she had never
she started. Despite her being highly educated, with a thought she would join politics because it was out of
master’s degree in political science, she said, ‘it was tough reach. Politicians came to their home only in times of
to be a female leader’.18 Similar experiences were shared electoral campaigns. People were given food and some
by other women politicians. money in exchange for votes, and, after the election, the
With the increasing influence of the Maoist move- politicians never showed up again. Yet Devi gained access
ment during the period of ten years (1996–2006), which to a political role because of the reserved quota. After she
advocated for greater gender equality and social inclu- assumed that role, her relationship with her family as well
sion, as well as due to the strong women’s movement as her community improved. Those who had criticized
within Nepal and the influence of international dis- her as having a bad character because she was working side
course, gender mainstreaming became one of the main by side with men and taking part in rallies subsequently
agenda items by the time the peace agreement was encouraged her daughters and daughters-in-law to follow
signed. The social inclusion discourse also received polit- her example. She became a role model for her community.
ical momentum after the peace agreement. As a result, The changes that Devi experienced in her life could be
the Interim Constitution 2007 reserved a mandatory explained through Bourdieu’s concept of subject position.
33% quota for women,19 and women’s inclusion became According to Bourdieu, the position of each individual
one of the top election campaign agenda items. Because within a given social space is attached to a set of power
of the strong social inclusion discourse at the time, polit- (Bourdieu, 1985). Devi’s new role as a CA member came
ical parties were competing with each other to showcase with a set of power. Although her ability to exercise that
how inclusive they were in order to get sympathetic power (Foucault, 1978) differed when she was in parlia-
votes. As a result, women who would never have ima- ment and when she was at home, her new subject position
gined being in such high-level political positions became was much higher than anyone in her community, which
Constitution Assembly (CA) members in the first CA changed the way people perceived her. She now had
election.20 One of them was Devi.21 become the leader of that community.
Devi came from a lower caste and had never been to Like Devi, several of the first CA members came from
school. Her husband was also illiterate and an alcoholic, similar backgrounds. It was a rare opportunity. In the
and he did not take any responsibility in the family; thus, absence of conflict, it is unlikely that this political opening
Devi had to work to provide for her children. When the would have happened to the extent that it did. Because a
Madhesh movement of 2007 started, Devi was asked to critical mass of women (33%) were involved in the first
cook for the protesters, a role that would allow her to CA, they were able to make several legislative changes. For
feed her children.22 She quickly learned what the move- instance, they successfully passed the Domestic Violence
ment stood for and that it advocated for the rights of (Offence and Punishment) Act 2066 (2009), which had
been long debated; the process reserved a 40% quota for
women representatives in local government bodies.23
18
Interview, May 2011. Since the peace agreement, women have also taken up
19
The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2017: http://www.wipo.int/
various key positions, both in politics and public insti-
edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/np/np006en.pdf.
20
See Yadav (2016a) chapter 4 for the details about the tutions. The current President of Nepal (since October
constitutional provision and election measures taken to include 2015) is a widow. Likewise, the previous Speaker of the
33% women in the CA. Parliament (October 2015–January 2018) and the Chief
21
See Yadav (2016a) chapter 5 for more details about her journey to
the Constituent Assembly.
22 23
See Singh (2011) for a detailed history of the Madhesh movement. See http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/en/archives/13736.
Yadav 457

of Justice (July 2016) were women. During my interview The post-conflict setting has also witnessed signifi-
with her, the first female Speaker of the Parliament, cant changes in legal and political structures. The new
Hon. Onsari Gharti Magar, shared her experience from Civil Code 2017 (known as the Muluki Debani (Sam-
when she was still in power in 2017: hita) Ain 2074), which replaced the 55-year-old Muluki
Ain 2020, is more progressive in relation to women’s
There was a question mark in my capacity in the begin- rights.27 It criminalizes marital rape, ensures equal
ning. Some thought I will fail and others who supported rights to inheritance, and has strict provisions for sexual
me also had doubts about my capacity. If you look at the harassment. Likewise, women have the right to choose
media coverage of the time when I took the oath, they their surnames, the legal age for marriage is now 20 for
have covered only my mistakes, even though they were both men and women and gender equality has been
minor. Once while I was reading my speech, I read ensured in divorce law. The new constitution from
wrong number which was a typo that I corrected imme- 2015 is more progressive in terms of women’s rights
diately. But it was made a big issue by the media. If the than the 1990s constitution.28
same mistake had been made by a male politician, it These are only some selected examples of transfor-
would not even be noticed. However, slowly through mations that have characterized Nepal during the last
my work, I have earned their trust and I am now
two decades. Indeed, post-conflict, there is a greater
accepted as any other Speaker.24
awareness about women’s rights, bolstered by a growing
feminist movement. The changing political landscape
She also asserted, ‘[b]efore people thought only law-
has posed new challenges, but women are pushing those
yers could be the Speaker of the House, but now they
boundaries. However, are these changes temporary?
know anyone could’. She remarked that, by occupying
Will women eventually be pushed back to their previ-
her position, the political space significantly changed:
ous roles?
‘people use to be scared to go to the Speaker’s chamber.
Women MPs would never go but since I have become
the Speaker, everyone is welcome. My women MP
Backlash? The notion of backlash and the
friends come whenever they like’. She also added how
desire for sustainability
easy it became to have a female president of the country.
She said that women MPs were invited to the president’s ‘Change between gender regimes can be uneven’ (Tripp,
residence to celebrate Teej, a Hindu festival which is only 2015: 4). Bourdieu’s concept of ‘doxa’ is relevant in this
for women. She said they had a good time at the pre- case to articulate how women have been able to challenge
sident’s residence that day. It had never happened before gender boundaries by questioning the doxic state of
and would not have been possible if there had been a mind (Bourdieu & Eagleton, 1992) and how these
male president in power. changes are irreversible. According to Bourdieu, social
Beyond formal politics, women’s presence has signifi- change is possible when there is ‘a critical reflexive stance
cantly increased in all sorts of public spaces. The Nepal towards formerly normalized – or at least taken-for-
army started recruiting women to combat roles in 2004 to granted – social conditions’ (Adkins, 2003: 21). The
defend against the Maoists. The security sector, which had possibility of critical reflexivity becomes available only
long been a men-only space, reserved a 20% quota in when there is a mismatch between the field and the
2006 for women.25 Hence, there is increasing women’s habitus. For all of the examples discussed above, women
participation in the Nepal army. This has brought about a taking up new roles or their changed performance did
transformation in women’s lives and in society. Being in not match with their existing habitus, which created the
the army means casting off traditional outfits and, with possibility for critical reflexivity, leading to a questioning
that action, traditional gender roles. The involvement of of taken-for-granted norms. For example, most of the
women from very traditional families in the army became tempo drivers I interviewed came from rural areas and
increasingly accepted as normal. Simultaneously, women’s
presence in the armed police force and peacekeeping mis- 27
The new civil code 2017: http://www.moljpa.gov.np/en/wp-
sions has also increased.26 content/uploads/2018/12/Civil-code.pdf.
28
See the new Constitution 2015: http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.
uk/collections/rarebooks/downloads/Nepal_1959_Constitution_
24
Interview, January 2017. English.pdf. Also see the 1990s constitution: http://himalaya.
25
See https://www.nepalarmy.mil.np/page/inclusiveness. socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/rarebooks/downloads/Nepal_1990_
26
See https://www.nepalarmy.mil.np/page/women_in_army. Constitution_English.pdf.
458 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

were displaced due to the conflict. Almost all of them Similar challenges were posed by male politicians who
were housewives prior to their displacement. When they opposed an interparty caucus of women, which wea-
started working as tempo drivers, it did not match with kened the women’s movement within the parliament.
their usual roles and the ways they thought about life. Yet, they have been pushing back and raising their voices
The mismatch between their new field and their existing from wherever they are and have employed different
habitus created the possibility for questioning their own strategies such as creating pressure from outside the par-
status, which was a starting point for a quest for new liament through the help of women’s rights organiza-
knowledge about their own lives. Although their entry tions and women bureaucrats. Deniz Kandiyoti (1988:
into a new field posed myriad challenges for them in the 274) calls this dynamic a ‘patriarchal bargain’, arguing
beginning, it also created the possibility for new knowl- that ‘[d]ifferent forms of patriarchy present women with
edge. These women tempo drivers did not just have to distinct “rules of the game” and call for different strate-
master driving skills and establish themselves in a male- gies to maximize security and optimize life options with
dominated field; they also had to deal with thousands of varying potential for active or passive resistance in the
people in a day and learn a different way of life. For face of oppression’. Hence, she argues that ‘the forms of
instance, they had to start early in the morning and finish consciousness and struggle that emerge in times of rapid
late in the evening, which also meant making alternative social change require sympathetic and open-minded
arrangements for their caregiving duties at home. They examination, rather than hasty categorization’ (Kan-
had to eat out, just like their fellow male drivers, which diyoti, 1988: 284).
was again breaking traditional gender boundaries. The 2017 local elections transformed the political
Hence, despite challenges, they were also on a steep landscape in Nepal, when 41% of women joined local
learning curve that created the possibility for critical governments. However, despite a guaranteed quota for
reflexivity. Most of my interviewees said their lives had women in leadership positions, women were given a
been significantly transformed and that they were happy chance to stand only in deputy positions. As a result,
about it. They prefer their new way of life. It has given 98% of deputy mayors are women.29 However, this does
them more freedom (e.g. financial independence also not mean that women are necessarily pushed back. Each
means a better say in decisionmaking at home). At the
of these deputy mayors is committed to bringing about
societal level, despite initial skepticism, since women
change. Dr Namita Yadav, who left her profession as a
proved themselves as good drivers, and due to more
gynaecologist to become a deputy mayor, said she faces a
women joining the force, it has become a new norm.
lot of challenges because she is a woman. However, she
As discussed earlier, women are not only limited to
does not keep quiet. She is committed to bringing about
tempo driving but are bus drivers and have joined vari-
change and raises her concerns, even if that means going
ous organizations. Hence, the question of backlash or
to the top level of leadership.30 She joined politics
banning women from driving and pushing them back
because she wanted to do something to improve the lives
to their homes has no relevance in this case because these
changes cannot be undone. Women do face different of women. She said she aimed to make a difference
challenges in this new field, and their changed roles have through her position, working with women’s rights’
brought a different set of challenges that requires more NGOs. These deputy mayors of Nepal are now planning
support. Hence, what is important is to identify those to establish an association of deputy mayors so that they
new challenges and provide women with the support can share their experiences and support each other. Even
they need. though they are deputies, each of these deputy mayors is
Likewise, women politicians have also been facing an agent of change.
different sets of challenges, and some may call it push- The current functions and duties of the deputy mayor
back. For example, although women won 33% of the in Nepal are not tokenistic as in the past (duties previ-
seats in the first CA election in 2008, this reduced to ously extended only to filling in for the absence of the
30% in the second CA election in 2013. A CA member mayor). Deputy mayors have important duties, such as
said, ‘[t]hey [male leaders] brought all the women who the coordination of the judicial committee, budget com-
had a good chance of winning the election in the nomi- mittee leadership, and monitoring and supervision of
nated positions and gave weak constituencies to others,
where they knew they will not win’. Hence, despite 29
See https://asiafoundation.org/2017/12/13/nepal-elections-
having 33% women candidates, as required by the con- women-seat-table-will-voice/.
30
stitution, they did not achieve 33% of winning positions. Interview, June 2018.
Yadav 459

planned activities. It is important to note that the significant transformations of gender relations and cultural
changes to this policy, which give the deputy mayors practices. The changes that we see in Nepal are not all
more power, were possible only because of the presence intentional. Conflict played the role of a catalyst and
of women in key positions at various institutions, includ- became a vehicle for change for women, creating an
ing politics, bureaucracy, civil society and nongovern- enabling environment for them to exercise agency, even
mental organizations. amid hardship and vulnerability. Shared practices were
Going back to Devi, I wanted to find out what hap- challenged due to a mismatch between field and habitus
pened to her after the first CA was dissolved in 2012. that occurred due to a crisis created by the armed conflict
Therefore, I visited her again in June 2018. Like many in Nepal, which led to a wider social transformation.
other women from the first CA, she was not elected in the However, social transformation is not a linear process.
second CA. She said that in the second election, the polit- Therefore, societal changes cannot be experienced at the
ical parties wanted to win as many seats as they could so same rate. Change does not occur in a social vacuum but
they gave tickets only to those who could give a big dona- takes place within situated constraints and limitations that
tion to the party for the election campaign. She did not determine the nature and the pace of transformation.
have the money, so could not stand in the election. How- Additionally, habitus is ‘a layer of embodied experience
ever, she is still serving as a member of the central com- that is not immediately amenable to self-fashioning. On a
mittee for the same party. She is seen as a senior politician pre-reflexive level, the actor is predisposed or oriented to
now and is respected. In my interview with her in 2011, behave in a certain way because of the “active presence” of
she observed, ‘[p]olitics is a social work and I will continue the whole past embedded in the durable structures of the
my social work even if I am not elected next time’. Now, habitus’ (McNay, 1999: 102). Gender emancipation on
she is doing exactly what she planned. She runs an NGO, one level, even with legal gains, does not mean that prac-
which supports people from the lower castes. Even though tices such as citizenship affirmation (in which woman are
she has no formal education, the NGO she runs has an still required to prove the paternity of their children for
advisory board of highly educated people. Before she equal rights) do not still threaten the lives and livelihoods
entered into politics, none of her children were studying. of people in post-conflict societies. Men fare better in this
After she became a CA member, she sent all her children scenario; however, women’s struggles are ongoing and are
to good schools. One of her sons went to Australia in moving them forward. Therefore, ‘a systematic analysis of
2018 for his undergraduate degree. Since Devi is now women’s strategies and coping mechanisms can help to
well-connected with people in power, she has managed capture the nature of patriarchal systems in their cultural,
to find a job for her husband, too. She said she will class-specific, and temporal concreteness and can reveal
continue serving as a social worker and will also continue how men and women resist, accommodate, adapt, and
in politics. Her life has completely transformed, as have conflict with each other over resources, rights, and respon-
her priorities. She has bought herself a better house and is sibilities’ (Kandiyoti, 1988: 285). These opportunities are
saving to invest further in her children’s education. offered to us only when we are open to the multiple stories
Even though she lives in a small community of only of postwar societies.
75 households, Devi has become an inspiration to
women of that community. Many women from that Acknowledgements
community have joined politics or are on some form
I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the JPR Asso-
of platform, which represents a profound transition to
ciate Editor, Jeffrey T Checkel, and two anonymous
involvement in social and political action for this sector
reviewers for their constructive comments, which were
of Nepalese women. Indeed, in the local election in
immensely helpful in reshaping this article. I would also
2017, a woman from the same community was elected
like to extend my thanks to Maureen Fordham, Kiran
as a ward member, and she will represent her community
Grewal, Lucy Fiske and Lynda Blanchard for their help
in the local government.
at various stages of the writing of this article, and my special
thanks to everyone who participated in this research.
Conclusion
Conflict is not a positive event, but the situations created Funding
by conflict could become a vehicle for women’s empow- This research was partially funded by the Government of
erment. In this article, I have demonstrated how conflict Australia under the Australian Leadership Award Scho-
created the space for critical reflexivity, leading to larship (ALAS) Programme.
460 journal of PEACE RESEARCH 58(3)

ORCID iD Chavez, Christina (2008) Conceptualizing from the inside:

Advantages, complications and demands on insider posi-
Punam Yadav https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6869-
tionality. Qualitative Review 13(3): 474–494.
1704
Denzin, Norman (1997) Interpretive Ethnography: Ethno-
graphic Practices for the 21st Century. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
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