Parenting Styles and Cultural Variations
Parenting Styles and Cultural Variations
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employ fierce discipline to facilitate parent supervision and monitoring leads to greater
achievement and development. Careful empirical ado- lescent disclosure about their activities to
research does not sup- port this view, however parents, but only when legitimacy beliefs are
[14.,15]. Person-centered analy- ses of Asian strong [23..]. Further- more, stronger authority
American parents’ parenting dimensions legitimacy beliefs regarding free-time activities
revealed four profiles, one of which fit the (which are generally considered per- sonal issues)
description of ‘tiger parenting.’ However, this are associated with adolescents’ greater
pattern was not com- mon and was associated compliance with parents’ rules [24 . ]. Legitimacy
with poor adjustment, whereas the most typical beliefs also mediate the association between
and adaptive profile reflected supportive parenting styles and juvenile delinquency [25],
parenting. with authoritative par- enting associated with
stronger legitimacy beliefs and in turn, less
Arab parents in the Middle East also are juvenile delinquency over time. The opposite was
described as authoritarian [16], although research found for authoritarian parenting. These studies
does suggest signifi- cant variability. Recent highlight adolescents’ role as active agents in
person-centered analyses of five parenting their development.
dimensions, assessed in a sample of Arab refu- gee
youth living in Jordan, found that the most common Dimensional approaches
profile for both mothers and fathers was In response to the cultural critiques of parenting
consistent with authoritative parenting [17..] – styles, current research focuses on discrete
that is, low levels of harsh, punitive parenting dimensions of par- enting, providing greater
and psychological control and high levels of specificity in understanding parenting effects.
support, behavioral control, and parental knowl- For instance, behavioral control has been
edge of activities, and this profile was distinguished from psychological control and paren-
associated with better adjustment. These studies tal knowledge.
provide some support for the claim that
components of authoritative parenting are
beneficial for child and adolescent development. Psychological control
Psychological control, which is characteristic of
authori-
Beliefs as moderators tarian parenting, includes parental
Harsh or physical discipline, yelling or scolding, intrusiveness, guilt induction, and love
expres- sing disappointment, and shaming, all of withdrawal and is associated across cultures with
which are hall- marks of authoritarian parenting, internalizing and externalizing problems [26,27].
have detrimental effects on child adjustment in Barber and his colleagues [28] have identified
cultures around the world. For instance, parents parental disrespect as the specific mechanism causing
who spank generally believe that it socializes these negative effects and have demonstrated
positive behavior. However, large-scale studies in that disrespect accounts for more of the variance
the U.S. [18 .. ] and in cultures varying in their use in maladjustment than psychological control,
of these practices [19..] show that spanking broadly measured. Other than agreeableness,
generally has negative effects for children’s there is little evidence that personality variables
adjustment and social competence, although moderate associations between psychological
these practices are less harmful (although still control and problem behavior [29.].
negative) when they are more culturally
normative [20]. A recent study found that parental
sham- ing is more culturally normative in both Drawing on self-determination theory (SDT),
rural and urban China than in an urban sample in Soenens and Vansteenkiste [30] proposed a
Canada and that it was seen as less psychologically narrower conceptuali- zation of psychological
harmful among rural Chinese (where it was more control as internally pressuring parenting, or
normative) than Canadians, but there were also conditional approval through manipulation of
interesting developmental trends. Across feelings of guilt, shame, and separation anxiety
groups, 10–11 and 13–14 year-olds evaluated (rather than external pressure from punishment,
shaming more negatively than 7–8 year-olds and rewards, or removing privileges). Controlling
viewed it as more negative for their psychological parenting was associ- ated with more
wellbeing [21..]. oppositional defiance, need frustration, and in
turn, internalizing and externalizing problems than
Beliefs about parental authority legitimacy also was autonomy-supportive parenting [31.,32].
influence responses to parenting. Adolescents view Finally, others [33] have proposed that parental
parental author- ityas illegitimate when parents psychological control involves intrusions into
control personal issues (e. g., pertaining to adolescents’ personal domain, leading to feelings
privacy, bodily control, and personal of overcontrol and in turn, maladjustment [34].
preferences) [22], see also Kobak, in press (this
issue). Across cultures, children develop a Behavioral control
personal domain because it satisfies basic needs In contrast to psychological control, appropriate
for autonomy, although there are cultural levels of
variations in its content and boundaries [22]. behavioral control guide and regulate children’s
However, individual differences in legitimacy behavior
beliefs mediate or moderate links between by providing clear, consistent parental
parenting and adolescent adjustment. Studies
have found that expectations and the structure to facilitate
competent and responsible
behavior. Behavioral control includes setting high monitoring moderated the links between
stan- dards and making and enforcing rules neighborhood danger and children’s aggressive
through supervision and monitoring. However, at behavior [44].
high levels, behavioral and psychological control
become blurred, causing detrimen- tal effects for
development [34]. Recent research also has examined the effects of
parental monitoring of adolescents’ use of
different media. A longitudinal study [45] found
that active monitoring (paren- tal discussion to
The “monitoring debate” encourage a more critical stance) was most
Parental monitoring has been viewed as preventing common in early adolescence and that it, as well as
ado- lescent problem behavior (drug use, restrictive monitoring (how much and over what
truancy, antisocial behavior), because it allows parents limit access), declined in middle
for some autonomy while permitting parents to adolescence, while actively choosing to do
keep track of their teens. However, these studies nothing increased. Active media monitoring had
typically measured parental knowledge of positive effects on adolescents’ adjust- ment
adolescents’ out-of-home activities, not overtime, whereas restrictive media monitoring
monitoring [35,36]. Many studies in Western did not [46]. A meta-analysis [47..] showed that
countries have con- firmed that parental active moni- toring protected against aggression,
knowledge comes primarily from adolescent sexual involvement, and substance use, but not
disclosure of their activities, not parents’ media time use; thus, it maybe effective in
solicitation of information or behavioral control. providing developmentally appropriate
Among Palestinian refugee youth in Jordan, autonomy. Monitoring of media use is a timely
adolescent disclo- sure, maternal solicitation, and and important topic, but future research should
behavioral control all were associated with greater disaggregate adolescents’ use of different types of
maternal knowledge, but as in Western societies, media and focus on new, emerging forms of social
only child-driven processes (less dis- closure, media, some of which make parental monitoring
more secrecy) were associated with greater norm increasingly challenging.
breaking and anxiety [37.].
What do parents want to know about adolescents’
This ‘monitoring debate’ [38] has led to much activi- ties? A mixed methods study [48.]
research examining how adolescents manage found that U.S. mothers of middle adolescents
information with their parents and the parenting ‘always’ wanted to know about teens’ dangerous,
and parent-adolescent relationship qualities, such illegal, or risky activities, aca- demic
as trust and supportive rela- tionships [39] that performance and schoolwork, and interpersonal
facilitate adolescents’ willing disclo- sure to relationships. Mothers’ desires to know about
parents (see also Kobak, in press, this issue). More teens’ activities declined over time, with
recent research has attempted to identify psychological control and positive and negative
situations where parental monitoring is effective relationship quality predicting initial levels as
(or not). For example, although used well as the trajectory of beliefs. Most mothers
infrequently, parental snooping provides parents stated that there was nothing they did not wantto
with additional information about teens’ activi- know but that they did not necessarily need to
ties, but violates adolescents’ expectations for know everything.
privacy and is thus associated with problematic
family functioning [40 . ]. Domain-specific parenting
New ‘domain-specific’ models have begun to
Parents’ reactions to adolescent disclosure are describe parenting as multifaceted and
important; negative reactions cause a cascade of situationally determined. That is, parents are
ill effects, including teens’ negative feelings seen as flexibly deploying different practices or
about parents and feelings of being controlled, strategies in various situations. Importantly,
and in turn, increased secrecy and declines in children also interpret parenting behaviors, so
disclosure [41]. Furthermore, although solici- similar practices may have different meanings
tation of information is seen as intrusive and depending on children’s developmental status
controlling, it does reduce antisocial behavior and cultural context. Proponents of these
over time among early adolescents who spend a approaches claim that systematic consideration
lot of time unsupervised and challenge parents’ of these factors will lead to better precision both in
legitimate authority [42]. Reactions to parental describing parenting and in understanding its
monitoring are also contextually sensitive. Neg- effects.
ative reactions are greater when parent-
adolescent rela- tionships are lower in warmth Adopting a behavioral systems approach,
and parental legitimacy beliefs are weaker [43.]. Grusec and Davidov [49..] described parenting in
More generally, parental moni- toring is often terms of the dif- ferent childrearing goals and
considered effective in keeping children out of needs that are activated in different situations.
trouble when they live in dangerous or violent They describe five domains of social- ization:
neighborhoods. However, controlling for parental protection (security, protection against harm), con-
educa- tion and family income, recent large- trol (acquiring societal expectations, avoiding
scale research in nine countries found little threats to autonomy occurring through parental
evidence that parental overcontrol), guided learning (mastery of specific
skills), group participation
(being part of a social group),and reciprocity emphasis on how the effects of parenting on
(reciprocating others’ behavior). These different children’s development are mediated or
domains are seen as associated with different moderated by different beliefs and on the
parenting skills and practices, resulting in the different meanings behaviors have in different
development of different competencies. This cultural contexts. And although not elabo- rated
model is promising but will require more here, several new forms of parenting, such as
elaboration regarding how to identify the relevant helicopter parenting [59,60] have been
domains operative in particular situations. described. Despite these advances, greater
Specific hypotheses about links between domain- precision is needed in linking parenting
specific parenting and developmental outcomes dimensions or domains with specific child
need to be tested. outcomes. In addition, research should focus more
on developmental competencies and positive
Smetana and her colleagues have proposed a outcomes, not just maladjustment. Research also
different domain-specific should consider how different social contexts
approachthatfocusesonthedevelopment of interact (e.g., the influence of parents versus
different types of social knowledge and peers).
behavior: moral (justice, fairness, others’ welfare),
social-conventional (contextually determined norms), Furthermore, research on parenting has been
and prudential (comfort, safety, harm to self), and limited by its heavy reliance on questionnaires.
personal issues [50..,51..]. Obser- vational research Although parenting becomes more difficult to
has found that social interactions vary by domain observe in naturalistic settings as children grow
and that mothers’ (and peers’) responses vary for older, surveys should be supplemented by
different types of transgressions [52]. New observations of family interactions in the lab and
research shows that mothers communicate norms at home. Research on parenting also often relies
to toddlers through emotional vocal signals on parent reports, especially of young children, or
[53,54.]; signals are more intense and angry in adolescents’ (but not parents’) reports, as teens
response to moral transgressions, more fearful in are seen as acting on their perceptions of
response to prudential violations, and more parenting. Although studies employing multiple
comforting and playful in response to prudential reporters indicate that agreement between
and pragmatic transgressions. different family members is modest at best, new
research shows that discrepancies between
Domain-specific models have shown that links parents’ and chil- dren’s ratings are meaningful
between parental behavioral control and and deserving of study, particularly with new
adolescent adjustment vary by domain [55]. statistical methods designed to overcome
Further, family decision-making (whether problems associated with using difference
parents or teens decide issues jointly, alone, or scores [61 .. ,62 .. ]. Additionally, studying how
with input from others) changes with age and parenting differs by children’s birth order, gender,
varies by domain [56]. Analyses also have and personality facilitates our understanding of
examined within-family differences, including how child-driven effects of parenting and challenge
links between family decision- making and researchers to go beyond one-child-per-family
autonomy vary for first- versus second-born research.
offspring [57,58]. For instance, an 11-year
longitudinal study of families with two children Finally, research on parenting styles,
found that develop- mental trajectories differed dimensions, and beliefs has successfully
by birth order [57]. Parents reported that first- grappled with contextual varia- tions due to
borns had greater autonomy than sec- ond-borns, culture, race/ethnicity, SES, and neighbor- hood
particularly when the first-born sibling conditions. Other important social and societal
reached age 10 and the second-born was younger. trends require further investigation. Migration and
How- ever, when siblings at the same age were immi- gration are on the rise around the world
compared, decision-making autonomy was greater [63..], and political conflict and war have led to
among second- than first-borns, particularly in huge numbers of refugees, many of whom are
middle childhood and early adolescence. Second- children [64]. These situa- tions pose enormous
borns may seek more auton- omy to differentiate challenges for parenting and must be addressed in
themselves from their older siblings, or perhaps to future research.
gain the autonomy they see their older siblings
as enjoying.
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