Newars and Tibetans in the Kathmandu Valley Ethnic Boundaries and Religious History Lawis, Todd T. ARAM 797 +779 a BRIM TOT 77 WSR 38 TL 1989,Sour Aan and Ae Sti, No 58, 1983 Newars and Tibetans in the Kathmandu Valley Ethnic Boundaries and Religious History Lewis, Tedd T. Coin Unset Inceoductont In bemesineging hte century srt, the catholic pret Cieppe da Revo date he Nepal Valo 9 the tne ofthe Gorkha congue. Of para ter are his omar on the aro’ a high Newar Bodhi ase ie dios, Vaacins and Sa: “Te ston ot Nepal sof ovo kindy the sore acti rtd by Tmasy poole wh sll hmses Bary: thy save oll be hl rom hte tear tar resi coe ewan Gt ad hey wera cap fete amet they ste conieed opel fhe religous oder: and thelr rit poi hen fom mame a ti wth ena om Tet ancien cen evigmalywasbrovgy fa Nepal they do nt Shere ths rl, eet a thir don; ey have lange one, fe oth everyone hase separate spstnent (Rovato 100? 308 wih copay 080). tow yeas iter, he vstng Bas lone! Kips era ebervatons cn the me rp ‘With rect the Bhanras they have sendy en ston Bing Nvcfpacn em the Newer hy ae mppned tse boat Se tosany thy sete heads tbe Boose) an sere tiny oe gees ss well asl tn, oft latory fn fait of whore language Oy slo mppoed To proere Ur ced Teng Ritpanick 15D 618-0 tn 190, Pcl Landon writs abut the ste group sear Falup in the ‘FT war wold He w thank Rot Jed Ly Richard Bol nd Thendore Rica J force bale rice o armani Spel grade alo got orang Jul ee borang inh nao of vor Teta ex tat gave ree, hn exaust ‘Seadwcing istneengry. iusto thank Prato Mon Tica Bodh jw Tad, ‘SUT Rane Tulsa, Ena sj aly forthe anne Fel acho be ep Ets al Sens Resch ound fer oper preeg a a ven oF hi pape ‘Tike Suh AnGofrcrcy Uiversty of Waco Mado, ” ) "Unie ater ne, “Nepal” nt ena els oe Nea he reser pei tio eahmande Vay. The ern “Bh asp by her autho a Boo”) © ‘hed rad einagrap ed gui2 porns sm aRICR folowing terms: ‘The priests of ths Ganesh temple (at Deopatan] are Ranhras. Kali rot found, bat is emarkable tht the Bantess ste pent atthe bloody sacrifies fo er at Devighat aear Nayakot.. The Banlas conducted the services. They wore red robes and thelr heads were cleanshaven (Landon, 1928: Vol 1, 206, with emphasis added) One obvious interpretation of these accounts is that ontit recently Newar ‘Budi priests wore robes and eaps much ike thoe worn by Tibetan laine. "The ‘evidence from these and ocher Brith observers (eg- Olde 188, 1: 141), whowe imisunderstandings in erin passages are substan, te not, of enuree, conclave. But new evidence ffom ‘Tibetan sourees and from the modera Newar Buddhist community of Kathmandu does support their impresione and seer that the ‘Tibetan presence in the Kathmandu Valley was, indeed, particulary inucntial the Malls era, Th support ofthis conjecture, this paper eases soins ofealaral diffusion and convergence between Tibet and Nepal, indicate a hypothetical model ‘ofthis frontier 0 deserbe the patterns and process of regional «thnohistory, and proposes several problems anew that canont scholarship on the history of Near Baddbism.® After deceribing the situation in the anthropological presen, this cesay proceeds chronologically from the ancient period to toch on important counts and recurring themes in Tibeto-Nepales history. A final introductory remark on the total “religious Rela” mat be inserted to frame this study properly: onward from the earliest days of Nepal's recorded history (dhe icehavi period (400-900 CB) ), both Brabmanical and och “Hindu” traditions existed alongside Buddhist tradiiont. Local kings elsined obedience to the Dhamattstas, ruled a tciety organized by castes, and supported 4 wide vatiry of Tadic religious groups. This esy examines the Budd sde(e) ofthis religious eld, neferzing tothe whole oaly at key junetures. ‘The fll history of thie ‘marvelous “cultural oss” religious microcosm of pre-Maslim Northeast India, must await further research. My sy aoe i derive ester andoplgy, 2 Set hai ay ‘nwhich "teste of ser! aon har ail let lay eer ery ek soselogt Heveedr a perp’ tain aman he hosel vay and pe om ‘inetd Sally mak aoc! vere hen (Barc 96 ‘his meso pclae fei the ace: eld ef inal Stae ad ‘eI conc ih Mice! Opp hat he aura hepreet can beeampewal it ‘mpl lugs ofthe ps. Dacor le in ny see fo Opin he era Clvprenes glare anch hy ince the poe rgeersncg ‘dersanding (Opie 174 242)" 45) Tater arte(Li an Jamal 198), Ihave coord with Lag Joma 6 prafecr wanlaon fice now Titan wes Saag wi he Katana ao 1750, "Riri sed Tabane fn he Katands Valley: sc Boundre and Rego Hiory I. The Contemporary Situation [At preset there are over twenifveacive Tibetan Buddhist monateir (gmp) in the Katimand Vale inhabits by approximate for hundred amas, ‘Acordng #0 8 resent stay tat seed the eight large iit, oer hal? (6696) ofthe lanes are rclgery with te rminderGivded among the otber Himalayan ethnic groupe Sherpa 17%: Nyenshangrs (Manta!) 14%; Newer ‘7%p3 others 5% (Gombo 1985: 218). This refugee presence dates from the Chinese fuming diet rte over cee Tibet in 1951 sod the sebguent element of ‘efigees tr 1959 in he Kathmands Valley, Communes a Jovalahel ute Pata, around Baud and to te south of Sryambh swell x the operons “ibtan mile claw living in the Valley's raburbe (a. 20% of local refuges), have supported te lama tonareesgensriy-? Asn roy Tov gompe ee ‘wllmainined and setsn clone apposition of tradona Tiber ela. Tamas now sei ann ret, an hesler for he eage omy, end youn nen conde to jan te onder. All ofthe major Tibetan shane Gelugp, Kargyups Sahyap, and Nyingmpa—srerpromntd, wi the Glug eases contalng half of te onastri Tn recent year some Mg Ina icarasons in the qrster Tibetan world have boc idea inthe Valley and sonaede ‘ling ta boomed "eno only the rfageer who support thee Estas, however, Today several ones acorn towards Wester en ie to what are now lal Budhiak Cryansatins._ "The wath that foreign devotes combate tthe ition i considerate fstor tat gue rove in the moder eorgence of Tibetan Buddhiom nthe Kathmands Valley. ‘Near Baits with former trading conneeons o Tbs are another gros thar hs lng patie? icin las) Becase Rip es and ore rganisainy the gati,ae so pervasive in thie commmoniny, Newar connection swith the Reig Theta raison eed to ene cares, epecialy the rey of Euthnandy, the Dike of Patan, andthe Dar found hroghons the Valley “hough thse mers are sal in comparion to Newar society overal, thee troup cniute a significant porton of the promerour commer Ct the alley. Khacare Nowary, the elven of Newar maden who marred Tibetan TT) Recording t Combo, over $,100 ‘ibesnn refuges now reid in dhe Valley, 2,200 (10%) in ‘irl ent tk S009) teaver ates bat the lame nr enn ge (te 18). 2) ay xia nse Vac ero opie in te Captian Pa pl vay cre pee te wll stage ‘Sloeis ute win he ore team Ne tale ed ae Pre Hoe © nen nce ny pel erp np (Sano Eien he tra ee prot Sew Bek oa pe ine spay bt aS oa oor Dra le Sn eer Bs ete3% TOT 7 SHRI SS ‘wives while ing in Tibet, are yet another refugee group that has been supportive ‘of made Tibetsn Buddhiam inthe Kathmandu Valley. Tndividoals from each of these communities sill make donations to local _gompay, eke teachings from Tibetan ger, ad all lamas to thee homes to perform tlluals Some Newars and Khacaras have even taken ordinations and become Jamas, 2 senurrng face that iy most significant in the hiory of Tibetan-Newsr relations. ‘What does this recent revival represent? Tt would bea mistake to regard thie situation es unique tothe modem period: considerable evidence now support the view that it represents the partial rctrtion of former situation im whieh lamas were lending figures in the Buddhist life of the Kathmandu Valley Oldfld’s Inverpretation ofthe seuation in 1055 points in thie diecton: NNewars have never formally renounced the spisitual authority of the ‘Thibetan [se] lamas and chey sil ook wich reverner to Lhasa as the Dheadquarten of Buddhist orthodoxy and learning (1880, U: 151). ‘Moder analyses of Newar Buddhism have generally not taker into fll acount the long-standing connections with Tibet and therefore have ignored the fall “religious fle” (Tambiah 1970) present in the Kathmandu Valley. A deeper “understanding ofthis relaonship and of ethnohistorieal procases en the Himalayan frontier should enable us to make sense of some puasling features that characterize the Newar Buddhist radon. Fist, a survey on what s known Fom the historical record B. Ancient Nepal and Tibet: 500-1000 CE “Himalayan hstorlography, a field stil in ts ofaney i troubled by a seacity of evidence and a tendency to project historical patter wpon questionable dats. ‘Mach information fom Tibet and Nepal comes from iolated sources tha have not yet been confemed independently. For example, Tibetan chronicles ere that the great Tibetan king Srongtsengempo married a Nepalese princess, Bhrkuti." "To believe ia the accuracy of the account isto ignore the fat that no known, Lioshavi insription or later Nepalete chronicle mentions the deel, ‘This problem of single source citation exis for many ofthe intriguing assertions about Neps! found inthe Tibetan literature.®) Waar de MacDonald (199 jolos Tus (1952) al Sse (92: 3 a ubting the hitescty of veers Te ape wt Tse ang and secant ald Interprets a Inter Waton compos to ndeine Tibetan rata with wo Inport neighteing count around 120 1) Butane of ndpecn adiaion a a nd do at eco ay he ge ours ancien Forcaunpie i tye of on of he rats Never wan, Ai, ‘metbed ilow, ‘Thee no debt whnooevabout Ac'extene om tbe Coan? "wut tnd Hata the Kathmand Valle: iis Bouma and Refi Hiory Inthe same manner, no known Tbctansourer ones the Glare assertion that Rudeedev, a Nepales kings expel Tibetan rie who raed he “Valley inthe eighth century (Perch 1958: 29). ‘To dae the dent of nti smart fconnation ake ithmponibe to acep the record withos heaton. Shin on Malla era eri im both News and ‘Tibetan wil advance our indesign lary many imc ‘As for he graphic evidence, there fo eran Tesh serpin fom the ‘Kathmandi Valley that pins to Tibetan inuenoe daring the ancient period Abough the elles sures remain realy small in momben hit negesie tvidene cannot be dicount “Teton historia radon on tir, however, contin ian references 10 Nepal rg site, teachers and arms Dents theft that mox of hee text were wren ater pon its pnb tht sme ree ania red of tho en events, epi since che Tetons did depts enon of she Chine dynastic recond keeping system by 900 CE (Hoffman 1975: 22). Later Tibetan tora ery drew upon tach records that te erable ates (Voto 1970). ‘Aeummaryofthee adtional ctatons appear coraere (Lewis 1969) and nee ot be epee hee CCnee plein acounts and finpeval reson concerning the Himalayan fionier abo ad suggaive information reguding Nepal Tibet rations. Of pclae relerenc ir the ang ror f the Chine abasedor Hanne who Irae tre int nda over the period 643-657 (vi 1900 40-44). Ta 648, the is noted as having united a combined Tibetan and Nepalese army (supplied by the Liechn king Nerendrdor) and proceed through te mown f Kana onthe north Ian plains. ‘Thee he revenge previo llretnens he had ali Gd under the emperor Heras wurpers (etch 1884; 24) and retumed 10 China ‘via the same route, with his chief tormentor in tow. Afterwards, the T’ang annals ‘spor thao Nepal sets msn Searing git 9 the Cine emer (Lev 1905: 1,102) Such an expen pis enalsed roves nd sgniean ona. inal there i the Hague record Two Uingiti infenc em cern “Tvaathora the Bt daly dere dere mens" inte canine res omy bier ecnunrin hich thee ate no mike feckicng te mame of Years Rowe Toto 100.” Remaining opened eng th iba cn, dpe hr ing prota in oer apap spe ems be prope sly tia we rane he itr of been” to qt lat Hotes meant of ee (tarse2n. 9) Tess eno "otrf” aod cold wll seo de Neva ton sf Banepa eae {othe eatof te Kathar Vale proper, The pity sera alering to cet ‘Pet iugprted by the aia Jaye 1985: 211-214) andthe Vang A (Gacaatetaats Tihs ing ein 74 wt he bright an army hs ther de ‘ase reba bata ater (L108 17158516)Py POT 77 YARIS to have extended form Nepal to Tibet in this ealy era. Helmut Hofman hat pointed out thatthe Tibetan pronunciation of Tndian palatal as palatal slants ‘was bosrowed from Nepal and that seibes in central Tibet adopted the Newari teript’s triangular symbol for “va [Tib, wer] for several ensonants (HofTinen 1975: 16-17; Roetich 1949: 38) MI, The Post-Liechavi and Barly Malla Period: 1000-1500 CE “To dae, Tibetan art and architecture provides the best evideee tha the overall iretion of eltural in lcners in this era was rom Nepal to Tibet. Teis eae thet from the eanest days artane from the Kathmanda Valley—epecially metal ‘cute, architect ad painere—travlled to highland cis to decorate monasteries (Cin gompa) atthe behest of Tibetan pavons, This in most evident inthe Blof painting: the Bal schoo that dominated Tibetan painting unt the 15th cencary literally means “Nepalese drawing” (MacDonald and Stahl 1979; 38)- Tt influence that reached throughout Buddhist Asia (e.g. Whitaker 1968) i best sen inthe cate of Arno, a Kathmandu Valley naive who treelled vin Tibet Peking, where he became leading att of his day ‘Tibetan literature alo suggests Nepal’ early importance in the formation of Buddhist civilization on de highland platens. From atleast 100 CE onward, ‘Tibetan scbolars came 10 the Kathmandy Valley in search of text, tantric iniitons, ngusie instruction, and an pilgrims. Many nonters—sacred biogr phies of great ‘Tibetan lamas—refer to Nepal asa place where great pundits IWed sad a an importnt destination to which Tibetans traveled Tn these early centuries when Nepalese inuenes was precomiaant, Tibetans came (othe Valley and regerded {tab a prominent center of Buds tradition. Even though Buddhism in Bikar and Bengal wos wong, the great north Indian ‘hdres each s¢ Nalanda and Vikramatila remained untl 1200 asd, a8 Tec has Pointed out, smaller cies were sil o be found in northern Tedia mich later, {iil at lense 1400 (Tue! 1931), ‘Throughout tis ery there was elealy tans Himalyan Buddhist network plied by trader, onl, ations, and pilgrims {Beckvith 1977). Taian, highanders from Tibet, and others centered in between ‘waveled up and down such route.2 Tn this regional content, the Kathmand ‘Valley became an imsportantentrepot and is sociocultural exoluton wa shaped ‘by those who migrated dough from both dcecons. ‘By the time ofthe great Tibetan moaks Dharmevanin (Roerch 1959) and wa Lotsva, reaowned teachers from the Hors eame regu to Nepal where they cited support among loa! Buddhias. Cumulaivel, the Tibetan accouncs tnd Nepalese eclophons suggest thar the pre-and early Malls period, a number To) neon tobe Valley, othe pas nthe aay wer ott bee ions ‘eqn: Kole td Fn, neat Gea ip Aa‘ Wend ce are cBngar ad eninued some pogonage tere ol ofr av (Wael 1), "Reh and Het in he Kathmandu Valley: Bi Bandra nd Rela Hoy 7 ‘of important Buddhist vlvas existe in the Valley where Tadian, indigenout, and ‘Tibetan-borm teachers lived, studied, and pracioed (Malla 1962). Such gurw- isciple lineage initiations linked India, Tibet, and Nepal. After sudying. all ‘relevant Nepaleeinsriptions and colophons ofthis ea, Luciano Petech has under- lined “the existence oferty clove relations between Nepal and the great monasteries ‘of central Tibet during the late thirteenth century (1958: 101).” Forthe Tibetans the Valley must have been an increasingly attractive place to squire tetts and initiations, since they could avoid the dangers that travel further south would entail Especially perilous was the submoatane region where the malarial climate was often deadly to highlanders. After the Muslim invasions of northeast India and the deeline of Buddhist Kashmir by 1400, the Valley's im- portance to Tibetans asa centr of Buddhism increased. “Mentioned in the Tibetan Secounte of Tndian sain uch a Padme, Santaraiasa, Alia, nd Raenaralsita, the Valley became popular pilgdimage destination. Newar and ‘Tibetan traditions also vefr to certain eaves in the Velley that were moat suitable ss metlitation retreats. ‘The Blse Aneals contain many references to Nepalese tantric masters from tis, ‘ra, epecally daring the peti from 1000-1800, What emerges from this source and others ke it (eg Buston's History of Budiom (Olpecmiller 1981) and Taanatha’s Hic) of Buddhism i Indiz (Chastopadnyey 1870)) is the testimony that active ‘exchanges existed between Tibet and Nepal and that many of Tibet's important Tineages of Buddhist teaching can be traced fo masters residing inthe Kathmandu Valley ‘This anseisinent is supported by stories still preserved in the contemporary [Newat Buddhist community that may allude to situation fom this era: ‘Tibetan devotees secking oat Newar agidvaar for initiations. One such example from ‘hese trations, As tld to me by several former Lhasa traders, goes as fellows ‘Alama pnee came from Tibet to get an initiation ofthe tats deity Mek Saspwara,abullchende, muld-armed god wsoaly depicted with his consort. ‘After being tld tht this ination was available ony inthe Kathmands Valley, be eame to Cobbar to find a certain odatiya who, he was tld, vwas the only man to poss: it. ‘The sg:tne refusod him outright on ‘nearing his request and so the lama waited ther three moathand evential- ly dhese year Even then he was ail refused. The videaa repented his daisy that an inigation to ths deity was tom dificult since Mekx Samara required the greatest level of devotion. ‘When the lama sill presed him, the sgdciya eft. Then the ema asked Gurumi, the ejdoye’s wile, where he had gone and she Sia sid that she didn’t know. Finally, she said "“Cakund Bakunti,” a series of eaves Jn the Cobhae gorge where people go for meditation. And zo the lama set ot for there= TOT 17 VRB RTIR ‘Aslue reached the gorges the lama heard a voice from the sky that ssid: ‘today your gene will cme by you—took for him.” ARer that only 1s herd of deer came by; although the lama looked, be sw only deer. ‘The vole from the sky then reiounded: "Your gare came by and lef. Didn't you see him? Look again along this reed.” “The lama kept looking. A Hoek of ducks passed by but the Jama sow nly ducks. Again the volee: “For second time hx eame and you did hot recognize hi. Keep looking carefully, fr this your last chance.” ‘After some time, a group of young women came by who were dancing find singing, ‘The lama Wis desperate and perplexed but deeded to clove Ih eyes and act: he grabbed one, bowed down and clasped her feet. ‘This was in fact the whieina and sferwards he initiated the lama as requested IV. The Later Malla ra (1800-1768) By the year 1500, much had changed in the eegion. The Valley kad recovered fiom the invasions ofthe 13th and Meh centuries and che great centers of Taian Buddhisn to the south were 0 mote. To the north, Tibetan cflization had tbvorbed and adapted the great compendium of Buddhist tradition that its scholars fnd Kings had 0 painstakingly elected. Politically, Lhasa had emerged as the Capital of a powerul state with » polity organized by eompeting hierarchies of Tandovaing tnomestc schools whoee hesde assumed temporal powers (Carrasco 1908, Goldstein 1971a; Goldscin 1971b). The Saskyaps alliances with the ‘Mongalians who ruled China doring the Yuan éynasty (129-1360) altered the polial landscape of Tibet, just a Inter Gelogpa alianees wits dhem and with the ‘Chinese became an enduring legacy. "Turaing to Tibetans and Newar in the Kathmandu Valley iis posible to sich only afew emerging images. This e due to the fact tht the ciel historical ourecs on tie prod —the Malla inseriptions and the Tibetan texts referring tthe ‘Valley-—have hardly been denied, let alone translated or analyzed. “Tibetans ia this era use the tenia “Balpo” or “Balyal” to refer tthe Nepal Valley (MacDonald and Stahl 1979: 31; Richardson 1983: 157; Petech 1984: 26). Some texts diferente them from “Magar.” "Nisyang" aad "Tamang™ ethnic fooups, and acknowledge all of thew as Buddhist peoples ofthe southern fonter {Wolle 1970: 35). The Kathmand Valloy was regarded ata prominent part of the Buddhist word, especially the great stupas at Svayambké (73. Stark) and Baudda (TW Kheshr) (Soeligrove 1957: 98; Ferrari 195%). The considerable number of Tibetan guidebooks show clay the exent io which highland peoples Teapecte the Valleys religions geogrephy and went on pilginage tips here (Wylie 1957: Wvlie 1970; MacDonald 1975; MacDonald and Rimpocke 1981; Dowman Kort ied Blew a be Ratnaods Vales ie Bid nd Regis Hy 100). This ct of Tibetan ie was ao noted in vs Annals (Landon nap Ti the Manchs Annals (Land Colpo of Tibetan ext rom this er frequent refer tothe rang Nepalee Xing, uggesing the continuing preence of Newer and Tibetan scribes in the Valley employed as copys. If Tibetan scholars went ouaideof Tiber fr stay, fe wat almost invaiably to Nepal (MacDonald and Stall 1979: 8), One example ofsuch acy fund in the ealophon of the Varadan « ext ame posed by the Ackrya Madjutsr that mendons a Lobe Rata who “went fo many Nepal howes and compare! i [the oiginal tet] with many old come rmentaries and nade it porte correct (Chatopadiyaya 1967: 495." ‘Nepas prosperity in thi era snd i8 economic infuenee on central Tibet are to lmportaf-and Ily related eres Since Malla tes, and ky much carlo Newars have ventured to "Tibet as caravan merchants rading as idle- tren in ligain ner and ueury gods. ‘The mt success traders up “nade disp” which stationed relatives andor ais a important stops onthe twade routes (Curtin 1804) Newars competed with ober einie groups on routes rss the conta Himalayneconncting Tada with he Tibten highland By 1600, Newars Were highly involved i the Tibetan economy they minted currency, cxported musk, entered the woolen loth dyeing inde, and sealed trade goods cro central Tibet especially muy goods impored via caravan from Tada and hnyond (Levon}966; Rhodes 1960). They alo suplied Kathond with Chinese ten (Sen 197131). Thus i weems no accident that made with eeteal Tibet Ahrve, 5, too, did the naenceof Tibetan Bodhi in Kathmandu was song. | Visit by Gstan-smyon Heruks (1452-1507) Some of the mest intriguing information we have on Newar ‘Tibetan relations in the sxeeth Entry come fromm the sacred biography (Tb: net) of Guan smyon, a Ymad saint” who visited the Valley in 1488, 1508, and 15049 This great scholar of the Kargyu school (who corapoted the nanthar of Milarepa. and ‘other works) is sald to have imprencd the local Buddhist elite the “Bharima” (presumably the “Bare of later parlance), with his tant powes. Fapecially {exportant isthe fact that Gstan-smyon aap initiated local individual spent thrteon years in a nearby zetreat with his disciples, and alto dicted the restoration of Svayambu, an activity that reearsfrequendy in the record subvequent Tibetan lamas who Visit the Valley. Alter doing this, he was grecte respectlly by the King of Nepal, his minster, and the Bare. (A translation of the relevant passages ‘om his namélar has been publshed euewhere (Lewis and Jamspal 1958).) Fouls sci ipo in Te Bai, Katmand it ne Gam Mi & ve sarge a ied a 30 Sines ete es Sern = Geumo Terr 79 ARIE Gompas in Nepal: Satellites of Central Tibet's “Galactic Politics ‘Connections with the major monasteies of the central Tbetan provinces of ‘Gxtang and Dbus are recuring themes i the historical reord. ‘These monasteries repeatedly commisioned resoratfon works at the great sarines in the Valley (MacDonald and Stahl 1979: 82) and monks from these places often visited Nep to miperise the work. Tavalved with these restorations, ‘Tibetan lamas in effect Alecided on the sacred art frm that Valley artisans made. "The Valley elite’s patronage of Tibetan art in this era so signals this shift in cultural relations, with Tibetan eyes elealy the mort popular. This wat expecially ‘me in image casting and in paiting (MacDonald and Stahl 1979: 38; Shuser 1902: 172). Finally, one wonder chew “restoations” that sre recorded in the mantis 1s purely religious do not, ike Marpa’s tower, indice underying politcal reales (Wylie 1964). This i a tecurring theme in the next two seins. [Relations with Bhutan Perhaps the most stviking connection between the Valey and che Tibetan ‘world in the later Malla period was with Bhutan. Ta 1673, afer Damehos Pedkar sted the Valley, the Nepalese king, Pratap Malla grant Inmas of the Drakp seer authority over Svayambh and Dsuddba (Are 1980: 243) and recognised the Teligious authority of the Shabdung Namgyal as Dharma 2a of Bhutan (Ais 1960: 249). “The Bhutanese sources cited by Aris aber tse the Nepalese hing nd sinisterspatroniaed thee Valley compar levishly and dewsbe Bhutanese lamas twaveling to Nepal (Nado 1977: 95; Avis 1900: 240, 249). Bhutanese ents also spread to Nepal inthis peiod (Ari 1980: 78) and both Svayambhti and Palupati fee placed in Deukpe geographic maygalx az westera sits “to suppres the water ‘lement and defend the Tibeto-Bhutanese border (Aris 1980: 32)" Even the exriy Shah rulers continued to support this alliance (Rose 1977: 6). “These relationships, tikes many other, requir further [Link]-Tibetan selatione must doubles be undentood with reference to futons in Valley politics fand rented to the politcal maneuvering acrois the greater Tibetan word, ie. LLhass nobility and Gelugpa allianesr verse nobility supporting non-Gelugpas— specially Kargyu and Drukpa Bhutanese—on the periphery.) Indeed, it was TTB) ie Dispur tranchf the Karas hate i ri cetera Rang in (Gone province ef ral Tet” Many nots le thre when he Bh Db Lama began 1 ponnatn fe Nzemepa ces (Hatin 173-61. 1) ndash ioursing tne ow he Drogas ng san ao eased monte. sees th Tan erin Beng, Dopo, Maser hay an In Lada (enc) ean 13:1). emay wel ave eo hat he lle so he ee of ie ‘inne pli rll a elie or. "Te tae ead note 2 tte miso ‘at by Nepali tem aft ht farther eget sec pli linen (tt ‘sy Relaos with Cina sho st be sete teas (Bosna 1972) aye Tea Ts "Res and etn in the Kaisandu Valley: Bie Boundaries sod Region eoey in thie period thas he great Fith Dalai Lanna sought to crash miteiy the alter: native emerging center of soco-eligious power in Bhutan. This may ave been 1 cause for conssidaton by ther opponents and for certain highland groups to ‘migeate aces the Himalayan region im this ert. (Richardeon 1957; Stein 1972). ‘The Visite of Sits Pan-chen (1770-1774) ‘The most detailed account of the Valley to date comes rom the autobiography of Situ Panchen, one of the great Tibetan scholar of bis era (Smith 1958) {1n1723, this young monk fist vised the Valley with other notables and recorded ‘many observations in his diary, His narrative i often concerned with the religious [fe found there: he mest the Kings of the three ces, conduce jis, goes on pilgrimages, and conmlts withthe Buddhist and Hindu elite, pecially Brahmans, fon religious matter. Of special intrest is his account of the ceremonies in the Malla courts of the Valley, where kings receive the group with great honor and ‘make generous donations to them, inviting the lamas to preach the Dharma and perform pj wo quell an epidemic ‘Alto importa to our study is the fact thar several Newar Buddhist are Sit Pan-chen's pupil. Tn his autobiography, he wites of two local “pubes” (Ratmarmani and Siddetvara) who Become his disciples and reocive a variety of teachings: the taking refuges the Bodhicita wipade (“Generating the Enlightened ‘Mind”), and the oral transmission of che 100 Syllables af Vajrasatwva. (To begin ‘the inal practice for las initiation, Si-su sent these dseiples on a three-day retreat to a cave in Nagirjuna Mill, che mountain defining the Valley's northwest peri meter) Later, he also gave them an initiation into the meditation upon the goddess Vajraviribt. One final important point from this account iz Stu's ‘mentioning the presence of several notable lamas at Svayambh sho were active in preaching and bestowing Mehmudrd inkistions on a lange namaber of devotees. Although i ssl imposible to sees Uh historical importance of thie account a2 ‘yeu! it is noteworthy that all of the Buddhist wadions cited remain importa, ‘anguably central in modern Newar Vajrayana paslance ‘The Kathmandu Valley and Regional Buddhist Networks ‘Thus the sources underine the fact Uaat Newar-Tibetan relations of tle era ‘must be framed in the regional context, especially with reference to the peoples in ‘the midshills, i, those now refered to as Tamange, as well other ethnic group ‘that bad been converted to Tibetan Buddhism. Lamas from ‘Tibet traveled and preached among the “Tiheto-Barman’” peoples who lived ox the fines periphery ©f Tibetan civilization. For these groups toe, the Kathmandu Valley became 15) Ti seecy Wal shoul thai! of Vann inate makes the sary ef veto nition Hnege wry il (Lon 108: 282-200),e ToT r7y a BMRMORE Ie recognted as a major Buddhist center where important chins, lange monasteries, fd noted teachers were located. Tadividuals from these communities kely had trade connections with Kathmandu, although very lide iz known about Malla ties with the small Ill settlements and states that creled the Valley. "The patronage by Tibetanieedsskd-montene peoples must have helped support ‘Buddhist monasteries aad temples fa the Valley and created certain alliances with the Valley's urban Buddhist communities (March 1984: 798). For example, ‘modetn evidence suggests tha: Bauddha has Deen especially aipported by Tamangs (Wolie 1970: 84). There are sloo modern observances linking Newar aod Tamang Bivddhists tha suggest former connections: Tamangs tll make yearly pilgrimages to participate with Newats in several Buddhist festivals in the Valley.2 ‘One importent place where rich multiethnic interacions were pariularly focwed was at Kindol Vikéra, monastic istiation just cutie of Kachmandw céiy and south of Srayambh. Situ Pan-chen stayed there in 1728 and in 1748 “where loeal kings and laymen vsted hime. Modern soureesshow het the Tibetan Characiee of Kindo persisted well nt this century.” 1a Further LV. The Modena Bre (1770-Peesent) (Contemporary Evidence Since the cultural and socal history of 9th and 20ih century Nepalis only beginning to emerge a afield ofscholery concer, the changes in Newar-Tibetan relations i this tumultuous e¢8 are sll nt fll discernible. Any analysis ofthe Aecline of Newae Buda ust ake into account the modem event thst weakened the Tibetan presence in the Valley: the Nepalese wars with Lhasa in 1792-8 ad ia 1855-0, the breakdown of the Kathmandu-Blautan allisnce, the dsfvor shown by the Hinds Ranss to all Bhotyas, and discrimination against the large Tamang community that was located in areas on the immediate Valley periphery (Ffer TA One ple a hi nit prlpante the Puce sal ay in ring (Bh Par (Sah wten Nena Beh om te Kesar Valley makes net page p 1 NES {he Ma ew: Jonas) oyenpat hes top up: AlDoughfeyarein dein, {iso Rodi comic a Kahan ity lead pet the pti dete the perme of tle" Dalog se aia, Posi nebo {iS hl, Oaruge ad Tangy ae a Tien foes en Vale pe ae {obese tating up payer fagrand make ofling. Tare cutede te Valley il ‘Sacto gage tothe Vasey ts fall soo. Tory vi Basch, Sal Sx Nrkyn, an Saya (che 197), 17) Kina retin tae 080s by Ur lymen an rs pros nthe mings ‘Sag Nowe gues it lg corer! h(a 190). ‘Atioag is ow nly sept yeas Batiste, ont ata he coma ‘swan Gurjre Vasey swan idee by Tien aon. Ovr het sty doom hovers, Pharr have ough ow he faites a fake wp eee When ‘Navkdnteda bu bee a SesyanbB, the ony Thea renaring wee Wome. ‘Attuga Teng tensed er 9 of hen race 126 the Tareas eye Tose: Rov and Thane the Kachande Valley: Hae Bounded Religions Hiary 1979; ef Burghart 1984: 108). Over the last two humdted year, the eroe-regional Buddhist networks that once connected sites clong the entire midsmontane Himaleyan region with the Tibetan plateau have been disrupted and realigned. ‘The nal culmination of course, has been the Dalai Lam's exile and the destretion of prominent central Tibetan monasteries, fr this represents a radical shift tha has transformed the Tibeten polities now ying outside of Chinee-contrlled territory.) 1m the Kashmands Valley, the disruption of longdistance wade has lkowse ‘undermined the standing of former traders, a prominent Newar Buddhist patron ‘constituency. Thus, many of the recent polieal amd economic changes in che Himalayas have converged to dismantle the oonsirwencies and alignments that unl recent times extended Tibetan Buddhist influences acros the Himalayan frontier. ‘There are many vaditions surviving in the modeen Newar Buddhist com- ‘munity that support the contention chat there were sigaiieant former connections between Newans and ‘Tibetans in the Kathmandu Valley. First, an extensive seay of Tibetan texts are preserved in Kathmandu Valley Hbrarea. Hodgson tent out many Tibetan text in the nineteenth century and over the last fifteen years, the German Microflm Project hat found the whole Kanjur, Tanjus, and ‘ther texts chat have fled over $40 microiln veel (Kuhard 1080). Although it is difcult to specify exactly what the relationship is between written texis and the particular Buddhist waditon of a leaity, dhe physical presence of so vast a ‘quantity ir noteworthy. Second is an important ethnographic detail regarding the yearly gathering of| the De Actrya Guth a caste asocation to which all members of Kathmandu City’s agpderye ease belong. During the two days of feasting and ritual per formance attended by all nyjttdrar in the carly spring, i s customary for Nevar laymen to seve them hot buttered tea prepared in the Tibetan sie ‘A thild area i flblore bearing on NewarcTibetan relations and here the ‘wadivions speak with diferent voices. In addition to the Meka Sarvara story presented above, other oral accounts exit that recount rjstne superorcy over the lamas, Moss wellknown, perhaps, is the story of Surat Bajta, a Newar ‘midea in the sangha of Kathmande City’s Ta Cher Baha.” ‘The account Mates that this tanaie master showed his magical-ritual superiority over Tibetan ‘Reni tb centrality of he gate Tsun sone ewor"p to mae eof de ‘eotempaary stato arom he gin fay, wth te Dla Lama now ened on the mer Himalayan periphery of ental bot in Dare” Notch yet ddd entry al othe catemperary "we of Tien moni” (er 930) in fle Tor farer dcanin reguding tuck parser steer a sons bo Oe ‘isto, apeily Tambate"Caaec uy” (lamba 19} are Levi 190. 19) Tahsrecenstdy, Jt ce rg at Skat ae may ane aes enters of YYtsa Male He abo ats that ey many Tt pg vd eke a {0 hb maser feo ie (Lice 195: 29),TOT +32 9 9 mMRIARR 88 ‘As told in a popular version: Surat Bajra was a Buddhist priest. He wert one time, to Lhsea in “Tibet, and one day when he was having tea with a great lama of that city, Iheslently emptied his cap on the floor. He filed the exp aad again thre ‘away the tes. Surprised, the lama asked the reson fr his strange be- havior. ‘Stranger stil was the explanation of Surat Bara. He told the lama, ‘hat his house in Nepal had eaught fre and was burning at that moment and 20 he was extinguishing the fre Let it showld hurt his gues’ foelngs, the lama sid nothing but he ‘had misgivings in his mind ard he made a noe ofthe day and ime. At soon at his quest wat gone, the lame dispatched a menenger...to Nepal to find ont the tath of Surat Bajras atement. ‘Months Inter the messenger returned to Linsa and reported t0 the ‘ama that Surat Baja’: house had setully caught ire atthe time noted by him but thanks to timely rain, it was saved. The lama hardly believed ‘he reps, bu e was now lle eth Jealousy of he knowledge and power ofthe Nepalese priest. ‘When. lama heard that Suret Bajca war preparing to go to hie ‘own country, he thought of harming him in sore way. He sent word privately to Nepal, saying that Surat Bas had died om his way home to Lise, The lama then ordered that no boatnen should take the [Nepalese priest across the Brahmaputra river, Meanwlile, Surat Bajra took leave of his fends and left Lhasa. ‘When be arrived at che river and found that 29 one would take his across i, e thtew the sheet of clots with which he wrapped himself of the water. ‘Then, to the amazement ofthe boatisen, he sood on it snd cromed the Bethamaputis. Frustrated to find Surat Bajea equal othe situation, the lama beeame very angry, and overtaking the homeward-bourd priet, he challenged him to & contest of inowlodge. Faced with the datermined lama, Surat ‘Bajen added him what sort of coaust he prosposed. The lama replied ‘that both of them should change dhemselves into spazcows and perch upon stalk of wheat growing en the roadside. "The heavier would be delared anguished. To this Surat Baja agreed. ‘At once both men became sparrows and alighted in» wheat fed. "Sera Hct inthe Kate Vay Bile Bours nd Regio Misty At this tine the Iama was angrier Uhan ever and changed himself the ‘next moment into s haw, the enemy ofall pigeons and swooped doven smurderously pon Surat Bara. ‘Thus attacked, the pigeon flew into cave and regnned his human shape. -Memwhile, the lama changed himself into a make and crawled Finding himself commered, Surat Bajra invoked the goddess Gubyetvaet for aid, and she gave him a sword with which he cut the make to pices, ‘Aller thi, the pret took to his journey without further trouble. But on his areival a Kathmandu, Surat Baja learn that be had been rumored ‘dead. At this his family bed actualy gone through the ceremonies for ‘he dend, [and so] he could not go home. So, to let his family know that he had ot died, he took of is shoes and sent them home to his family. “Then he went fo the temple of Gubyelvsel and was never seen again ‘Lal 1968: 55-59). Other sories suggest the Tibetan origin of Nowsr cui. The origin account ‘of Mahila of Tundithel ia Kathmandu states atthe deity’s Himalayzn abode seas in Tibet “Thee once dwelt in Mansa Mabivibirs the prt Sabal ‘ana, a eine named Sanvat Bair. One day wa tng he fun ster an oll mange and jo thn lrg coed ame ating by in the sky, cutting off the sunlight. When Saswat Bajra looked up, he saw that the cloud remained sasoary. Then he went ot of hear tothe dgonhap, the presen Tord, and wedtated with the purpose of ringing dwn he elo thi Hlascxeded and wen the place where the cloud fad ended He tthe deity Mahia inside te cod and dco that he ras his way fom Lins to KAS, ‘Then Sasa Bara pevormed te Mata snd chanted the “Piles Kap Achy,” tong of hn ow coreg. When ths i was ove, Mhikls bleed Sanat Ber, fered oe preset on Satay fag at this, then dnapeared in the ss Yet another common tle lio ass lamait dominance. Although the Iisoricity of his event is most dubious, the tale i sill informative regarding the [Newar perception of the indigenous Buddhist prasthood and the standing of the ‘Tibetan monastic elite. As Hodgaon repors his ogfdceinformaat’s vert "To his chagrin, che stall upon which the lama wat perched weighed down Iheavily while the other, upon which perched the Nepalese priest, was not even dlghaly bent. To show that his bag of sin was ot aa heavy as that ofthe lama, Surat Baja changed himself the next moment into a pigeon. ‘And yet the stalk of wheat did mot bend under 3im. “Teese of itinerant i's p's gve here ated pon a contemporary ‘sna vesien(ajaeay 171) an ol reir« TOT +72) ARMIN 88 «its sid that Sankara Aoirya, Siva Marg, heving destroyed the wore ‘hip of Buddha and the soiptues envaiaing his doctsine in Hindustan, ‘ame to Nepal, where he alo effected much mischief; and then proceeded to Bhot. There he had «conference with che grand Lama. "The Lars, ‘who never bathet, and afer natural evactatcns docs not se topical ablation, digusta’ him to that degree, that he commenced reviling the Tama, The Lama replied, “T keep my inside pare, although my outside be impare; while you earefuly purify yourel€ without, but you ae thy within” and a the sume time drew out his whole nai and showed ther to Santare; snd then replaced them agein. He then demanded an answer fom Sankara. Sankara, by vr of hit yogs, ascended int the heavens; the Lama perceiving the shadow of Sankara's body on the around, Rcd a knife in the place ofthe shadow; Sankara fl upon the Jn, which piered his throat and klled him insanely. Such i the legend or tale that prevail, and this we accoet forthe fret the the ‘Buddhamargtpracioe of Bho is purer, snd it septurs more numerous, than ours (Hodeson 1874; 48). idence of enduring Newar-Tibetan rdationshipe serve inl other domaine that can only be mentioned briefly here. All of them certainly merit further Inguiryt “EA very popular Newae ddr! devoted tothe Baddhie deity Tar, ‘the Teduatarame published by P. Vajracary, rotes that “the text wat ‘wetten in ‘beta [Link] the holy lam Katainchemb and it wel preserved in the colleedon of the late Sri Guys Pajicrya at Asoa [ie] ‘Talsha Baba, Kathmandu (1947: 17)" “mages ofthe great Jamas have boen placed slong the eteumfer- ‘ence of the Svayambhd stupa (and now all but sovered over) and there fare Tibotan insertions there (Olefela 1890, 1: 228). +The record involvement of the Sitkimese lamat inthe ‘constriction of the Mabsbaudidba temple in Patn (Locke 1985: 100). Small Tibetan gonbas are now found in imporcant Newar shares jn Kathmandu ($i Gha) and Patan (Redsavacpa Mahavihars (Shakya 1986: 4) ). "+One Siva Singha Lama is recorded ar reanovatingasupa at Taka, Babs, a Sakya Vibira in Kathmandu (Locke 1965: $47). "In NS. 776 fie. 1642 CH] a Tibetan monk by the name of Janson (Gyzon) from Tastrumba’ (=Tashilumpo) and one Psdmadhva)s bull this monastery [Dharma Uttara Mahavilar, ia Bhaktapur ia ‘memory ofthe father ofthe latter (Locke 1985: 459)." }Small bah just southeast of Kathmandu called “Bhote Bibs” Le Te "Rena Sad Tibi he Katona Valley Enc Hound Repos Hoey remain stop on town circumambulatons fir the Ioeal Buddhist com= sanity. “HTibetan guidebooks identify over five shrines in Bhakeapar for pilgrimage (Dowman 1962). “+ Newsr tradition vegarding the Macchendeenath cult inthe Valley recount chat a group af Tibetars once caried of & “Lewer Macchend ranith” image ffom the procesion tat ance proceeded from Cobhir to Palupasinash (Oldeld 1880, 1: 283) “When visting the Stayambht hillop, almost all Newar laymen, slop to pay ther respects to the Kargys and former Bhutanese compas (Lewis 1984: $54). “Any prestigious Newer Buddhist family willincude a man atred in ‘Tibetan dress as pat ofthe groom's wedding procession (Levis 1984: 285). “+n some Newar households faymen erect prayer flags above thelr houses, collect devotional photos of Tibetan lamas, parcipate in Nyunge setzcas at local gangs, and wse Hate cloths for cremation rituals. Many ‘luca howcholde own Tibtan-oyle st. ‘tn the ealy photographic business of Kathmandu, aloe every ‘phologeapher retained negatives of the Dalai Lama and used them 10 ‘supply lead devotes with images. -HOral histories of some Uriy families in Kathmandu suggest that ‘hele apoestrs were fom Tiber. The pan-Buddhiet tale of Sinhalasithabibn—a merchant who tsavel far vay to trade, gets eaprured by alluring cannibal demoneses, and is saved by Avalokiteivara inthe form of « horse-~is popularly told in the Valley and commonly depicted in Newar art. In these media, ‘Tibet is identified as the country to which Sinbelasirthabihu goes and the Brahmaputra River ir identified az the great ocean he mist cram {Sudarshan 1968; Lewis and Tuladher, forthcoming). ++Bare Gigegn—Male Sakyas at the time of their inféatons can chow ro wear red (or yellow) monastic vestments in the, “Bik stage” ofthe sites (Locke 1986; 58). Hin addition to the buctered-ta custom already cited, Newars eat, 4 version of Tibetan meat-fled noodles, moms, Many Newar women include Tibetan dreses as part of their wardrobes “}Yinally, © very popular paia performed by the agidxénas, called Sais Pi, is thought by many to be Tibetan in origin since it ses tri, molded butterstour offerings. ‘Vi. Newar Polities and Religious Tradition ‘Any analyst of the Kathmandu Valley's later religious history must come t0« TOT Toya mERC terms with che fact that Tibetan lamas were influent figures in che Malla era. ‘We have seen that important lamas were specially honared gust inthe royal cout and that Drofep lamas ostensibly contelled the religious characte of Seayambhd, ‘the most important Buddhist site in the Kachmandw Valley, a relationship that Iasecd for almest two hundred years (Le. 1673-1850) until Rane rule. And here ‘we must rtuen (othe shaved Bare inthe Reropean accounts who were described at being ative i the red woolen robes and cape. Were vmne local monassrics of this era primarily Tibetan in their ordination lincages tual styles, and meditation practices? ‘To advance the dscusion of this isue with reference to regional Himalaya history, I wil sketch a hypothetical construction of Tbatan-Newar relations in the ‘Kathmandu Valley during later Mell times: Before Shah sate rule, ethnic boundavie in Nepel were les articulated and ‘ot contered in standard set beyond Use regional polite that existed prior to 1770 (Levine 1987). A “Newar family was one that bad set, lead the local linlect, married into a setement. The Gactared cty-tates of the Valley created 1 widespread sense of conn eae [Link] Nepal was plutae fntic ciation created by many waves of cammulative migration, “The Valley ‘owns shared oommon cultural traditions but ao a great breadth of local diversity, Om the “Hindu” sie, ethnic factors are drastically iustrated by the Malla lynasy's ongoing ties to the Mithila civilization (lihar), their los among ‘Brahman priests and court officials wih similar lowe southern ts, andthe practice of entrusting the care of the Valley's mon importa Hindu shrine (Pxeupat) with South Tndian Rratimans. Malla kings conformel to Indie nora of royal patronage by supporting all worthy traditions, and vone texts even record the ‘being personally interested in Tibetan lamar (Lewis and Jamspal 1966). Stl, Brahmans sad Brabmanieal eaitions dominated the sccial order and claimed the ‘hiefloylty ofthe elite who ruled the ety-states ofthe lter Malla period. Arrayed slongside this “Hindu” comstacncy were the Buddhist merchant, fartsans, royal retains and their monartris ‘Tht northern foregner at Svayambhit mittor the southemers at Pafupat, although che forier (hee pre 1200 GE) tis between Nepal and the grea monssteics of India remain a distant ‘memory that survives only in some of the Sansicit names of prominent Newar ‘hares (Locke 1988). ‘Toretur to Newar Tibetan relations thie context: by 1750, there were strong ‘monastic institutions at Svayambhd and Bauddha linked to monasteries seewhere in the Tibetan culture region. As majo Iandmats on the tens-Himalayan lena HD) Oiit debs ie peal eso he Thtas momcery wat of Saran fn te Salowing es, nan pe apie sof of haba ols Lo [yt wiih nt bean entry fom me mre, te yo te sede, bide kp a tered fhe Al Bu 190 ts 292)" "Ati btn in he Katnande Valleys Bie Bours and Regs Hitaey 49 igae 1) The Himalayan Foon of ht: Tianhe Gro al the Kathend Vey gan tae gues 2 Nevar and ihetn Dut Monts inthe Kana Valley (ate Mat ra lore 2 tp una ma ‘othmandu Vallaya Terr 7 RBI 38 pilgrimage routes, thee siiras were casi refuges for devout Buddhist men Hiving in the region, especially Newars, Tamang, Gurunge, and other ad-hill people ven ifthe monastic lineages originated in ‘Tibet and represented distant schools, the intttions were doubles: very much related to Valley society, supported by local nobility and trons-Himalayan vaders,% underwsiten by land grants in the regio and inhabited predominantly by men fiom the surrounding ares. It ie in thet Valley monastic institutions that tation af philuophce! learning textual copying®® complex ritual, and Vajrayéna meditation were transmitted. This sexs of history provides ahistorical model forthe Kathnandu Valley that places i atthe canter of elie and siglo networks acros the region ‘The evidence developed in this estay points to a model of Buddhism in the ‘Kathmandu Valley that cortects the long-held asertion tat in Malleera Buddhism in the Kathmandu Valley had no celibate monastic elie (eg. Seellgrove 1957; ‘Shuster 1982: 260). Aligned with the isportan agmentof Valley soccty ivolved inlucratve highland wade and with Tbeto-Burmane in the mid-ill region, Tibetan Buddhise viktrr inhabited by eaibate monks have Hely existed in the Valley continaouay since mid-Malla dines ox even ears ‘What, then, do we make ofthe Newar sama, those “Bare who now identi themselves a high-eate egidedger and éabablikza? ‘The best analogy for the janes is perhaps with the Nyingmeps lamas in other highland Hinalayan ‘areas: both are marie and live in mona quarters tht are family property and ‘oth serve the local community's mundane ritual needs, with afew elite among them ‘aking vows and entering the large gompas of other Tibetan school to become great teachers and stins. "Though it is very probable that suviving egaanes ineages descend direly from Indisn mastes, it also ema Hely that Bare and other [Newars during more zecent eras entered the great Tibetan gpa in the Valley for Acquiring initiations mediated by teachers from the highlands! "Then, as now, few could take the monastic ordination. The autobiography of Sit Pan-cen supports this image and the supposition that contacts with » Buddhist elite trained TA Meo he Ur cme group hat ade in Tie at x cay 14 wc wel Ina protesting nein Lem wel ss asad (Sais 1686; sta 1979; Bia 180). This elon btren nectar od Be ‘tena comstn in aan hoy 23) Ip event pion, Mi Babar Say (108: 9-57) ce the Mice Geant cover the Nas lara of Newar ton 10 let Tec xt Maa the anatae Inatwes MEsepa to cles thaw np tex am Nepal. Thee tot are ll regan die group toy nthe Kaan grec. 26) The earordnry stebiogphy of Malaorsya (101100), one of the at oot "Nowa refgos gars ascent, zy bps ofthe Tian eligi ene tel ips ony. Manor’ ccgousseabaing cane a the role of mg ‘rth umber fa sng Kanara he stig der aoe [a Lin oe here on enpowermert aon ae es gv hse nae 10 Nepales (Newa 5"1) 2 yan Tod "Rowan st Ha the Katands Valley: nic Boundais and Reins Hury St in central Tibet have continaally rvinvigorated the Buddhist character of load Newat communities VIL. ‘The Modern State and Changes in Newar-Tibetan Relations “The survival and maintenance of Buddhism in the Valley was based onthe logic ‘ot local lie. The sigma that the Indianiaad,easto-observant New elites came to ‘ltee on “bhotys” proper may help explain theultimate emergence of agrcapar fate lineages which adopted Brabmanical observances and tua in order to tdapt Vajrayana Buda to te local ast society 29 “AutiBhotya ease sensitivity remains today among high-cate Buddhist [Newats, as indicated in the saying “Sem Gipsy thi maja” (‘Tibetans are polluted touching them is improper”) Ta there domains, the Inia had neither the Brabmanially-styled We eyele ritual traditions (tmuivs) now the birth “psiger a elp the leat Buddies adapt to a more Brahmanical socal ctvionment, Instead, dsreto matvebors, casteobserrnt uddhistprintly lineages emerge fshion appropiate ceremonies and compete for patrons eral widh load Brahmans. "This need for adaptation may help explain why a ditinet ase claiming "Vaja 7 Neat hlonin ect ne Rats Badr Bache A Pa, ‘ewe on nia ot Te fr pil Sevepsest tn Mo Daler Sg ‘cn et, “Pas Ra Darcy ns br at Yahoo Maan ‘ann, He mosved he tion fuente fees Bs pans Kn Sigh ana Irraet scar inVira Libary. He ert game, ory tor adage ty ge, How sko ep inanciat wpa stNapl Note th sing ef oes fh Tans n Nepal he to Hibetn ui texts om ned Geter Sage He decal veve Nepal ty by der hin ne in resin rn, teanog he Budi texo On Ms way Sack om "ete sonali ey, Procing the edt.” tn Ruth dive lee on Ae trad aa fr ges month" He bse pop ered chr f Dah she ve in by copyng and raising esac ea How lcnaeed Fat Cor He truncd mary Sati Ded te nto Nowa! an tne tied fray ‘ef for Ddabtleatcandpiloop. He delved tre on Nata Ke Nine Ha Trt of Mahan Son f pln he teens te el cant ‘hel aka aya 900: 738)" 25) Tos castes he ranterene ofthe Sexy Al Dh tea om Keon ic NepalJeha rough pated is re warel jotac Tan td ve thence - ‘We meyer imagine 3 Teta ama no was ai wih Tet tc ling te gets and dono Li, on] abt ten to epee bid, "The Neale who, oan nd, he eta nh en ee ‘Sematary and wold dobon tx have ben aoe taseping sch + oat, ‘hd would haven had ie iicuy i Rg spore nr hao sta ith ged (48 39)" 29, he sd Makan lated m= iene ai sae in he sient ery (Chit i, 198) an maternal toes (Lach 31, 2), bate oe ‘edapmeyRave ben trmenaln spoe2 TOT TT NRSC se ‘Redrya” stats may have emerged in the last eonuries to inset upon a lear soc separation between themselves, Tibetan lamas, and the lay community. As Rowers classe study (1960) showed, this “bourdary maintenance” ha ed to major canis that have alienated che age from the richest Newer laymen, ineludng the formes Lhasa traders who were prominent supporters ofthe lamas, ‘The details ofthis fight support our contention. The incident that started the ‘quarrel was Newar laymen taking pestd from a great Tibetan monk, Kyanchen “Lams, wino had attracted auuences of several chowsand devotees (Shaky. 19955, 57). A recently published account on this ea reports o one ofthis ams activities while in Kathmandu: “[Fe] was preaching at the Gopuecha Dirvata (ie. Svayarbh]) the doctrine of the Ngordve practice” Tuat dacouree program was arranged by Sahu Dharma Msn (an Uriy], Sthu Bekhasstas [also an Uriy] was the translator, and Buddies} Guru [a seine) explained it in detail (Newami 1986:4, with my notes)” Here is a clear exanple of sjdetyar diredly involved in disseminating 2 lamas teaching treiton, ‘This lamas relations with Newar patrons brought taons between the pro- ‘Tihetan and ant/Tihetanfetiane ta hen in relgh tarme, eating th lange ofa saint was meritorious and healthfels in the eset rg latios of Nepales sate Jaw code, the Muli Ain, consuming the leavings of a "Bhotiya” was especially polling and demeaning (Hofer 1979). The verity loeages who then denied ver eating in Uriy houses—an act suggesting mutual commensality with those ‘ating the lamas jrasd and so, uldeately, elling into question the eerily” ‘own high parityjcase standing —have eer sine bocn excluded as Uriy js. ‘Thus, this destractve fracuuing of the Newat Buddhist tradition's long- sanding web of pries-patron bonds was, in part, & product and reflection of changing NewarTibetan relations (Lewis 1986; Rewer 1968). By pursuing the logic of ease, the Bramanicaly-minded Newar Buddhit elite broke apart che older web of exchange relationships that once bound ther Buds traditions in ‘Be Kathmandu Valley together in alliance with the lamas and Buddhist Tibetor Burman peoples of the rion. Finally, we ean explain why Newar Buddhist folklore refcets the mixed legacy of Nevear—Tibetan relations and clemens of agéedga—lma competition, The ata suggest that there was later competition beoween Valiey monasteries linked to ‘Tibet against those claiming more ancient Indian institutions. Robert Millers lisenssion of the relationship between Tibetan trade and the spread of Buddhist ‘monasticism supports hypothesaing that later Tibetan monks and sires may have, ‘effet, “colonized” the Buddhist community inthe Kathmanci Valley: ‘The ereaion of daughter monasteie may be seon at an effrt to stabilize Bi) Ti acs Sen of or contemplation: 1) she paouna fran) dete ndipermatone;9) rma rau) the vices ant, Track, ‘esa the tf an are ought nee tbe Svs nad eed ‘EDs (Sewn 4. se, Tod "Ros tnd Tia in the Kathnaode Vale isc Bondar an Regions Huey and steetch out the loeal resources of support and to tap sources further afield... ‘There wil inevitably be point at which competition betven dies cent monasteries Decomes acute. The larger monasteries. .could reach ‘ont beyond the immediate locality to attzact ich patrons, and could draw laymen into wadeon their behalf. But competition from large, expanding sonasteres sometimes led to the eallapue of loeal sangha (Nile 1963: 439), Did the Newar sempla safer detine due to competition from Tibetan vktas? ‘Fature stdies must explain who these Newar Buddhas were who once wore red woolen ate ia the style of Tibetan lamas. VOI. Summary 1. Over the lst millenium, cultural relations between Nepal and Tibet exile. Artima, Nepalese Budhist teachers and ers were instrumental in enriching Buddhism in the ‘Tibetan highlands; at other times, especially over the last 500 years, great lamas and Tibetan monasteries inthe Kathmandu Valley likely ‘affcied local Nepalese Buddhism. The ebb and flow is reminiscent of the bitory ‘of desine and revival berween SE Asa and Ceylon over the same pesiod.*) 2. Over the past fve centuries highland Tibecan institutions in the Kachmanda ‘Valley have attracted aspirants from local society and coatinuously diseminated ‘Tibetansiyle Vajrayana Buddhist infuencas into the local communities. In ‘he leer Malla period, Kargyupa gmp helped miaivain the Valley a 9 notable center of highland-syle Mabfyina-Vajrayana Buddhism on the periphery of “Tibetan civiination.* Tye compares Hrs anager ae we know bette Mall King ede tethe Newer Bai epg scan ha hy are engage nano th preatone fe mph tang Dara, Tala, x9 Lava ratte whereby ty peo (sap nd ele the tery a the tn a then 29) Inara aie ht ape th work ee th al ogy Daid ele iaes ray apc: of New utr! enti, spol with elrene tothe nora has a [taguge and ego in he nana cite MY socom est eit niin the domain of Theta toi. Gollnestacy "Renn Bate, cheer and inal) dred whol Eom Indian Bad Insert yao pon an Bain cod lel ny mae at 19 yao (ater tem" 5 “Team nm Himalayan inary in ltr tc en nai dagenily tae ie exeson of Suh Am ena borowing (dp 10)" bee he ae exon, fom the tat the Tibetan highly sare i ate gy Tbe he [Nepal wa «fone sone shat wr “Snail” to tema ud adn, 2 (Wotan 1975: 156, and te aeaptin fs cs wasty(Gombo 182).o TUT er 9 rRSICR a8 3. Tibecan gompes remained refuges for the “trve cite” in the region who desied fhe celibate lfstyle of traditional monastc Buddhisin. There war no low of ccibate monastic in the Buddhist field of Kathmana Valley elation ‘4 Hiorane shoud recognize the limitations that go with accepting ethnie group ‘ames asthe tole auclei around which regional histry inthe Himalayas evelven [Names change old names are adapted by new elites, anc in weban centers etic pluralism reqlzes finer categories of analysis (Lewis and Riceardt 1906: 101 Most significant was the “web of Tibetan monastcam (B. Miller 1960) ‘often overarched ethnle boundaries throughout the Himalayan regen. When Buddhist monasticism spread across Asia, it introduced independent, corporate institutions that had the potential to transform local societies and regional polities. Buddhist sires have, at cimes, fantoned to break éown ethnic boundaries, bluring divisions between peoples, ‘The anthropology at nissioniring religions would likely fad a common comparative theme hee newly invodueed religious iniutions ean findamentaty alter previous lige ‘ments of kinship, ethnicity, and political power.2 BLIOGRAPHY ‘care, Badr. Mabon Kahn 1978 Beith Ciopher I. "Tibet and he aly dial Peinae n rains A Pein Bata, Dor. “Nepal nib" in Jue Fe ine Atl, "The Hagucs Mouton, ona 7-208 pt fom Har, Kandy 980 Boxinas an Hci Chen. "Le Nea et hin cn 1752-1794" Jnl Ae 260, 1872 ‘rou Jb Legnds of Khon a Nepal Alin fe Sl Ol nd Ai So, 1), 19 308 0, Buspar, Ridtd. “The Fomation of he Concept of Natin-Satm Nel” Sma of din Sta, XLIV 104, 101-25. era, Rar. andand Ply Tt. Sede Uae of Waking Pe 198 (Ohana, Lee of” The if ha Si of Gy Raper heehee Sle ae Sei Vl 79), Dat, 68 Th Suing end Dis of Se Pann, (Sti, Val. 17), Now Debs Ine ‘teal Academy a Tein Care, 368 hatcaoay, Alin Anand Tet.” Delis Moth Brniden 67 [Shatopuaray, Deira ed Tina's Hit of Bain ie Sila: Taam Inte ‘Advance Say, 17 cnn, Pip. Cs! Trade n We Hy, Gacige Vole es, 1 Diacmalo, Makasar.” Gi Chie, New Des Aa Bes 180 38) To pa we spi, o oa, not to dey tha Asin ry ds names Meena (50h del wih onthe Shap cosets NEN gu TOT asin the Kadam Villy: Bole Bondar and Regio Mitory % ownan ith, “A Bobi Gide tothe Power Macs oft Kaen Vale” Kia iar 186, 19-21 : be Ral Atet, Kaine” f ep sai a ian et me te wana tye Bee Par Aah te Grd Py Ps f Gl Tie.” See Orit Ra, Eo ane Ce en mete se art af nina Pant Te rae tins An Duane he Tt of “Huan Lee” eel Na yl of taf XH, My Gna US ein Tan ey Ay, (0 ATE So here KanYe AS eS il is dCi ae iagces Pte Sa ity He ys the Lea, tet nd Bi of Mele Tie ee ine pod Satin Nal: AS of he Maa in f 18. treba Je Mc Sey 12 17 04 in Sa ee ft tne i ey ‘Ratna Pustak Bhondar, 196, une “Lore ad Lage of Nepal Bs ih a a en ait” Jan Sty (Be)” VIL (3) 1958 = Cee ome st ne i uri Ne" Jef i Si (18 LSpiela Tah Rane 4 Sf Ba Tso Noe Mea tn at acy Sn cra ppe sen ea ecinps Unity af Wacom, Mabon see earns A ys Stadio i the Nepales Culture of-te Kathmand Valley. Tur Hibs Sotelo ane Ose 9, pe ew, Told Tea Joep "Net and Tie Katimande ale, Tis Tal rot tonne 3 Le ee Scag Mange Sunny Bey: Ce owe TORN sod Tada, Lah Rata,“ Slghlasrabhe Bits TheNevar Adgtaton Lake Jobe Bin Muro ia Kamar: Sahayo 8. ‘ian Sos Rech Hote of Nepal 600 Bo HO AD." Jeol fe ibe ad (Deni taj big How, 195.2 Tere rr o waICIR ss — FT Verna Mion in the Kathe Vly i hd Hoge ga Nadim Dies Set, 105 Maciel A W. “A novel Gee ay Macao Na” Kia, 95, 8-46 an Mbtng in Mt Timea Seg nen Gacy Uh ae eo ‘tn Bal Satin i Fro Com Kay ene heen eo ds eT Soin WC Bam ote Sep Ar ot egal ae ne ‘Sites Hngrin, XXXIV 5,1, Pe. ‘MacDonal A W. st Ripe, Drogen. Un Gude Pe Ltd Lise Sin du Nl Mig hii Bods 0,287.21 McDonald, A.W. a Sul Anne Vn Fur At Sal At at he Nate ui Malls Kanal Patt” Caria! Nae Let, Kats Neal Sy Cente, 1562 Marc, Kao 5. “Weng Wing sad Gendt i ah eae Mile, ene. “The Wb of Teas Mr Jml oc Sika, (2), 1860, Mie, Raber. “The Badin Men Sn to, 3, 08, 8 ado kaon A hor Noon Ben nd eBoy” Kal 1977, ‘evan Dua "a lpn oe Lae Ba Tet Nepean Bes Tecis tn Bos 186, been of Bi be eater 1, CLL HL ambre aefn ial, 2 Yona Gama Reng 194 (Cea sien, ected Gara ly of ects Lan, Te Mai! Hy of ipa Si vee Ran, 18 Raa, 2 Mel ny Dip Bost) Sere Onc hae HO Hinde XG. “The erent of Garena Te he Ane Tok ce fh Rr Laon” snd Pp i, nk Rétrion, Mug. "~The Karmpe S.A iat No” eal of eRe Asti ey 1967-1958, 199-164; 1958-1961, 1-17. a paring eta" Ba et Sa of rt a en Si, 6153, Rowich CN. Th he df ee sedel 2 Vm). Ce —— Bewcty of Diana New Babs 98 Row Tao The ts of lt" aces Cae Ucn Pom 7 Horio Ghnrne. “As Acomat fhe Kington of Nea” at Rat, 61, 2 97-0 Howes Gn "The Novir Cae yin Crh os Fareloeat eh ea ig Nal ied Gi 80. Dnaye hala Pata ene ter nds Trade wih rat fas i Nee" ls € gy, (2), 19 Sly Min Bead. dine ulin Math Katine Yl et 1986, in mia te adie ta 2a Pate: Yung Me Dae Aeon, Stor Mary Mp Mad Seth Bone. fo Baten eae alsteh Cann Mattsson, Nv Di 80,15, Chane ed," The debra adhe Ste Patan "Xe und Team athe Kathmanda Vale: ie Doane nd Ralls Moy &7 ombihy taney) Ban adel arf Maal Thad Cetge Unie Pres “The Gala Pay: The Stvctue of Taina Kingloms in Soest A" re CTs Sa land Rone ale athe Stith Cony” din Se ee cnr mpm VGiahgm Fm enh ge Fo os Kemnay Nae Pn Sei, 94 Cpa flow At Tk Hr Galewtias Soviet Tndlogical Series, 4, 1970. Wedel Ls AopoieTe Din of tw Ene Bo tee BSB oe eee ee ee ar