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Supramolecular
Coordination
Complexes
Supramolecular
Coordination
Complexes
Design, Synthesis, and Applications

Edited by

Sankarasekaran Shanmugaraju
Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology Palakkad
(IITPKD), Palakkad, Kerala, India
Elsevier
Radarweg 29, PO Box 211, 1000 AE Amsterdam, Netherlands
The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
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Copyright © 2023 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright
by the Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).
Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research
and experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional
practices, or medical treatment may become necessary.

Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described
herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own
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To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or
editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a
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methods, products, instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.
ISBN: 978-0-323-90582-4
For Information on all Elsevier publications visit our website at
[Link]

Publisher: Susan Dennis

Acquisitions Editor: Charles Bath
Editorial Project Manager: Kyle Gravel
Production Project Manager: Rashmi Manoharan
Cover Designer: Greg Harris

Typeset by Aptara, New Delhi, India

Contents

Contributors xiii

1. Supramolecular coordination self-assembly—

A general introduction 1
Binduja Mohan and Sankarasekaran Shanmugaraju
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Coordination-driven molecular self-assembly 2
1.3 Background and design principles 2
1.3.1 Directional bonding approach 4
1.3.2 Symmetry interaction approach 4
1.3.3 Paneling approach 4
1.3.4 Weak-link approach 6
1.3.5 Dimetallic building block approach 8
1.4 Characterization of supramolecular coordination complexes 8
1.5 Functionalization of supramolecular coordination complexes 11
1.6 Self-sorting and self-selection in supramolecular coordination
complex formation 14
1.7 Selected examples of 2D and 3D supramolecular coordination
complexes 16
1.8 Conclusion 21
Acknowledgment 21
References 21

2. Supramolecular coordination complexes from

metalloligands: Hydrogen bonding-based
self-assemblies 25
Ruchika Gupta, Sanya Pachisia and Rajeev Gupta
2.1 Introduction 25
2.2 Coordination complexes as the metalloligands containing
appended H-bonding functional groups 26
2.3 Synthesis and characterization of metalloligands 27
2.4 Metalloligands offering different appended functional groups 30
2.4.1 Metalloligands offering appended phenol and catechol
groups 30
2.4.2 Metalloligands offering appended aryl carboxylic acid
groups 35

v
vi Contents

2.5 Conclusions 39
Acknowledgments 40
References 40

3. Supramolecular coordination complexes from

metalloligands: Heteronuclear complexes and
coordination polymers and their applications
in catalysis 43
Ruchika Gupta, Sanya Pachisia and Rajeev Gupta
3.1 Introduction 43
3.2 Synthesis and characterization of metalloligands 44
3.3 Metalloligands offering different appended functional groups 48
3.3.1 Metalloligands offering appended pyridyl rings 44
3.3.2 Metalloligands offering other appended heterocyclic rings 52
3.3.3 Metalloligands offering appended arylcarboxylic acid
groups 56
3.4 Catalytic aspects 59
3.4.1 Oxidation and dealkylation reactions of substituted
phenols 60
3.4.2 A3 -coupling reactions 60
3.4.3 Strecker reactions 61
3.4.4 Ring-opening reactions (RORs) 62
3.4.5 Knoevenagel condensation reactions 62
3.5 Conclusions 63
Acknowledgments 64
References 64

4. Platinum-containing heterometallic metallacycles and

metallacages 69
Hong-Yu Lin, Yu-Te Wang, Dawei Zhang and Lin Xu
4.1 Introduction 69
4.2 Platinum-containing heterometallic metallacycles 70
4.2.1 Pt–Pd heterometallic metallacycles 70
4.2.2 Pt–Zn heterometallic metallacycles 72
4.2.3 Pt–Fe heterometallic metallacycles 74
4.2.4 Pt–Cu heterometallic metallacycles 79
4.2.5 Pt–Ir heterometallic metallacycles 81
4.2.6 Pt–Ln heterometallic metallacycles 81
4.3 Platinum-containing heterometallic metallacages 83
4.3.1 Pt–Al/Ga heterometallic metallacages 83
4.3.2 Pt–Ru heterometallic metallacages 84
4.3.3 Pt–Zn heterometallic metallacages 85
4.3.4 Pt–Fe heterometallic metallacages 86
4.3.5 Pt–Co heterometallic metallacages 90
4.3.6 Pt–Pd heterometallic metallacages 93
 Contents vii

4.4 Conclusion and perspective 94

References 96

5. Self-assembly of pyrazine-based metallamacrocycles:

Design, synthesis, and applications 101
Saurabh Kumar and Neeladri Das
5.1 Introduction 101
5.2 Molecular triangles 103
5.3 Molecular squares 106
5.4 Molecular rectangles 108
5.5 Molecular hexagons 111
5.5.1 Ionic hexagonal macrocycles 112
5.5.2 Neutral hexagonal macrocycles 122
5.6 Rings and cages 125
5.7 Conclusions and outlook 127
Acknowledgments 129
References 129

6. Rhenium (I)-based supramolecular coordination

complexes: Synthesis and functional properties 133
K.R. Soumya, Isha Mishra, Moon Kedia, Upasana Phukon,
Reema Borkar and Malaichamy Sathiyendiran
6.1 Introduction 133
6.2 Metal precursors for supramolecular architectures 134
6.3 Organic ligands as sources for anionic building frameworks 135
6.4 Flexible bidentate N,N donors with ether, ester, or amide
functionalities and its SCCs 136
6.5 Neutral rigid pyridine-based ditopic- and tritopic
ligands and its SCCs 137
6.6 Neutral flexible ditopic P=O donor ligands and its SCCs 140
6.7 Neutral flexible tritopic N-donor ligands and its SCCs 141
6.8 Neutral flexible tetratopic N-donor ligands and its SCCs 143
6.9 Neutral flexible hexatopic N-donor ligands and its SCCs 144
6.10 Neutral flexible benzimidazole-based ditopic N-donor
ligands and its SCCs 145
6.11 Heteroatom donor-based ligands and its SCCs 149
6.12 Applications of fac-Re(CO)3 core-based SCCs 150
References 153

7. Photo switching self-assembled coordination

macrocycles: Synthesis and functional applications 159
Aniket Chowdhury
7.1 Introduction 159
7.2 Bisthienylethene building block-based SCC 160
viii Contents

7.3 Styryl building block-based SCC 172

7.4 Azo building block-based SCC 173
7.5 Spiropyran building blocks-based SCC 177
7.6 Host–guest interaction driven photochromism in SCC 180
7.7 Conclusion 188
Acknowledgment 189
References 189

8. Photoactive finite supramolecular coordination cages

for photodynamic therapy 191
Nidhi Tyagi and Prakash P. Neelakandan
8.1 Introduction 191
8.2 SCCs for PDT applications 194
8.2.1 SCCs containing porphyrins 195
8.2.2 SCCs containing BODIPYs 199
8.2.3 SCCs containing ruthenium complexes 203
8.2.4 Others SCCs 206
8.3 Conclusion and future prospects 209
Acknowledgment 210
References 210

9. Biosensing properties of supramolecular

coordination complexes 215
Dipanjana Sarkar, Pandurangan Nanjan and
Sankarasekaran Shanmugaraju
9.1 Introduction 215
9.2 Biosensing properties of supramolecular
coordination complexes (SCCs) 216
9.2.1 Interaction of SCCs with nucleosides 216
9.2.2 Interaction of SCCs with nucleic acids 218
9.2.3 Interaction of SCCs with protein and amino acids 220
9.2.4 Interaction of SCCs with carbohydrates 224
9.2.5 Interaction of SCCs with steroids and fatty acids 228
9.3 Conclusion 231
Acknowledgments 231
References 231

10. Hierarchical molecular self-assemblies of

coordination complexes 235
Krishnan Kartha Kalathil and Gustavo Fernández
10.1 Introduction 235
10.2 Hierarchical self-assembly of metal complexes
containing π-systems 236
10.3 Effect of hydrogen bonding on the self-assembly
of metal complexes in solution 243
 Contents ix

10.4 Hierarchical self-assembly of metal complexes in

solution driven by hydrophobic interactions 249
10.5 Hierarchical self-assembly of metal complexes through
host–guest interactions 252
10.6 Conclusion 257
References 258

11. Biomimetic supramolecular coordination chemistry

and molecular machines 265
Renitta Benny, Diptiprava Sahoo, Nithish Kumar KS
and Soumen De
11.1 Introduction 265
11.2 Redox-triggered molecular motion 266
11.3 Exchange of metal ions 270
11.3.1 Addition and removal of metal ions 272
11.4 Application of molecular motion 276
11.4.1 Chirality inversion 276
11.4.2 Guest release and uptake 279
11.4.3 Switchable catalysis 283
11.4.4 Signal transduction and networking of
several switches 287
11.5 Conclusion and outlook 290
References 291

12. Biomedical application of supramolecular

coordination complexes 299
Sushobhan Ghosh
12.1 Introduction 299
12.2 Platinum complexes as anticancer agent 300
12.3 Palladium complexes as anticancer agent 314
12.4 Ruthenium and other metallosupramolecular complexes
as anticancer agent 321
References 324

13. Rise of supramolecular nanozymes: Next-generation

peroxidase enzyme-mimetic materials 329
Huidrom Mangalsana, Abhijeet Mohanty and Amit A. Vernekar
13.1 Introduction 329
13.1.1 What are nanozymes? 329
13.1.2 What is supramolecular chemistry? 330
13.1.3 Supramolecular nanozymes 331
13.2 Peroxidases 331
13.2.1 MOFs As Peroxidase mimics 332
13.2.2 COFs as peroxidase mimics 364
13.2.3 NCs as peroxidase mimics 366
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x Contents

13.3 Conclusion 371

Acknowledgment 373
Conflict of Interest 373
References 373

14. Cavity-controlled supramolecular catalysis 387

Bijnaneswar Mondal
14.1 Introduction 387
14.2 Catalysis in confined cavity 388
14.2.1 Metal-organic cage (MOC) with transition metal ions 389
14.3 Conclusion and future prospects 412
Acknowledgments 414
References 414

15. Anion sensing applications of supramolecular

coordination complexes 421
Muniyappan Boominathan and Murugan Arunachalam
15.1 Introduction 421
15.2 Anion receptors 421
15.3 Anion sensors 422
15.3.1 Metal extrusion assays 422
15.3.2 Ternary anion-coordination complexes 424
15.3.3 Indicator displacement assays 426
15.3.4 Luminescent metal complex-based anion receptors 426
15.3.5 Luminescent lanthanide complexes 429
15.3.6 Mechanically interlocked anion sensors 430
15.4 Conclusions and future perspectives 433
References 433

16. Supramolecular coordination complexes for

fluorescence sensing of nitroaromatic explosives 437
Binduja Mohan, Ananthu Shanmughan and
Sankarasekaran Shanmugaraju
16.1 Introduction 437
16.2 Two-dimensional (2D) metallacycles for sensing of
nitroaromatic explosives 438
16.2.1 Molecular rhomboid based fluorescent sensor
for NACs 438
16.2.2 Molecular squares based fluorescent sensors
for NACs 440
16.2.3 Molecular rectangles based fluorescent sensors
for NACs 443
16.2.4 Molecular tweezer based fluorescent sensors
for NACs 445
 Contents xi

16.2.5 Hexagonal macrocycles based fluorescent sensors

for NACs 448
16.3 Fluorescence sensing by 3D metallocages 451
16.3.1 Molecular trigonal prism-based fluorescent
sensors for NACs 451
16.3.2 Molecular tetragonal prism-based fluorescent
sensors for NACs 454
16.4 Conclusion 456
Acknowledgment 456
References 456

17. Metal ion sensing applications of finite supramolecular

coordination complexes 459
Arivazhagan Chinnappa, Jeyabalan Shanmugapriya and
Gandhi Sivaraman
17.1 Introduction 459
17.2 Alkali metal ion sensing by 2D and 3D supramolecular
coordinaiton complexes 460
17.2.1 2D metallamacrocyclic receptors for alkali metals 461
17.2.2 3D metallacage receptors for alkali metals 463
17.3 Transition metal ion sensing by 2D and 3D supramolecular
coordination complexes 466
17.3.1 2D metallamacrocyclic receptors for transition metals 467
17.3.2 3D metallacage receptors for transition metals 471
17.4 Conclusions 472
References 473

Index 477
Contributors

Murugan Arunachalam, Department of Chemistry, The Gandhigram Rural Institute

(Deemed to be University), Gandhigram, Dindigul, India
Renitta Benny, School of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research
Thiruvananthapuram (IISER-TVM), Thiruvananthapuram, India
Muniyappan Boominathan, Department of Chemistry, The Gandhigram Rural Institute
(Deemed to be University), Gandhigram, Dindigul, India
Reema Borkar, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Arivazhagan Chinnappa, Department of Chemistry, National Institute of Technology,
Tiruchirappalli, Tamil Nadu, India
Aniket Chowdhury, Department of Industrial Chemistry, School of Physical Sciences,
Mizoram University, Aizawl, Mizoram, India
Neeladri Das, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology Patna, Patna,
Bihar, India
Soumen De, School of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research
Thiruvananthapuram (IISER-TVM), Thiruvananthapuram, India
Gustavo Fernández, Organisch Chemisches Institut, Universität Münster, Corrensstraße
36, 48149 Münster, Germany
Sushobhan Ghosh, Department of Chemistry, Alipurduar University, Alipurduar, India
Ruchika Gupta, Department of Chemistry, University of Delhi, Delhi, India
Rajeev Gupta, Department of Chemistry, University of Delhi, Delhi, India
Nithish Kumar KS, School of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Science Education and
Research Thiruvananthapuram (IISER-TVM), Thiruvananthapuram, India
Krishnan Kartha Kalathil, Organisch Chemisches Institut, Universität Münster, Cor-
rensstraße 36, 48149 Münster, Germany
Moon Kedia, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Saurabh Kumar, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology Patna, Patna,
Bihar, India
Hong-Yu Lin, Shanghai Key Laboratory of Green Chemistry and Chemical Processes,
School of Chemistry and Molecular Engineering, East China Normal University,
Shanghai, China
Huidrom Mangalsana, Inorganic and Physical Chemistry Laboratory (IPCL), Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)-Central Leather Research Institute (CLRI),

xiii
xiv Contributors

Adyar, Chennai, India; Academy of Scientific and Innovative Research (AcSIR),

Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
Isha Mishra, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Binduja Mohan, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology Palakkad
(IITPKD), Palakkad, Kerala, India
Abhijeet Mohanty, Inorganic and Physical Chemistry Laboratory (IPCL), Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)-Central Leather Research Institute (CLRI),
Adyar, Chennai, India; Academy of Scientific and Innovative Research (AcSIR),
Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
Bijnaneswar Mondal, Department of Chemistry, Guru Ghasidas Vishwavidyalaya, Bi-
laspur, Chhattisgarh, India
Pandurangan Nanjan, School of Physical Sciences, Amrita Vishwa Vidyapeetham,
Mysuru Campus, Karnataka, India
Prakash P. Neelakandan, Institute of Nano Science and Technology, Knowledge City,
Mohali, Punjab, India
Sanya Pachisia, Department of Chemistry, University of Delhi, Delhi, India
Upasana Phukon, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Diptiprava Sahoo, School of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Science Education and
Research Thiruvananthapuram (IISER-TVM), Thiruvananthapuram, India
Dipanjana Sarkar, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology Palakkad
(IITPKD), Palakkad, Kerala, India
Malaichamy Sathiyendiran, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad,
India
Jeyabalan Shanmugapriya, Department of Chemistry, Madura College, Madurai, Tamil
Nadu, India
Sankarasekaran Shanmugaraju, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technol-
ogy Palakkad (IITPKD), Palakkad, Kerala, India
Ananthu Shanmughan, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute of Technology
Palakkad (IITPKD), Palakkad, Kerala, India
Gandhi Sivaraman, Department of Chemistry, Gandhigram Rural Institute-Deemed to
be University, Dindigul, Tamil Nadu, India
K.R. Soumya, School of Chemistry, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, India
Nidhi Tyagi, Institute of Nano Science and Technology, Knowledge City, Mohali, Punjab,
India
Amit A. Vernekar, Inorganic and Physical Chemistry Laboratory (IPCL), Council of
Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)-Central Leather Research Institute (CLRI),
Adyar, Chennai, India; Academy of Scientific and Innovative Research (AcSIR),
Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
Yu-Te Wang, Shanghai Key Laboratory of Green Chemistry and Chemical Processes,
School of Chemistry and Molecular Engineering, East China Normal University,
Shanghai, China
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suddenly, the destruction of the gate being nearly completed, a large
cobra-de-capello rushed between his legs, as if in fulfilment of the
anathema. Captain Steell fortunately escaped without injury. [The
south gate of the Agra Fort is known as that of Amar Singh.]

CHAPTER 6
Rāja Jaswant Singh, A.D. 1638-78.—Raja Jaswant, who
obtained, by the banishment of Amra, the “cushion” of Marwar, was
born of a princess of Mewar; and although this circumstance is not
reported to have influenced the change of succession, it will be
borne in mind that, throughout Rajputana, its princes regarded a
connexion with the Rana’s family as a primary honour.
“Jaswant (says the Bardai) was unequalled amongst the princes of
his time. Stupidity and ignorance were banished; and science
flourished where he ruled: many were the books composed under
his auspices.”[1]
The south continued to be the arena in which the martial Rajput
sought renown, and the emperor had only rightly to understand his
character to turn the national emulation to account. Shah Jahan, in
the language of the chronicler, “became a slave to the seraglio,” and
sent his sons, as viceroys, to govern the grand divisions of the
empire. The first service of Jaswant was in the war of Gondwana,
when he led a body composed of “twenty-two different contingents”
in the army under Aurangzeb.[2] In this and various other services (to
enumerate which would be to go [48] over the ground already
passed),[3] the Rathors were conspicuous. Jaswant played a
comparatively subordinate part, until the illness of the emperor, in
A.D. 1658, when his elder son Dara was invested with the powers of
regent.[4] Prince Dara increased the mansab of Jaswant to a leader
of “five thousand,” and nominated him his viceroy in Malwa.
The War of Succession.—In the struggle for empire amongst
the sons of Shah Jahan, consequent upon this illness, the
importance of the Rajput princes and the fidelity we have often had
occasion to depict, were exhibited in the strongest light. While Raja
Jai Singh was commanded to oppose prince Shuja, who advanced
from his viceroyalty of Bengal, Jaswant was entrusted with means to
quash the designs of Aurangzeb, then commanding in the south,
who had long cloaked, under the garb of hypocrisy and religion,
views upon the empire.
Campaign against Aurangzeb, A.D. 1657-58—The Battle of
Dharmātpur.—The Rathor prince was declared generalissimo of the
army destined to oppose Aurangzeb, and he marched from Agra at
the head of the united contingents of Rajputana, besides the
imperial guards, a force which, to use the hyperbole of the bard,
“made Shesnag[5] writhe in agony.” Jaswant marched towards the
Nerbudda, and had encamped his army in a position fifteen miles
south of Ujjain, when tidings reached him of his opponent’s
approach. In that field on which the emperor erected a town
subsequently designated Fatehabad, or ‘abode of victory,’ Jaswant
awaited his foes.[6] The battle which ensued, witnessed and so
circumstantially related by Bernier, as has been already noticed in
this work,[7] was lost by the temerity of the Rathor commander-in-
chief, who might have crushed the rebellious hopes of Aurangzeb, to
whom he purposely gave time to effect a junction with his brother
Murad, from the vainglorious desire “to conquer two princes at
once.” Dearly did he pay for his presumption; for he had given time
to the wily prince to sow intrigues in his camp, which were disclosed
as soon as the battle joined, when the Mogul horse deserted and left
him at the head of his thirty thousand Rajputs, deemed, however, by
their leader and themselves, sufficient against any odds. “Jaswant,
spear in hand, mounted his steed Mahbub, and charged the imperial
brothers; ten thousand Muslims fell in the onset, which cost
seventeen hundred Rathors [49], besides Guhilots, Haras, Gaurs,
and some of every clan of Rajwara. Aurang and Murad only escaped
because their days were not yet numbered. Mahbub and his rider
were covered with blood; Jasa looked like a famished lion, and like
one he relinquished his prey.” The bard is fully confirmed in his
relation of the day, both by the Mogul historian and by Bernier, who
says, that notwithstanding the immense superiority of the imperial
princes, aided by a numerous artillery served by Frenchmen, night
alone put a stop to the contest of science, numbers, and artillery,
against Rajput courage. Both armies remained on the field of battle,
and though we have no notice of the anecdote related by the first
translator of Ferishta, who makes Jaswant “in bravado drive his car
round the field,”[8] it is certain that Aurangzeb was too politic to
renew the combat, or molest the retreat which took place next day
towards his native dominions. Although, for the sake of alliteration,
the bard especially singles out the Guhilots and Gaurs, the tribes of
Mewar and Sheopur, all and every tribe was engaged; and if the
Rajput ever dared to mourn the fall of kindred in battle, this day
should have covered every house with the emblems of grief; for it is
stated by the Mogul historian that fifteen thousand fell, chiefly
Rajputs. This was one of the events glorious to the Rajput, showing
his devotion to whom fidelity (swamidharma) had been pledged—the
aged and enfeebled emperor Shah Jahan, whose “salt they ate”—
against all the temptations offered by youthful ambition. It is forcibly
contrasted with the conduct of the immediate household troops of
the emperor, who, even in the moment of battle, worshipped the
rising sun, whilst the Rajput sealed his faith in his blood; and none
more liberally than the brave Haras of Kotah and Bundi. The annals
of no nation on earth can furnish such an example, as an entire
family, six royal brothers, stretched on the field, and all but one in
death.[9]
Of all the deeds of heroism performed on this day, those of Ratna
of Ratlam, by universal consent, are pre-eminent, and “are wreathed
into immortal rhyme by the bard” in the Raesa Rao Ratna.[10] He also
was a Rathor, the great-grandson of Udai Singh, the first raja of
Maru; and nobly did he show that the Rathor blood had not
degenerated on the fertile plains of Malwa. If aught were wanting to
complete the fame of this memorable day, which gave empire to the
scourge of Rajputana [50], it is found in the conduct of Jaswant’s
queen, who, as elsewhere related,[11] shut the gates of his capital on
her fugitive lord, though he “brought back his shield” and his honour.
Battle of Jājau.—Aurangzeb, on Jaswant’s retreat, entered the
capital of Malwa in triumph, whence, with all the celerity requisite to
success, he pursued his march on the capital. At the village of Jajau,
thirty miles south of Agra, the fidelity of the Rajputs again formed a
barrier between the aged king and the treason of his son; but it
served no other purpose than to illustrate this fidelity. The Rajputs
were overpowered, Dara was driven from the regency, and the aged
emperor deposed.[12]
Battle of Khajwa.—Aurangzeb, soon after usurping the throne,
sent, through the prince of Amber, his assurances of pardon to
Jaswant, and a summons to the presence, preparatory to joining the
army forming against his brother Shuja, advancing to vindicate his
claims to empire. The Rathor, deeming it a glorious occasion for
revenge, obeyed, and communicated to Shuja his intentions. The
hostile armies met at Khajwa, thirty miles north of Allahabad.[13] On
the first onset, Jaswant, wheeling about with his Rathor cavaliers,
attacked the rearward of the army under prince Muhammad, which
he cut to pieces, and plundering the imperial camp (left
unprotected), he deliberately loaded his camels with the most
valuable effects, which he despatched under part of the force, and
leaving the brothers to a contest, which he heartily wished might
involve the destruction of both, he followed the cortège to Agra.
Such was the panic on his appearance at that capital, joined to the
rumours of Aurangzeb’s defeat, which had nearly happened, that the
wavering garrison required only a summons to have surrendered,
when he might have released Shah Jahan from confinement, and
with this “tower of strength” have rallied an opposition fatal to the
prince.
Policy of Jaswant Singh.—That this plan suggested itself to
Jaswant’s sagacity we cannot doubt; but besides the manifest
danger of locking up his army within the precincts of a capital, if
victory was given to Aurangzeb, he had other reasons for not halting
at Agra. All his designs were in concert with prince Dara, the rightful
heir to the throne, whom he had instructed to hasten to the scene of
action; but while Jaswant remained hovering in the rear of
Aurangzeb, momentarily expecting the junction of the prince, the
latter loitered on the southern frontier of Marwar, and thus lost, for
[51] ever, the crown within his grasp. Jaswant continued his route to
his native dominions, and had at least the gratification of housing
the spoils, even to the regal tents, in the castle of Jodha. Dara
tardily formed a junction at Merta; but the critical moment was lost,
and Aurangzeb, who had crushed Shuja’s force, rapidly advanced,
now joined by many of the Rajput princes, to overwhelm this last
remnant of opposition. The crafty Aurangzeb, however, who always
preferred stratagem to the precarious issue of arms, addressed a
letter to Jaswant, not only assuring him of his entire forgiveness, but
offering the vice-royalty of Gujarat, if he would withdraw his support
from Dara, and remain neuter in the contest. Jaswant accepted the
conditions, and agreed to lead the Rajput contingents, under prince
Muazzam, in the war against Sivaji, bent on reviving the
independence of Maharashtra. From the conduct again pursued by
the Rathor, we have a right to infer that he only abandoned Dara
because, though possessed of many qualities which endeared him to
the Rajput, besides his title to the throne, he wanted those virtues
necessary to ensure success against his energetic brother. Scarcely
had Jaswant reached the Deccan when he opened a communication
with Sivaji, planned the death of the king’s lieutenant, Shaista Khan,
on which he hoped to have the guidance of the army, and the young
viceroy. Aurangzeb received authentic intelligence of this plot, and
the share Jaswant had in it; but he temporized, and even sent
letters of congratulation on his succeeding to the command in chief.
But he soon superseded him by Raja Jai Singh of Amber, who
brought the war to a conclusion by the capture of Sivaji.[14] The
honour attending this exploit was, however, soon exchanged for
disgrace; for when the Amber prince found that the tyrant had
designs upon the life of his prisoner, for whose safety he had
pledged himself, he connived at his escape.[15] Upon this, Jaswant
was once more declared the emperor’s lieutenant, and soon inspired
prince Muazzam with designs, which again compelled the king to
supersede him, and Diler Khan was declared general-in-chief. He
reached Aurangabad, and the night of his arrival would have been
his last, but he received intimation and rapidly retreated, pursued by
the prince and Jaswant to the Nerbudda. The emperor saw the
necessity of removing Jaswant from this dangerous post, and he
sent him the farman as viceroy of Gujarat, to which he commanded
him to repair without delay. He obeyed, reached Ahmadabad, and
found the king had outwitted him and his [52] successor in
command; he therefore continued his course to his native
dominions, where he arrived in S. 1726 (A.D. 1670).
The wily tyrant had, in all these changes, used every endeavour to
circumvent Jaswant, and, if the annals are correct, was little
scrupulous as to the means. But the Raja was protected by the
fidelity of his kindred vassalage. In the words of the bardic
chronicler, “The Aswapati,[16] Aurang, finding treachery in vain, put
the collar of simulated friendship round his neck, and sent him
beyond the Attock to die.”
The emperor saw that the only chance of counteracting Jaswant’s
inveterate hostility was to employ him where he would be least
dangerous. He gladly availed himself of a rebellion amongst the
Afghans of Kabul; and with many promises of favour to himself and
his family, appointed him to the chief command,[17] to lead his
turbulent Rajputs against the equally turbulent and almost savage
Afghans. Leaving his elder son, Prithi Singh, in charge of his
ancestral domains, with his wives, family, and the chosen bands of
Maru, Jaswant departed for the land of the “barbarian,” from which
he was destined never to return.
Treatment of Prithi Singh by Aurangzeb.—It is related, in the
chronicles of Maru, that Aurangzeb having commanded the
attendance at court of Jaswant’s heir, he obeyed, and was received
not only with the distinctions which were his due, but with the most
specious courtesy; that one day, with unusual familiarity, the king
desired him to advance, and grasping firmly his folded hands (the
usual attitude of deference) in one of his own, said, “Well, Rathor, it
is told me you possess as nervous an arm as your father; what can
you do now?” “God preserve your majesty!” replied the Rajput
prince, “when the sovereign of mankind lays the hand of protection
on the meanest of his subjects, all his hopes are realized; but when
he condescends to take both of mine, I feel as if I could conquer the
world.” His vehement and animated gesture gave full force to his
words, and Aurangzeb quickly exclaimed, “Ah! here is another
Khatan”[18] (the term he always applied to Jaswant); yet, affecting to
be pleased with the frank boldness of his speech, he ordered him a
splendid dress, which, as customary, he put on, and, having made
his obeisance, left the presence in the certain assurance of
exaltation.
That day was his last!—he was taken ill soon after reaching his
quarters, and [53] expired in great torture, and to this hour his
death is attributed to the poisoned robe of honour presented by the
king.[19]
Prithi Singh was the staff of his father’s age, and endowed with all
the qualities required to lead the swords of Maru. His death, thus
reported, cast a blight on the remaining days of Jaswant, who, in
this cruel stroke, saw that his mortal foe had gone beyond him in
revenge. The sacrifice of Prithi Singh was followed by the death of
his only remaining sons, Jagat Singh and Dalthamman, from the
ungenial climate of Kabul, and grief soon closed the existence of the
veteran Rathor. He expired amidst the mountains of the north,
without an heir to his revenge, in S. 1737 (A.D. 1681), having ruled
the tribes of Maru for two-and-forty years. In this year, death
released Aurangzeb from the greatest terrors of his life; for the
illustrious Sivaji and Jaswant paid the debt to nature within a few
months of each other.[20] Of the Rathor, we may use the words of the
biographer of his contemporary, Rana Raj Singh of Mewar: “Sighs
never ceased flowing from Aurang’s heart while Jaswant lived.”
Character of Jaswant Singh.—The life of Jaswant Singh is one
of the most extraordinary in the annals of Rajputana, and a full
narrative of it would afford a perfect and deeply interesting picture
of the history and manners of the period. Had his abilities, which
were far above mediocrity, been commensurate with his power,
credit, and courage, he might, with the concurrent aid of the many
powerful enemies of Aurangzeb, have overturned the Mogul throne.
Throughout the long period of two-and-forty years, events of
magnitude crowded upon each other, from the period of his first
contest with Aurangzeb, in the battle of the Nerbudda, to his
conflicts with the Afghans amidst the snows of Caucasus. Although
the Rathor had a preference amongst the sons of Shah Jahan,
esteeming the frank Dara above the crafty Aurangzeb, yet he
detested the whole race as inimical to the religion and the
independence of his own; and he only fed the hopes of any of the
brothers, in their struggles for empire, expecting that they would
end in the ruin of all. His blind [54] arrogance lost him the battle of
the Nerbudda, and the supineness of Dara prevented his reaping the
fruit of his treachery at Khajwa. The former event, as it reduced the
means and lessened the fame of Jaswant, redoubled his hatred to
the conqueror. Jaswant neglected no opportunity which gave a
chance of revenge. Impelled by this motive, more than by ambition,
he never declined situations of trust, and in each he disclosed the
ruling passion of his mind. His overture to Sivaji (like himself the
implacable foe of the Mogul), against whom he was sent to act; his
daring attempt to remove the imperial lieutenants, one by
assassination, the other by open force; his inciting Muazzam, whose
inexperience he was sent to guide, to revolt against his father, are
some among the many signal instances of Jaswant’s thirst for
vengeance. The emperor, fully aware of this hatred, yet compelled
from the force of circumstances to dissemble, was always on the
watch to counteract it, and the artifices this mighty king had
recourse to in order to conciliate Jaswant, perhaps to throw him off
his guard, best attest the dread in which he held him. Alternately he
held the vice-royalty of Gujarat, of the Deccan, of Malwa, Ajmer, and
Kabul (where he died), either directly of the king, or as the king’s
lieutenant, and second in command under one of the princes. But he
used all these favours merely as stepping-stones to the sole object
of his life. Accordingly, if Jaswant’s character had been drawn by a
biographer of the court, viewed merely in the light of a great vassal
of the empire, it would have reached us marked with the stigma of
treachery in every trust reposed in him; but, on the other hand,
when we reflect on the character of the king, the avowed enemy of
the Hindu faith, we only see in Jaswant a prince putting all to hazard
in its support. He had to deal with one who placed him in these
offices, not from personal regard, but because he deemed a hollow
submission better than avowed hostility, and the raja, therefore, only
opposed fraud to hypocrisy, and treachery to superior strength.
Doubtless the Rathor was sometimes dazzled by the baits which the
politic king administered to his vanity; and when all his brother
princes eagerly contended for royal favour, it was something to be
singled out as the first amongst his peers in Rajputana. By such
conflicting impulses were both parties actuated in their mutual
conduct throughout a period in duration nearly equal to the life of
man; and it is no slight testimony to Aurangzeb’s skill in managing
such a subject, that he was able to neutralize the hatred and the
power of Jaswant throughout this lengthened [55] period. But it was
this vanity, and the immense power wielded by the kings who could
reward service by the addition of a vice-royalty to their hereditary
domains, that made the Rajput princes slaves; for, had all the
princely contemporaries of Jaswant—Jai Singh of Amber, the Rana
Raj of Mewar, and Sivaji—coalesced against their national foe, the
Mogul power must have been extinct. Could Jaswant, however, have
been satisfied with the mental wounds he inflicted upon the tyrant,
he would have had ample revenge; for the image of the Rathor
crossed all his visions of aggrandizement. The cruel sacrifice of his
heir, and the still more barbarous and unrelenting ferocity with which
he pursued Jaswant’s innocent family, are the surest proofs of the
dread which the Rathor prince inspired while alive.
The Tale of Nāhar Khān.—Previous, however, to entering on
this and the eventful period which followed Jaswant’s death, we may
record a few anecdotes illustrative of the character and manners of
the vassal chieftains, by whose aid he was thus enabled to brave
Aurangzeb. Nor can we do better than allow Nahar Khan, chief of
the Kumpawats and premier noble, to be the representative portrait
of the clans of Maru. It was by the vigilance of this chief, and his
daring intrepidity, that the many plots laid for Jaswant’s life were
defeated; and in the anecdote already given, when in order to
restore his prince from a fit of mental delusion,[21] he braved the
superstitions of his race, his devotion was put to a severer test than
any which could result from personal peril. The anecdote connected
with his nom de guerre of Nahar (tiger) Khan, exemplifies his
personal, as the other does his mental, intrepidity. The real name of
this individual, the head of the Kumpawat clan, was Mukunddas. He
had personally incurred the displeasure of the emperor, by a reply
which was deemed disrespectful to a message sent by the royal
Ahadi,[22] for which the tyrant condemned him to enter a tiger’s den,
and contend for his life unarmed. Without a sign of fear he entered
the arena, where the savage beast was pacing, and thus
contemptuously accosted him: “Oh, tiger of the Miyan,[23] face the
tiger of Jaswant”; exhibiting to the king of the forest a pair of eyes,
which anger and opium had rendered little less inflamed than his
own. The animal, startled by so unaccustomed a salutation, for a
moment looked at his visitor, put down his head, turned round and
[56] stalked from him. “You see,” exclaimed the Rathor, “that he
dare not face me, and it is contrary to the creed of a true Rajput to
attack an enemy who dares not confront him.” Even the tyrant, who
beheld the scene, was surprised into admiration, presented him with
gifts, and asked if he had any children to inherit his prowess. His
reply, “How can we get children, when you keep us from our wives
beyond the Attock?” fully shows that the Rathor and fear were
strangers to each other. From this singular encounter he bore the
name of Nahar Khan, ‘the tiger lord.’
On another occasion, from the same freedom of speech, he
incurred the displeasure of the Shahzada, or prince-royal, who, with
youthful levity, commanded the ‘tiger lord’ to attempt a feat which
he deemed inconsistent with his dignity, namely, gallop at speed
under a horizontal branch of a tree and cling to it while the steed
passed on. This feat, requiring both agility and strength, appears to
have been a common amusement, and it is related in the Annals of
Mewar that the chief of Banera broke his spine in the attempt; and
there were few who did not come off with bruises and falls, in which
consisted the sport. When Nahar heard the command, he indignantly
replied, he “was not a monkey”; that “if the prince wished to see his
feats, it must be where his sword had play”; on which he was
ordered against Surthan, the Deora prince of Sirohi, for which
service he had the whole Rathor contingent at his disposal. The
Deora prince, who could not attempt to cope against it in the field,
took to his native hills; but while he deemed himself secure,
Mukund, with a chosen band, in the dead of night, entered the glen
where the Sirohi prince reposed, stabbed the solitary sentinel, bound
the prince with his own turban to his pallet, while, environing him
with his clansmen, he gave the alarm. The Deoras starting from their
rocky beds, collected round their prince, and were preparing for the
rescue, when Nahar called aloud, “You see his life is in my hands; be
assured it is safe if you are wise; but he dies on the least opposition
to my determination to convey him to my prince. My sole object in
giving the alarm was that you might behold me carry off my prize.”
He conveyed Surthan to Jaswant, who said he must introduce him to
the king. The Deora prince was carried to court, and being led
between the proper officers to the palace, he was instructed to
perform that profound obeisance, from which none were exempted.
But the haughty Deora replied, “His life was in the king’s hands, his
[57] honour in his own; he had never bowed the head to mortal
man, and never would.” As Jaswant had pledged himself for his
honourable treatment, the officers of the ceremonies endeavoured
by stratagem to obtain a constrained obeisance, and instead of
introducing him as usual, they showed him a wicket, knee high, and
very low overhead, by which to enter, but putting his feet foremost,
his head was the last part to appear.[24] This stubborn ingenuity, his
noble bearing, and his long-protracted resistance, added to
Jaswant’s pledge, won the king’s favour; and he not only proffered
him pardon, but whatever lands he might desire. Though the king
did not name the return, Surthan was well aware of the terms, but
he boldly and quickly replied, “What can your majesty bestow equal
to Achalgarh? let me return to it is all I ask.” The king had the
magnanimity to comply with his request; Surthan was allowed to
retire to the castle of Abu,[25] nor did he or any of the Deoras ever
rank themselves amongst the vassals of the empire; but they have
continued to the present hour a life of almost savage independence.
From such anecdotes we learn the character of the tiger lord of
Asop; and his brother Rathors of Marwar; men reckless of life when
put in competition with distinction and fidelity to their prince, as will
be abundantly illustrated in the reign we are about to describe.

1. [See Grierson, Vernacular Literature of Hindustān, Index sv.

“Jaswant Singh.”]

2. [The Bundela Campaign of 1635 against Jujhār Singh (Jadunāth

Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, i. 14 ff.).]

3. The new translation of Ferishta’s History, by Lieut.-Col. Briggs, a

work much wanted, may be referred to by those who wish to see
the opinion of the Muhammadan princes of their Rajput vassalage.

4. [It is a mistake to call him Dāra, his name being Dāra Shukoh,
‘majesty like that of Darius.’ He was appointed regent in 1657, when
Shāh Jahān fell ill (ibid. i. 304 ff.).]

5. [The serpent which upholds the world.]

6. [The battle fought at Dharmātpur, 14 miles S.W. of Ujjain, April

15 or 25, 1658. See a full account by Jadunāth Sarkar, ii. 3 ff., who
remarks that the description in Bernier (p. 36 ff.) is untrustworthy,
while Tod “merely records the wild fictions of the Rajput bards” (ii.
13 note). Fatehābād was the name given to Samūgarh, fought June
8, following.]

7. p. 724.

8. [Dow, 2nd ed. iii. 206.]

9. See Kotah annals, which state that that prince and five brothers
all fell in this field of carnage.

10. Amongst the MSS. presented by the author to the Royal Asiatic
Society, is this work, the Raesa Rao Ratna. [“To Ratan Singh of
Ratlam a noble monument was raised by his descendants on the
spot where his corpse was burnt. Time overwhelmed it, but in 1909
its place was taken by a lofty structure of white marble, decorated
with relief-work of a bold but conventional type, and surmounted
with a stone horse” (Jadunāth Sarkar ii. 27).]

11. See p. 724.

12. [The battle of Samūgarh, nine miles E. of Agra, fought June 8,

1658, or, according to Jadunāth Sarkar (ii. 32) on May 29, 1658.]

13. [The battle of Khajwa or Khajuha, in the Fatehpur District,

nearly 100 miles N.W. of Allāhābād, on January 14, 1659, or,
according to Jadunāth Sarkar, on January 4-5, 1659. The dates fixed
by Irvine (IA, xl. 69 ff.) are probably correct, and have been followed
in the notes.]

14. [June 23, 1665.]

15. [Jai Singh seems to have had no direct part in the escape of
Sivaji from Delhi, August 29, 1666 (Grant Duff, Hist. Mahrattas, 96).]
 16. The common epithet of the Islamite emperors, in the dialect of
the bard, is Aspat, classically Aswapati, ‘lord of horses.’

17. [He was appointed Faujdār of Jamrūd at the mouth of the

Khaibar Pass.]

18. [A near relation by marriage.]

19. This mode of being rid of enemies is firmly believed by the

Rajputs, and several other instances of it are recorded in this work.
Of course, it must be by porous absorption; and in a hot climate,
where only a thin tunic is worn next the skin, much mischief might
be done, though it is difficult to understand how death could be
accomplished. [See p. 728. ] That the belief is of ancient date we
have only to recall the story of Hercules put into doggerel by Pope:

——“He, whom Dejanire

Wrapp’d in th’ envenom’d shirt, and set on fire.”
[“The Wife of Bath,” 380-1. The tragical death of Prithi Singh is
still the subject for songs of the bards (Temple, Legends of the
Panjāb, iii. 252 ff.).]

20. [This is an error. Jaswant Singh died December 18, 1678

(Irvine’s note on Manucci ii. 233, IA, xl. 77). Sivaji died probably on
April 17, 1680 (Fryer, New Account of East India and Persia, ed.
Hakluyt Society, iii. 167).]

21. See p. 967.

22. [See p. 784.]

23. Miyān is a term used by the Hindu to a Muslim, who himself

generally applies it to a pedagogue: the village schoolmaster has
always the honourable epithet of Miyān-ji!

24. [This is a common legend, told of the Nikumbh Rājputs of the

United Provinces (Crooke, Tribes and Castes, iv. 87); by Bernier of
Shāh Jahān and the Persian ambassador (p. 151 f.); of the Hatkars
of the Deccan (BG, xvi. 56 note; Russell, Tribes and Castes of
Central Provinces, i. 37 f.).]

25. Achalgarh, or ‘the immovable castle,’ is the name of the

fortress of the Deora princes of Abu and Sirohi, of which wonderful
spot I purpose in another work to give a detailed account [58].

CHAPTER 7
Fate of the Family of Jaswant Singh.—“When Jaswant died
beyond the Attock, his wife, the (future) mother of Ajit, determined
to burn with her lord, but being in the seventh month of her
pregnancy, she was forcibly prevented by Uda Kumpawat. His other
queen and seven Patras (concubines) mounted the pyre; and as
soon as the tidings reached Jodhpur, the Chandravati queen, taking
a turban of her late lord, ascended the pile at Mandor. The Hindu
race was in despair at the loss of the support of their faith. The bells
of the temple were mute; the sacred shell no longer sounded at
sunrise; the Brahmans vitiated their doctrines and learned the
Muslim creed.”[1]
Birth of Ajīt Singh.—The queen was delivered of a boy, who
received the name of Ajit. As soon as she was able to travel, the
Rathor contingent, with their infant prince, his mother, the
daughters, and establishment of their late sovereign, prepared to
return to their native land. But the unrelenting tyrant, carrying his
vengeance towards Jaswant even beyond the grave, as soon they
reached Delhi, commanded that the infant should be surrendered to
his custody. “Aurang offered to divide Maru amongst [59] them if
they would surrender their prince; but they replied, ‘Our country is
with our sinews, and these can defend both it and our Lord.’ With
eyes red with rage, they left the Amm-khass. Their abode was
surrounded by the host of the Shah. In a basket of sweetmeats they
sent away the young prince, and prepared to defend their honour;
they made oblations to the gods, took a double portion of opium,
and mounted their steeds. Then spoke Ranchhor, and Govind the
son of Jodha, and Chandarbhan the Darawat, and the son of Raghu,
on whose shoulders the sword had been married at Ujjain, with the
fearless Baharmall the Udawat, and the Sujawat, Raghunath. ‘Let us
swim,’ they exclaimed, ‘in the ocean of fight. Let us root up these
Asuras, and be carried by the Apsaras to the mansions of the sun.’
As thus each spoke, Suja the bard took the word: ‘For a day like
this,’ said he, ‘you enjoy your fiefs (pattas), to give in your lord’s
cause your bodies to the sword, and in one mass to gain swarga
(heaven). As for me, who enjoyed his friendship and his gifts, this
day will I make his salt resplendent. My father’s fame will I uphold,
and lead the death in this day’s fight, that future bards may hymn
my praise.’ Then spake Durga, son of Asa: ‘The teeth of the Yavans
are whetted, but by the lightning emitted from our swords, Delhi
shall witness our deeds; and the flame of our anger shall consume
the troops of the Shah.’ As thus the chiefs communed, and the
troops of the king approached, the Rajloka[2] of their late lord was
sent to inhabit Swarga. Lance in hand, with faces resembling Yama,
[3]
the Rathors rushed upon the foe. Then the music of swords and
shields commenced. Wave followed wave in the field of blood.
Sankara[4] completed his chaplet in the battle fought by the children
of Duhar in the streets of Delhi. Ratna contended with nine thousand
of the foe; but his sword failed, and as he fell, Rambha[5] carried him
away. Dila the Darawat made a gift of his life;[6] the salt of his lord
he mixed with the water of the field.[7] Chandarbhan was conveyed
by the [60] Apsaras to Chandrapur.[8] The Bhatti was cut piecemeal
and lay on the field beside the son of Surthan. The faithful Udawat
appeared like the crimson lotus; he journeyed to Swarga to visit
Jaswant. Sanda the bard, with a sword in either hand, was in the
front of the battle, and gained the mansion of the moon.[9] Every
tribe and every clan performed its duty in this day’s pilgrimage to the
stream of the sword, in which Durgadas ground the foe and saved
his honour.”[10]
The Johar.—When these brave men saw that nothing short of
the surrender of all that was dear to a Rajput was intended by the
fiend-like spirit of the king, their first thought was the preservation
of their prince; the next to secure their own honour and that of their
late master. The means by which they accomplished this were
terrific. The females of the deceased, together with their own wives
and daughters, were placed in an apartment filled with gunpowder,
and the torch applied—all was soon over. This sacrifice
accomplished, their sole thought was to secure a niche in that
immortal temple, which the Rajput bard, as well as the great
minstrel of the west, peoples with “youths who died, to be by poets
sung.” For this, the Rajput’s anxiety has in all ages been so great, as
often to defeat even the purpose of revenge, his object being to die
gloriously rather than to inflict death; assured that his name would
never perish, but, preserved in “immortal rhyme” by the bard, would
serve as the incentive to similar deeds. Accordingly, “the battle
fought by the sons of Duharia[11] in the streets of Delhi” is one of the
many themes of everlasting eulogy to the Rathors; and the seventh
of Sravan, S. 1736 (the second month of the Monsoon of A.D. 1680),
is a sacred day in the calendar of Maru.
In the midst of this furious contest, the infant prince was saved.
To avoid suspicion the heir of Maru, concealed in a basket of
sweetmeats, was entrusted to a Muslim, who religiously executed his
trust and conveyed him to the appointed spot, where he was joined
by the gallant Durgadas with the survivors who had cut their way
through all opposition, and who were doomed often to bleed for the
prince thus miraculously preserved. It is pleasing to find that if to
“the leader [61] of the faithful,” the bigoted Aurangzeb, they owed
so much misery, to one (and he of humble life), of the same faith,
they owed the preservation of their line. The preserver of Ajit lived
to witness his manhood and the redemption of his birthright, and to
find that princes are not always ungrateful; for he was distinguished
at court, was never addressed but as Kaka, or uncle, by the prince;
and to the honour of his successors be it told, the lands then settled
upon him are still enjoyed by his descendants.
The Youth of Ajīt Singh. Campaign of Aurangzeb in
Mārwār.—With the sole surviving scion of Jaswant, the faithful
Durga and a few chosen friends repaired to the isolated rock of Abu,
and placed him in a monastery of recluses. There the heir of Maru
was reared in entire ignorance of his birth. Still rumours prevailed,
that a son of Jaswant lived; that Durga and a few associates were
his guardians; and this was enough for the loyal Rajput, who,
confiding in the chieftain of Dunara, allowed the mere name of
Dhani (lord) to be his rallying-word in the defence of his rights.
These were soon threatened by a host of enemies, amongst whom
were the Indhas, the ancient sovereigns of Maru, who saw an
opening for the redemption of their birthright, and for a short time
displayed the flag of the Parihars on the walls of Mandor. While the
Indhas were rejoicing at the recovery of their ancient capital,
endeared to them by tradition, an attempt was made by Ratna,[12]
the son of Amra Singh (whose tragical death has been related), to
obtain the seat of power, Jodhpur. This attempt, instigated by the
king, proved futile; and the clans, faithful to the memory of Jaswant
and the name of Ajit, soon expelled the Indhas from Mandor, and
drove the son of Amra to his castle of Nagor. It was then that
Aurangzeb, in person, led his army into Maru; the capital was
invested; it fell and was pillaged, and all the great towns in the
plains, as Merta, Didwana, and Rohat, shared a similar fate. The
emblems of religion were trampled under foot, the temples thrown
down, mosques were erected on their site, and nothing short of the
compulsory conversion to the tenets of Islam of every Rajput in
Marwar would satisfy his revenge.[13] The consequences of this
fanatical and impolitic conduct recoiled not only upon the emperor
but his whole race, for it roused an opposition to this iron yoke,
which ultimately broke it in pieces. The emperor promulgated that
famous edict, the Jizya, against the whole Hindu race, which
cemented into one compact union all who cherished either
patriotism or religion. It was at this period of time, when the Rathors
and Sesodias united [62] against the tyrant, that Rana
Raj Singh indited that celebrated epistle, which is given in a
preceding part of this work.[14]
“Seventy thousand men,” says the bard,[15] “under Tahawwur
Khan, were commanded to destroy the Rajputs, and Aurang followed
in person to Ajmer. The Mertia clan assembled, and advanced to
Pushkar to oppose him. The battle was in front of the temple of
Varaha, where the swords of the Mertias, always first in the fight,
played the game of destruction on the heads of the Asuras. Here the
Mertias were all slain on the 11th Bhadon, S. 1736.
“Tahawwur continued to advance. The inhabitants of Murdhar fled
to the mountains. At Gura the brothers Rupa and Kumbha took post
with their clan to oppose him; but they fell with twenty-five of their
brethren. As the cloud pours water upon the earth, so did Aurang
pour his barbarians over the land. He remained but five days at
Ajaidurg (Ajmer), and marched against Chitor. It fell: it appeared as
if the heavens had fallen. Ajit was protected by the Rana, and the
Rathors led the van in the host of the Sesodias. Seeing the strength
of the Yavans, they shut up the young prince, like a flame confined
in a vessel. Delhipat (the king of Delhi) came to Debari,[16] at whose
pass he was opposed by Kumbha, Ugarsen, and Uda, all Rathors.
While Aurangzeb attacked Udaipur, Azam was left at Chitor. Then the
king learned that Durgadas had invaded Jalor; he abandoned his
conquest, and returned to Ajmer, sending Mukarrab Khan to aid
Bihari at Jalor; but Durga had raised contributions [63] (dand), and
passed to Jodhpur, alike forced to contribute; for the son of Indar
Singh, on the part of the king, now commanded in Trikuta (triple-
peaked mount). Aurang Shah measured the heavens; he determined
to have but one faith in the land. Prince Akbar was sent to join
Tahawwur Khan. Rapine and conflagration spread over the land. The
country became a waste; fear stalked triumphant. Providence had
willed this affliction. The Indhas were put in possession of Jodhpur;
but were encountered at Ketapur and put to the sword by the
Champawats. Once more they lost the title of Raos of Murdardes,
and thus the king’s intentions of bestowing sovereignty on the
Parihars were frustrated on the 13th day of Jeth, S. 1736.
Retreat of the Rathors.—“The Aravalli gave shelter to the
Rathors. From its fastnesses they issued, and mowed down entire
harvests of the Muslim, piling them in khallas.[17] Aurang had no
repose. Jalor was invaded by one body, Siwana by another of the
faithful chiefs of Ajit, whose an[18] daily increased, while Aurang’s
was seldom invoked. The king gave up the war against the Rana to
send all his troops into Maru; but the Rana, who provoked the rage
of Aurang from granting refuge to Ajit, sent his troops under his own
son, Bhim, who joined the Rathors, led by Indarbhan and Durgadas
in Godwar. Prince Akbar and Tahawwur Khan advanced upon them,
and a battle took place at Nadol. The Sesodias had the right. The
combat was long and bloody. Prince Bhim fell at the head of the
Mewaris: he was a noble bulwark to the Rathors.[19] Indarbhan was
slain, with Jeth the Udawat, performing noble deeds; and Soning
Durga did wonders on that day, the 14th Asoj, S. 1737” (the winter
of A.D. 1681).
The Rebellion of Prince Akbar, A.D. 1681.—The gallant bearing
of the Rajputs in this unequal combat, their desperate devotion to
their country and prince, touched the soul of Prince Akbar, who had
the magnanimity to commiserate the sufferings he was compelled to
inflict, and to question the policy of his father towards these gallant
vassals. Ambition came to the aid of compassion for the sufferings of
the Rathors, and the persecution of the minor son of Jaswant. He
opened his mind to Tahawwur Khan, and exposed the [64] disgrace
of bearing arms in so unholy a warfare, and in severing from the
crown such devoted and brave vassals as the Rathors. Tahawwur
was gained over, and an embassy sent to Durgadas offering peace,
and expressing a wish for a conference. Durga convened the chiefs,
and disclosed the overture; but some suspected treachery in the
prince, others selfish views on the part of Durga. To prevent the
injurious operation of such suspicions, Durga observed, that if assent
were not given to the meeting, it would be attributed to the base
motive of fear. “Let us proceed in a body,” said he, “to this
conference; who ever heard of a cloud being caught?” They met;
mutual views were developed; a treaty was concluded, and the
meeting ended by Akbar waving the umbrella of regality over his
head.[20] He coined in his own name; he established his own weights
and measures. The poisoned intelligence was poured into Aurang’s
ear at Ajmer; his soul was troubled; he had no rest; he plucked his
beard in grief when he heard that Durga and Akbar had united.
Every Rathor in the land flocked to Akbar’s standard. The house of
Delhi was divided, and Govind[21] again supported the Hindu faith.
The dethronement of the tyrant appeared inevitable. The scourge
of the Rajputs was in their power, for he was almost alone and
without the hope of succour. But his energies never forsook him; he
knew the character of his foes, and that on an emergency his grand
auxiliary, stratagem, was equal to an army. As there is some
variation both in the Mogul historian’s account of this momentous
transaction and in the annals of Mewar and Marwar,[22] we present
the latter verbatim from the chronicle.
“Akbar, with multitudes of Rajputs, advanced upon Ajmer. But
while Aurang prepared for the storm, the prince gave himself up to
women and the song, placing everything in the hands of Tahawwur
Khan. We are the slaves of fate; puppets that dance as it pulls the
strings. Tahawwur allowed himself to dream of treason; it was
whispered in his ear that if he could deliver Akbar to his father, high
rewards would follow. At night he went privily to Aurangzeb, and
thence wrote to the Rathors: ‘I was the bond of union betwixt you
and Akbar, but the dam which separated the waters has broken
down. Father and son again are one. Consider the pledges, given
and received, as restored, and depart for your own lands.’ Having
sealed this with his signet, and dispatched a messenger to the
Rathors, he appeared before Aurangzeb to receive the fruit of his
service. But his treason met its [65] reward, and before he could
say, the imperial orders were obeyed, a blow of the mace from the
hand of the monarch sent his soul to hell. At midnight the Dervesh
messenger reached the Rathor camp; he put the letter into their
hand, which stated father and son were united; and added from
himself that Tahawwur Khan was slain. All was confusion; the
Rathors saddled and mounted, and moved a coss from Akbar’s
camp. The panic spread to his troops, who fled like the dried leaves
of the sugar-cane when carried up in a whirlwind, while the prince
was attending to the song and the wiles of the wanton.”
The Rāthors abandon Akbar.—This narrative exemplifies most
strongly the hasty unreflecting character of the Rajput, who always
acts from the impulse of the moment. They did not even send to
Akbar’s camp, although close to their own, to inquire the truth or
falsehood of the report, but saddled and did not halt until they were
twenty miles asunder. It is true, that in these times of peril they did
not know in whom to confide; and being headed by one of their own
body, they could not tell how far he might be implicated in the
treachery.
The next day they were undeceived by the junction of the prince,
who, when made acquainted with the departure of his allies, and the
treason and death of Tahawwur Khan, could scarcely collect a
thousand men to abide by his fortunes. With these he followed his
panic-struck allies, and threw himself and his family upon their
hospitality and protection—an appeal never made in vain to the
Rajput. The poetic account, by the bard Karnidhan, of the reception
of the prince by the chivalry of Maru, is remarkably minute and
spirited:—the warriors and senators enter into a solemn debate as to
the conduct to be pursued to the prince now claiming saran
(sanctuary), when the bard takes occasion to relate the pedigree
and renown of the chiefs of every clan. Each chief delivers his
sentiments in a speech full of information respecting their national
customs and manners. It also displays a good picture of “the power
of the swans, and the necessity of feeding them with pearls,” to
enable them to sing with advantage. The council breaks up with the
declaration of its determination to protect Akbar at all hazards, and
Jetha, the brother of the head of the Champawats, is nominated to
the charge of protector of Akbar’s family. The gallant Durga, the
Ulysses of the Rathors, is the manager of this dramatic convention,
the details of which are wound up with an eulogy in true oriental
hyperbole, in the Doric accents of Maru: [66]—

Māi chā pūt jin,

Jehā Durgādās,
Band Murdhara rakhiyo
Vin thāmbhā ākās.[23]

“O mother! produce such sons as Durgadas, who first supported the

dam of Murdhara, and then propped the heavens.”
Character of Durgadās.—This model of a Rajput, as wise as he
was brave, was the saviour of his country. To his suggestion it owed
the preservation of its prince, and to a series of heroic deeds, his
subsequent and more difficult salvation. Many anecdotes are extant
recording the dread Aurangzeb had of this leader of the Rathors, one
of which is amusing. The tyrant had commanded pictures to be
drawn of two of the most mortal foes to his repose, Sivaji and
Durga: “Siva was drawn seated on a couch; Durga in his ordinary
position, on horseback, toasting bātis or barley-cakes, with the point
of his lance, on a fire of maize-stalks. Aurangzeb, at the first glance,
exclaimed, ‘I may entrap that fellow (meaning Sivaji), but this dog is
born to be my bane.s’”
Durga at the head of his bands, together with young Akbar, moved
towards the western extremity of the State, in hopes that they might
lead the emperor in pursuit amongst the sandhills of the Luni; but
the wily monarch tried other arts, and first attempted to corrupt
Durga. He sent him eight thousand gold mohurs,[24] which the
Rajput instantly applied to the necessities of Akbar, who was deeply
affected at this proof of devotion, and distributed a portion of it
amongst Durga’s retainers. Aurangzeb, seeing the futility of this
plan, sent a force in pursuit of his son, who, knowing he had no
hope of mercy if he fell into his father’s hands, was anxious to place
distance between them. Durga pledged himself for his safety, and
relinquished all to ensure it. Making over the guardianship of young
Ajit to his elder brother, Soning, and placing himself at the head of
one thousand chosen men, he turned towards the south. The bard
enumerates the names and families of all the chieftains of note who
formed the bodyguard of prince Akbar in this desperate undertaking.
The Champawats were the most numerous, but he specifies several
of the home clans, as the Jodha and Mertia, and amongst the
foreign Rajputs, the Jadon, Chauhan, Bhatti, Deora, Sonigira, and
Mangalia [67].
Escape of Prince Akbar.—“The king followed their retreat: his
troops surrounded the Rathors; but Durga with one thousand chosen
men left the north on their backs, and with the speed of the winged
quitted the camp. Aurang continued the pursuit to Jalor, when he
found he had been led on a wrong scent, and that Durga, with the
prince, keeping Gujarat on his right, and Chappan[25] on his left, had
made good his retreat to the Nerbudda. Rage so far got the better of
his religion, that he threw the Koran at the head of the Almighty. In
wrath, he commanded Azam to exterminate the Rathors, but to
leave Udaipur on one side,[26] and every other design, and first
secure his brother. The deeds of Kamunda[27] removed the troubles
of Mewar, as the wind disperses the clouds which shade the
brightness of the moon. In ten days after Azam marched, the
emperor himself moved, leaving his garrisons in Jodhpur and Ajmer.
Durga’s name was the charm which made the hosts of locusts quit
their ground.[28] Durga was the sea-serpent; Akbar the mountain
with which they churned the ocean Aurang, and made him yield the
fourteen gems, one of which our religion regained, which is Lakshmi,
and our faith, which is Dhanwantari[29] the sage.
“In fidelity who excelled the Khichis Sheo Singh and Mukund, who
never left the person of Ajit, when his infancy was concealed in the
mountains of Arbud? to them alone, and the faithful Sonigira, did
Durga confide the secret of his retreat. The vassals of the Nine
Castles of Maru knew that he was concealed; but where or in whose
custody all were ignorant. Some thought he was at Jaisalmer; others
at Bikampur; others at Sirohi. The eight divisions nobly supported
the days of their exile; their sinews sustained the land of Murdhar.
Raos, Rajas, and Ranas applauded their deeds, for all were alike
enveloped in the net of destruction. In all the nine thousand [towns]
of Murdhar, and the ten thousand of Mewar,[30] inhabitants there
were none. Inayat Khan was left with ten thousand men to preserve
Jodhpur; but the Champawat is the Sumer[31] of Maru, and without
fear was Durga’s brother, Soning. With Khemkaran the Karanot, and
Sabhal the Jodha, Bijmall the Mahecha, Jethmall Sujot, Kesari
Karanot, and the Jodha brethren Sheodan and Bhim, and many more
collected their clans and kin, and as soon as they heard that the king
was within four coss of Ajmer they blockaded the Khan [68] in the
city of Jodha; but twenty thousand Moguls came to the rescue.
Another dreadful conflict ensued at the gates of Jodhpur, in which
the Jadon Kishor, who led the battle, and many other chiefs were
slain, yet not without many hundreds of the foe; the 9th Asarh, S.
1737.
“Soning carried the sword and the flame into every quarter.
Aurang could neither advance nor retreat. He was like the serpent
seizing the musk-rat, which, if liberated, caused blindness; but if
swallowed, was like poison. Harnath and Kana Singh took the road
to Sojat. They surrounded and drove away the cattle, which brought
the Asurs to the rescue. A dreadful strife ensued; the chief of the
Asurs was slain, but the brothers and all their kin bedewed the land
with their blood. This, the sakha of Sojat, was when 1737 ended and
1738 commenced, when the sword and the pestilence (mari[32])
united to clear the land.
“Soning was the Rudra of the field; Agra and Delhi trembled at his
deeds; he looked on Aurang as the waning moon. The king sent an
embassy to Soning; it was peace he desired. He offered the mansab
of Sat Hazari for Ajit,[33] and what dignities he might demand for his
brethren—the restoration of Ajmer, and to make Soning its governor.
To the engagement was added, ‘the panja is affixed in ratification of
this treaty, witnessed by God Almighty.’[34] The Diwan, Asad Khan,
was the negotiator, and the Aremdi,[35] who was with him, solemnly
swore to its maintenance. The treaty concluded, the king, whose
thoughts could not be diverted from Akbar, departed for the Deccan.
Asad Khan was left at Ajmer, and Soning at Merta [69]. But Soning
was a thorn in the side of Aurangzeb; he bribed the Brahmans, who
threw pepper into the Homa (burnt sacrifice) and secured for Soning
a place in Suraj Mandala (the mansion of the sun). The day following
the treaty, by the incantations of Auranga, Soning was no more.[36]
Asoj the 6th, S. 1738.
“Asad sent the news to the king. This terror being removed, the
king withdrew his panja from his treaty, and in joy departed for the
Deccan. The death of Soning shed gloom and grief over the land.
Then Mukund Singh Mertia, son of Kalyan, abandoned his mansab
and joined his country’s cause. A desperate encounter soon followed
with the troops of Asad Khan near Merta, in which Ajit, the son of
Bitaldas, who led the fight, was slain, with many of each clan, which
gave joy to the Asurs, but grief to the faithful Rajput; on the second
day of the bright half of the moon of Kartik, S. 1738.
“Prince Azam was left with Asad Khan; Inayat at Jodhpur; and
their garrisons were scattered over the land, as their tombs (gor)
everywhere attest. The lord of Chandawal, Shambhu Kumpawat,
now led the Rathors with Udang Singh Bakhshi, and Tejsi, the young
son of Durga, the bracelet on the arm of Mahadeva, with Fateh
Singh and Ram Singh, just returned from placing Akbar safely in the
Deccan, and many other valiant Rathors.[37] They spread over the
country even to Mewar, sacked Pur-Mandal, and slew the governor
Kasim Khan.”
These desultory and bloody affrays, though they kept the king’s
troops in perpetual alarm and lost them myriads of men, thinned the
ranks of the defenders of Maru, who again took refuge in the
Aravalli. From thence, watching every opportunity, they darted on
their prey. On one occasion they fell upon the garrison of Jaitaran,
which they routed and expelled, or as the chronicle quaintly says,
“with the year 1739 they also fled.” At the same time, the post of
Sojat was carried by Bija Champawat, while the Jodhawats, under
Ram Singh, kept their foes in play to the northward, and led by
Udaibhan attacked the Mirza Nur Ali at Charai: “the contest lasted
for three hours; the dead bodies of the Yavans lay in heaps in the
Akhara; who even abandoned their Nakkaras.”[38]
“After the affair of Jaitaran, when Udai Singh Champawat and
Mohkam Singh Mertia were the leaders, they made a push for
Gujarat, and had penetrated to [70] Kheralu,[39] when they were
attacked, pursued, and surrounded in the hills at Renpur, by Sayyid
Muhammad, the Hakim of Gujarat. All night they stood to their arms.
In the morning the sword rained and filled the cars of the Apsaras.
Karan and Kesari were slain, with Gokuldas Bhatti, with all their civil
officers, and Ram Singh himself renounced life on this day.[40] But
the Asurs pulled up the reins, having lost many men. Pali was also
attacked in the month of Bhadon this year 1739; then the game of
destruction was played with Nur Ali, three hundred Rathors against
five hundred of the king’s troops, which were routed, losing their
leader, Afzal Khan, after a desperate struggle.
“Bala was the hero who drove the Yavan from this post. Udaya
attacked the Sidi at Sojat. Jaitaran was again reinforced. In Baisakh,
Mohkam Singh Mertia attacked the royal post at Merta, slew Sayyid
Ali, and drove out the king’s troops.”
Assistance given by the Bhattis.—The year 1739 was one of
perpetual conflict, of captures and recaptures, in which many parties
of twenty and thirty on each side fell. They afford numerous
examples of heroic patriotism, in which Rathor blood was lavishly
shed; but while to them each warrior was a loss not to be replaced,
the despot continued to feed the war with fresh troops. The Bhattis
of Jaisalmer came forward this year, and nobly shed their blood in
seconding the efforts of the Rathors in this patriotic warfare.
“In S. 1740, Azam and Asad Khan joined the emperor in the
Deccan, and Inayat Khan was left in command at Ajmer—being
enjoined not to relax the war in Marwar, even with the setting in of
the rains. Merwara afforded a place of rendezvous for the Rathors,
and security for their families. Here eleven thousand of the best
troops of Inayat invaded the hills to attack the united Jodhas and
Champawats, who retaliated on Pali, Sojat, and Godwar. The ancient
Mandor, which was occupied by a garrison under Khwaja Salah, was
attacked by the Mandecha Bhatti and driven out. At Bagri, a
desperate encounter took place in the month of Baisakh, when Ram
Singh and Samant Singh, both Bhatti chiefs, fell, with two hundred
of their vassals, slaying one thousand of the Moguls. The Karamsots
and Kumpawats, under Anup Singh, scoured the banks of the Luni,
and put to the sword the garrisons of Ustara and Gangani. Mohkam,
with his Mertias, made a descent on his patrimonial lands, and drew
upon him the whole force of its [71] governor, Muhammad Ali. The
Mertias met him on their own native plains. The Yavan proposed a
truce, and at the interview assassinated the head of the Mertias,
tidings of whose death rejoiced the Shah in the Deccan.
“At the beginning of 1741, neither strife nor fear had abated.
Sujan Singh led the Rathors in the south, while Lakha Champawat
and Kesar Kumpawat, aided by the Bhattis and Chauhans, kept the
garrison of Jodhpur in alarm. When Sujan was slain, the bard was
sent to Sangram, who held a mansab and lands from the king; he
was implored to join his brethren; he obeyed, and all collected
around Sangram.[41] Siwancha[42] was attacked, and with Bhalotra
and Panchbhadra were plundered; while the blockaded garrisons
were unable to aid. An hour before sunset every gate of Maru was
shut. The Asurs had the strongholds in their power; but the plains
resounded with the An[43] of Ajit. Udaibhan, with his Jodhawats,
appeared before Bhadrajun; he assaulted the foe and captured his
guns and treasure. An attempt from Jodhpur made to recapture the
trophies, added to the triumph of the Jodha.
Abduction of the Asāni Girls.—“Purdil Khan[44] held Siwana;
and Nahar Khan Mewati, Kunari. To attack them, the Champawats
convened at Mokalsar. Their thirst for vengeance redoubled at the
tidings that Nur Ali had abducted two young women of the tribe of
Asani. Ratna led the Rathors; they reached Kunari and engaged
Purdil Khan, who was put to the sword with six hundred of his men.
The Rathors left one hundred in the field that day, the ninth of Chait.
The Mirza[45] no sooner heard of this defeat than he fled towards
Toda, with the Asani damsels, gazing on the mangoes as they
ripened, and having reached Kuchal, he encamped. Subhal Singh,
the son of Askaran, heard it; he took his opium, and though the
Mirza was surrounded by pillars, the dagger of Askaran’s son
reached his heart; but the Bhatti[46] was cut in pieces. The roads
were now impassable; the Thanas[47] of the Yavans were reduced to
great straits [72].
“The year 1742 commenced with the slaughter of the king’s
garrison at Sambhar by the Lakhawats and Asawats;[48] while from
Godwar the chiefs made incursions to the gates of Ajmer. A battle
took place at Merta, where the Rathors were defeated and
dispersed; but in revenge Sangram burned the suburbs of Jodhpur,
and then came to Dunara, where once more the clans assembled.
They marched, invested Jalor, when Bihari, left without succour, was
compelled to capitulate, and the gate of honour (dharmadwara) was
left open to him. And thus ended 1742.”

1. [Erskine (iii. A, 62) gives the story from local sources; also see
Elliot-Dowson vii. 297 f.]

2. A delicate mode of naming the female part of Jaswant’s family;

the ‘royal abode’ included his young daughters, sent to inhabit
heaven (swarga).

3. Pluto.

4. ‘The lord of the shell,’ an epithet of Siva, as the god of war; his
war-trump being a shell (sankh); his chaplet (mala), which the
Rathor bard says was incomplete until this fight, being of human
skulls. [Sankara, a title of Siva, means ‘causing happiness,’ and has
no connexion with sankh, ‘a shell.’]

5. Queen of the Apsaras, or celestial nymphs.

6. Pope makes Sarpedon say:

“The life that others pay, let us bestow,

And give to fame what we to nature owe.”

7. I.e. blood.
 8. “The city of the moon.”

9. The lunar abode seems that allotted for all bards, who never
mention Bhanloka, or the ‘mansion of the sun,’ as a place of reward
for them. Doubtless they could assign a reason for such a
distinction.

10. This is but a short transcript of the poetic account of this

battle, in which the deeds, name, and tribe of every warrior who fell
are related. The heroes of Thermopylae had not a more brilliant
theme for the bard. [Compare the more matter-of-fact accounts of
Khāfi Khān, Elliot-Dowson (vii. 296 f.), and of Manucci (ii. 233 f.).]

11. Here is another instance of the ancient patronymic being

brought in by the bards, and it is thus they preserve the names and
deeds of the worthies of past days. Rao Duhar was one of the
earliest Rathor kings of Marwar.

12. [According to Musalmān authorities, the name of the son of

Amar Singh was Indar Singh, not Ratan Singh (Jadunath Sarkar, Life
of Aurangzib, iii. 369).]

13. [In 1679 Khān Jahān arrived from Jodhpur, bringing several
cartloads of idols pillaged from Hindu temples. It was ordered that
some should be cast away into the out-offices, and the remainder to
be placed beneath the steps of the Great Mosque, there to be
trampled under foot (Elliot-Dowson vii. 187; Jadunath Sarkar iii.
323).]

14. Vol. I. p. 442.

15. It may be well to exhibit the manner in which the poetic

annalist of Rajputana narrates such events, and to give them in his
own language rather than in an epitome, by which not only the pith
of the original would be lost, but the events themselves deprived of
half their interest. The character of historic fidelity will thus be
preserved from suspicion, which could scarcely be withheld if the
narrative were exhibited in any but its native garb. This will also
serve to sustain the Annals of Marwar, formed from a combination of
such materials, and dispose the reader to acknowledge the
impossibility of reducing such animated chronicles to the severe style
of history. But more than all, it is with the design to prove what, in
the preface of this work, the reader was compelled to take on credit;
that the Rajput kingdoms were in no ages without such chronicles:
and if we may not compare them with Froissart, or with Monstrelet,
they may be allowed to compete with the Anglo-Saxon chronicles,
and they certainly surpass those of Ulster. But we have stronger
motives than even legitimate curiosity, in allowing the bard to tell his
own tale of the thirty years’ war of Rajputana; the desire which has
animated this task from its commencement, to give a correct idea of
the importance of these events, and to hold them up as a beacon to
the present governors of these brave men. How well that elegant
historian, Orme, appreciates their importance, as bearing on our
own conduct in power, the reader will perceive by reference to his
Fragments [ed. 1782, note i.], where he says, “There are no states
or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation has
either connexion or concern, which do not owe the origin of their
present condition to the reign of Aurangzebe, or to its influence on
the reigns of his successors.” It behoves us, therefore, to make
ourselves acquainted with the causes as well as the characters of
those who occasioned the downfall of our predecessors in the
sovereignty of India. With this object in view, the bard shall tell his
own tale from the birth of Ajit, in S. 1737, to 1767, when he had
vanquished all opposition to Aurangzeb, and regained the throne of
Maru.

16. The cenotaph of these warriors still marks the spot where they
fell, on the right on entering the portals.

17. The heaps of grain thrashed in the open field, preparatory to

being divided and housed, are termed khallas.

18. Oath of allegiance.

 19. The Mewar chronicle claims a victory for the combined Rajput
army, and relates a singular stratagem by which they gained it; but
either I have overlooked it, or the Raj Vilas does not specify that
Prince Bhim, son of the heroic Rana Raj, fell on this day, so glorious
in the annals of both States. See Vol. I. p. 448. [According to
Manucci (ii. 234) the Rāja “was obliged to cede to Aurangzeb a
province and the town of Mairtha.” According to another story,
Aurangzeb offered the succession to Ajīt Singh on condition that he
was converted to Islām. The Emperor kept a counterfeit Ajīt Singh in
ward, and brought him up as a Musalmān, called him Muhammadi
Rāj, and on his death he was buried as a Musalmān (Jadunath
Sarkar iii. 374).]

20. On Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar iii. 402 ff.]

21. Krishna.

22. [Orme, Fragments, ed. 1782, 142 ff.; Khāfi Khān in Elliot-
Dowson vii. 298 ff.]

23. [The reading in the text is that of Dr. Tessitori. Major Luard’s
Pandit, questioning the Author’s translation, says that the words
Band Murdharā ra rakhyo mean ‘governed Mārwār well,’ and that bin
thāmbh ākās, ‘the heavens without a prop,’ refers to the ruler who
was a minor.]

24. The Mewar chronicle says forty thousand.

25. [The hill tract about Siwāna, in S. Mewār.]

26. That is, dropped all schemes against it at that moment.

27. The Kamdhuj; epithet of the Rathors.

28. Charms and incantations, with music, are had recourse to, in
order to cause the flight of these destructive insects from the fields
they light on.
 29. [The physician of the gods, born at the churning of the
ocean.]

30. The number of towns and villages formerly constituting the

arrondissement of each State.

31. [Meru, the sacred mountain.]

32. Mari, or ‘death’ personified, is the name for that fearful

scourge the spasmodic cholera morbus, which has caused the loss of
so many lives for the last thirteen years throughout India. It appears
to have visited India often, of which we have given a frightful record
in the Annals of Mewar in the reign of Rana Raj Singh (see Vol. I. p.
454), in S. 1717 or A.D. 1661 (twenty years prior to the period we
treat of); and Orme [Fragments, ed. 1782, p. 200] describes it as
raging in the Deccan in A.D. 1684. They had likewise a visitation of it
within the memory of many individuals now living.
Regarding the nature of this disease, whether endemic, epidemic,
or contagious, and its cure, we are as ignorant now as the first day
of our experience. There have been hundreds of conflicting opinions
and hypotheses, but none satisfactory. In India, nine medical men
out of ten, as well as those not professional, deny its being
contagious. At Udaipur, the Rana’s only son, hermetically sealed in
the palace against contact, was the first seized with the disorder; a
pretty strong proof that it was from atmospheric communication. He
was also the last man in his father’s dominions likely, from
predisposition, to be attacked, being one of the most athletic and
prudent of his subjects. I saw him through the disorder. We were
afraid to administer remedies to the last heir of Bappa Rawal, but I
hinted to Amarji, who was both bard and doctor, that strong doses
of musk (12 grs. each) might be beneficial. These he had, and I
prevented his having cold water to drink, and also checking the
insensible perspiration by throwing off the bedclothes. Nothing but
his robust frame and youth made him resist this tremendous
assailant.
 33. [A command of 7000 troops.]

34. See Vol. I. p. 419, for an explanation of the panja—and the

treaty which preceded this, made by Rana Raj Singh, the fourth
article of which stipulates for terms to the minor son of Jaswant.

35. I know not what officer is meant by the Aremdi, sent to swear
to the good faith of the king.

36. His death was said to be effected by incantations, most

probably poison.]

37. Many were enumerated by the bardic chronicler, who would

deem it sacrilege to omit a single name in the page of fame.

38. [Akhāra, ‘a place of wrestling,’ rhyming with nakkāra, ‘a kettle-

drum.’]

39. [In Baroda State, about 63 miles N. of Ahmadābād.]

40. He was one of the gallant chiefs who, with Durga, conveyed
prince Akbar to the sanctuary with the Mahrattas.

41. We are not informed of what clan he was, or his rank, which
must have been high.

42. The tract so called, of which Siwana is the capital [in S.

Mewār].

43. Oath of allegiance.

44. It is almost superfluous to remark, even to the mere English

reader, that whenever he meets the title Khan, it indicates a
Muhammadan [and a Pathān]; and that of Singh (lion) a Rajput.

45. Nur Ali. Mirza is a title only applied to a Mogul.

 46. As a Bhatti revenged this disgrace, it is probable the Asani
damsels, thus abducted by the Mirza, were of his own race.

47. Garrisons and military posts.

48. These are of the most ancient vassalage of Maru.

CHAPTER 8
Ajīt Singh produced to the Rāthors, A.D. 1686.—“In the year
1743, the Champawats, Kumpawats, Udawats, Mertias, Jodhas,
Karamsots, and all the assembled clans of Maru, became impatient
to see their sovereign. They sent for the Khichi Mukund, and prayed
that they might but [73] behold him; but the faithful to his trust
replied: ‘He,[1] who confided him to me, is yet in the
Deccan.’—‘Without the sight of our Lord, bread and water have no
flavour.’ Mukund could not withstand their suit. The Hara prince
Durjan Sal, having come to their aid with one thousand horse from
Kotah,[2] they repaired to the hill of Abu, when on the last day of
Chait 1743 they saw their prince. As the lotus expands at the
sunbeam, so did the heart of each Rathor at the sight of their infant
sovereign; they drank his looks, even as the papiha in the month
Asoj sips drops of amrita (ambrosia) from the Champa.[3] There were
present, Udai Singh, Sangram Singh, Bijaipal, Tej Singh, Mukund
Singh, and Nahar son of Hari, all Champawats; Raj Singh, Jagat
Singh, Jeth Singh, Samant Singh, of the Udawats; Ram Singh, Fateh
Singh, and Kesari, Kumpawats. There was also the Uhar chief of
pure descent,[4] besides the Khichi Mukund, the Purohit, the Parihar,
and the Jain priest, Yati Gyan, Bijai. In a fortunate hour, Ajit became
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