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 HIGHER EDUCATION
FUNDING AND ACCESS IN
INTERNATIONAL
PERSPECTIVE
Great Debates in Higher Education is a series of short,
accessible books addressing key challenges to and issues in Higher
Education, on a national and international level. These books are
research informed but debate driven. They are intended to be
relevant to a broad spectrum of researchers, students and
administrators in higher education, and are designed to help us
unpick and assess the state of higher education systems, policies
and social and economic impacts.

Published Titles:
Teaching Excellence in Higher Education: Challenges, Changes and
the Teaching Excellence Framework

Amanda French and Matt O’Leary

British Universities in the Brexit Moment: Political, Economic and
Cultural Implications
Mike Finn

Forthcoming Titles:
The Marketisation of English Higher Education: A Policy Analysis of a
Risk-based System
Colin McCaig

Cultural Journeys in Higher Education: Student Voices and Narratives

Jan Bamford and Lucy Pollard

Sexual Violence on Campus: Power-conscious Approaches to

Awareness, Prevention, and Response
Christina Linder

Refugees in Higher Education: Debate, Discourse and Practice

Jacqueline Stevenson and Sally Baker
Access to Success and Social Mobility through Higher Education: A
Curate’s Egg?
Stuart Billingham
 HIGHER EDUCATION
FUNDING AND ACCESS IN
INTERNATIONAL
PERSPECTIVE

Edited By

SHEILA RIDDELL
Centre for Research in Education, Inclusion & Diversity,
University of Edinburgh, UK

SARAH MINTY
Centre for Research in Education, Inclusion & Diversity,
University of Edinburgh, UK

ELISABET WEEDON
Centre for Research in Education, Inclusion & Diversity,
University of Edinburgh, UK

SUSAN WHITTAKER
Glasgow Caledonian University, UK
Emerald Group Publishing Limited
Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK

First edition 2018

Copyright © 2018 Emerald Publishing Limited

Reprints and permission service

Contact: [email protected]

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any
form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without
either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying
issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright
Clearance Center. No responsibility is accepted for the accuracy of information contained in
the text, illustrations or advertisements. The opinions expressed in these chapters are not
necessarily those of the Author or the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-78754-654-7 (Print)

ISBN: 978-1-78754-651-6 (Online)
ISBN: 978-1-78754-653-0 (Epub)
 CONTENTS
Notes on Contributors
1. Introduction: Higher Education Funding and
Access in International Perspective
Sheila Riddell, Sarah Minty, Elisabet Weedon and
Susan Whittaker
2. Student Support in Wales: A Case of Progressive
Universalism?
Lucy Hunter Blackburn
3. Higher Education Decision-making and Young
People’s Horizons for Action in Scotland
Sarah Minty
4. Can the Techniques of New Public Management
Be Used to Promote Wider Access to Higher
Education?
Sheila Riddell
5. Higher Fees, Higher Debts: Unequal Graduate
Transitions in England?
Katy Vigurs, Steven Jones, Julia Everitt and
Diane Harris
 6. The Implications of HE Funding and Provision
Differences for Students Crossing Borders in the
UK
Susan Whittaker
7. Widening Access to Higher Education: Balancing
Supply and Demand in Ireland
Emer Smyth
8. Widening Access to Higher Education in Sweden:
Changing Political Ideologies, Changing Tactics?
Elisabet Weedon
9. Widening Participation in Higher Education:
Policies and Outcomes in Germany
Andrea Óhidy
10. Higher Education Funding and Student Activism
in Québec: The Printemps Érable and Its
Aftermath
Marie (Aurélie) Thériault
11. The Price of University: Economic Capital and the
Experience of Underrepresented Students in an
Elite US University
Katherine L. Friend
12. Student Tuition Fees in Australian Higher
Education: A Litany of Public Issues and Personal
Troubles
 Trevor Gale and Stephen Parker
13. Higher Education in the Developed World:
Common Challenges and Local Solutions
Sheila Riddell
Index
 NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Julia Everitt is a Researcher in the International Centre for
Guidance Studies, University of Derby, UK.

Katherine L. Friend is a Lecturer in Undergraduate and

Professional Education at Nottingham Trent University, UK.

Trevor Gale is Head of School of Education and Professor of

Education Policy and Social Justice at the University of Glasgow, UK.

Diane Harris is a Researcher in Education at the University of

Manchester, UK.

Lucy Hunter Blackburn is an ESRC-funded Doctoral Student in the

Centre for Research in Education, Inclusion & Diversity at the Moray
House School of Education, University of Edinburgh, UK. She was
previously Head of Higher Education for the Scottish Government.

Steven Jones is a Senior Lecturer and Researcher in Higher

Education at Manchester Institute of Education, University of
Manchester, UK.

Sarah Minty is a ESRC-funded Doctoral Student in the Centre for

Research in Education, Inclusion & Diversity at the Moray House
School of Education, University of Edinburgh, UK.

Andrea Óhidy is a Professor of Education at the University of

Education Freiburg, Germany.

Stephen Parker is a Research Fellow in Education Policy and Social

Justice at the School of Education, University of Glasgow, UK.
Sheila Riddell is Director of the Centre for Research in Education
Inclusion & Diversity at the Moray House School of Education,
University of Edinburgh, UK.

Emer Smyth is a Research Professor and Head of the Social

Research Division at the Economic and Social Research Institute,
Republic of Ireland.

Marie (Aurélie) Thériault is an Associate Professor in educational

sciences at the Université de Montréal, Canada, and regular
researcher at the Centre de recherche interuniversitaire sur la
formation et la profession enseignante, Canada.

Katy Vigurs is an Associate Professor of Careers and Higher

Education in the International Centre for Guidance Studies,
University of Derby, UK.

Elisabet Weedon is a former Deputy Director and Senior Research

Fellow in the Centre for Research in Education Inclusion & Diversity
at the Moray House School of Education, University of Edinburgh,
UK.

Susan Whittaker is a former Research Fellow at the Centre for

Research in Education Inclusion & Diversity at the Moray House
School of Education, University of Edinburgh, UK.
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION: HIGHER
EDUCATION FUNDING AND
ACCESS IN INTERNATIONAL
PERSPECTIVE

Sheila Riddell, Sarah Minty,

Elisabet Weedon and Susan Whittaker

INTRODUCTION
Across the developed world, the level of tuition fees charged by
universities is one of the most hotly debated public policy issues.
Student demonstrations against increases in tuition fees have
resulted in changes to government policy in Germany and Québec,
and a growing movement in the USA is promoting ‘free college’ for
young people. In the 2017 UK General Election, the Labour Party’s
pledge to abolish tuition fees in England was one of its most
successful policies in attracting the youth vote, radically improving its
electoral prospects.
It is often assumed that countries with low tuition fees are also
likely to do well in terms of access and equity. However, as argued
by contributors to this book, there is no simple link between fees,
equity and access. Their arguments are supported by OECD analysis,
which shows that some countries with high tuition fees, such as
Australia and New Zealand, have high participation rates – but so do
some countries with no tuition fees, such as Denmark and Slovenia.
Austria, a median country with respect to the level of tuition fees,
ranks at the bottom in terms of entry rates, close to Italy. England,
by way of contrast, has the highest tuition fees of any EU country
but is close to the median in terms of participation rates. This is
probably due to its state-underpinned, income-contingent loans
system, which means that higher education is free at the point of
delivery, and graduates repay 9% of their salary above a certain
threshold.
It is evident that, across the developed world, higher education
funding remains not only a contested but also a highly restless public
policy area. As backcloth to the five UK chapters, we provide in the
following section a brief overview of changes to higher education
funding across the four nations of the UK. Different approaches to
student funding are significant in themselves but also carry a wider
symbolic meaning in terms of broadly different approaches to public
policy.

UNDERGRADUATE STUDENT FUNDING

ACROSS THE UK
The affordability of higher education is one of the factors which has
an impact on rates of participation particularly by students from less
advantaged backgrounds. Table 1.1 summarises important
developments in the funding of UK higher education since 1945. For
around 50 years, there was broad commonality across the UK, with
major differences only beginning to emerge following administrative
devolution in 1992 (Gallacher & Raffe, 2012; Riddell, Weedon, &
Minty, 2016). Following the establishment of the Scottish Parliament
and Welsh Assembly Government in 1999, divergence continued and
intensified.

Table 1.1. Undergraduate Student Support in the UK before

and after Devolution.

1945– First national legislation empowering local authorities and ministers to support
1947 students in higher education. Greater provision of national and local state
scholarships ensured many students received grants and had full fees paid but no
absolute entitlement. Separate primary legislation for Scotland and Northern
Ireland, both showing some variation in the detailed approach, including more
emphasis in Scotland on studying locally.
1961– Following the Anderson Committee report, the introduction of full payment of
1962 fees (partially subject to means-testing until 1977) and means-tested grants, as
an automatic entitlement on the award of a university place for the first time in
any part of the UK. Separate primary legislation, regulations and administrative
arrangements for Scotland and for Northern Ireland but student entitlements
essentially the same as for England and Wales.
1990 Introduction of student loans to supplement living cost grants across the UK.
‘Mortgage-style’ repayment with only link to earnings the ability to seek 12
months’ suspension of repayments.
1998– Means-tested fee payment of up to £1,000 introduced across the UK. No liability
1999 below £23,000; full liability from £30,000. Grants reduced, loan entitlements
increased and extended at higher incomes. Loans become ‘income-contingent’,
payable at 9% of all earnings over a threshold, initially £10,000.
1999– Grants abolished completely across all of UK and replaced with higher loans.
2000
2000– Fee payments abolished for Scottish students studying in Scotland. A fee of
2001 £1,000 continues for all other students in the UK.
2001– Introduction in Scotland of post-graduation payment (the ‘graduate endowment’)
2002 of £2,000, supported by income-contingent loan. National means-tested grants
re-introduced for young Scottish students, up to £2,000. Institutionally
administered grants introduced for Scottish mature students.
2002– In Wales and Northern Ireland, means-tested grants re-introduced (for young
2003 and mature students) of up to £1,500.
2004– In England, means-tested grants re-introduced (for young and mature students)
2005 of up to £1,000.
2006– In England and Northern Ireland, variable fees of up to £3,000 introduced, with
2007 dedicated income-contingent fee loan. Grant maximum increased to £2,765. No
change to fee arrangements in Wales. Income-contingent fee loan made available
 for Scottish and Welsh students studying in rest of the UK. Annual fee payable by
students from rest of the UK in Scotland increased to £1,700 (£2,700 for
medicine).
2007– Graduate endowment abolished in Scotland. In Wales, £3,000 fee introduced
2008 backed by income-contingent loan but with an additional non-means-tested grant
towards fees of £1,845 to all Welsh students studying in Wales, reducing de facto
fee liability. Grants increased to a maximum of £2,700.
2010– Fee grant abolished in Wales and means-tested maintenance grant increased to
2011 £5,000. National means-tested grant re-introduced in Scotland for mature
students, up to £1,000.
2012– In England, variable fees of up to £9,000 introduced, as before with dedicated
2013 income-contingent loan. Loan-repayment threshold increased to £21,000 and
loan interest rates also increased. Grants increased to £3,250. In Wales, variable
fees of £9,000 also introduced but with a dedicated fee grant covering all fee
costs over £3,465 for Welsh students studying in any part of the UK, effectively
capping fees at that level. Maximum grant raised to £5,161. New loan rules
adopted, as for England. In Scotland, variable fees with no legal maximum
introduced for students from rest of the UK; loan increased to £9,000 for Scottish
students in rest of the UK; free tuition retained for Scots in Scotland. In Northern
Ireland, fees capped at £3,465 for Northern Irish students in Northern Ireland,
maximum fee loan increased to £9,000 for NI students in rest of the UK. Variable
fees of up to £9,000 introduced for students from rest of the UK.
2013– Maximum grant for young students reduced from £2,640 to £1,750 in Scotland
2014 and mature student grant reduced to £750 and income threshold for grant
reduced; tapered system replaced with steps. Minimum loan increased from £940
to £4,500.
2016– Abolition of maintenance grants for English students, with increase in means-
2017 tested maintenance loan.

As shown in the table, at the time of writing, undergraduate

students both living and working in Scotland do not pay fees but are
able to take out means-tested maintenance loans, as in the rest of
the UK. By way of contrast, following changes in 2012–2013, fees for
students in the rest of the UK (and for Scottish students studying in
other jurisdictions) were increased to a maximum of £9,000 per year
and continue to rise in line with inflation. In Northern Ireland and
Wales, fees are mitigated by government tuition fee grants.
In contrast to the sharply divergent policy on tuition fees,
approaches to maintenance loans and non-repayable grants have,
until recently, been broadly similar across the UK. While means-
tested non-repayable grants have been radically reduced (Scotland)
or abolished (England), means-tested maintenance loans have
become more freely available. A further element of complexity in all
four jurisdictions is the growing emphasis on non-repayable
bursaries provided by individual institutions.
To what extent has the absence of tuition fees in Scotland
produced fairer outcomes compared with the other jurisdictions?
Somewhat surprisingly, Scotland has the lowest university entry rate
compared to the three other jurisdictions and the lowest
participation rate by those from the poorest backgrounds.
Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) data for 2016
demonstrated that young people from the most advantaged
neighbourhoods in Scotland were four times as likely to enter
university compared to those from the least advantaged. In England,
while there was still a participation gap, it was much smaller – those
from the most advantaged neighbourhoods were 2.4 times more
likely to enter higher education than those from the least
advantaged backgrounds. More than 20% of higher education
students in Scotland study Higher National Certificate (HNC) and
Higher National Diploma (HND) programmes in colleges, with about
half of them moving on to university to complete their degrees.
Debate continues about the pros and cons of this approach. While
the Scottish Government claims that higher education initial
participation rates are higher in Scotland as a result of
college/university articulation routes, critics point out that students
following these pathways are disproportionately from poorer
backgrounds and articulation is almost always to a post-1992
institution. Students wishing to progress from college to an older
university often have to begin afresh in first year, so that an honours
degree may take six years to complete with consequent
accumulation of debt and loss of earnings.
Many predicted that the trebling of student fees in 2012 in
England would have a negative effect on participation by those from
the poorest backgrounds. However, as noted by Murphy, Scott-
Clayton, and Wyness (2017), this has not been the case. Enrolments
have continued to rise, although UCAS data show that in 2016–2017,
there was a 6% drop in the number of applicants in England, due to
a marked reduction in applications by older students and those
applying for nursing degrees as a result of the abolition of the
nursing bursary. There was a smaller drop of 2% in applications by
Scottish students. Across the UK, Wyness notes, socio-economic
gaps in educational participation have stabilised or slightly declined,
and there has been an increase in institutional resources per
student, particularly in England.

INDIVIDUAL CHAPTERS AND COMMON THEMES

In this section, we provide a brief overview of the focus of individual
chapters, highlighting commonalities and contrasts. The first group
of chapters focuses on policy evolution across the UK. As explained
by Lucy Hunter Blackburn in Chapter 2, a distinctive approach to
higher education funding has emerged in Wales, with the Welsh
Government making greater use of means-tested support,
characterised as ‘progressive universalism’. The evolution of this
policy and its distinctiveness are discussed.
In Chapter 3, Sarah Minty, explores the impact of student debt on
the private sphere of the family. Despite the absence of tuition fees
in Scotland, levels of student debt have been increasing and are
skewed disproportionately to those from poorer backgrounds. Minty’s
work illustrates the way in which patterns of participation are
influenced by attitudes towards debt held by people from different
social class backgrounds. Also focusing on Scotland, Chapter 4,
written by Sheila Riddell, considers the implications of using targets
to drive forward the widening access agenda. While the dangers of
such an approach are acknowledged in terms of gaming the system
through ‘cherry picking’ or minimal compliance, the use of targets at
very least indicates a seriousness of purpose in addressing the
problems of social inequality in university access.
As noted above, relatively little is known about the impact of
bursary systems in different types of institution. Chapter 5, by Katy
Vigurs, Steven Jones, Julia Everitt and Diane Harris uses qualitative
data to explore the experiences of students from socially
disadvantaged backgrounds in different types of institution. Those
who gained a place in an older more selective institution were
supported by a relatively generous bursary system leading to fewer
financial anxieties. They also benefitted from better post-university
job prospects. By way of contrast, students from similar social
backgrounds in a post-1992 institution received far less generous
bursary support leading to greater financial anxieties, exacerbated
further by poorer employment prospects. Susan Whittaker in Chapter
6 uses quantitative data to explore the social patterns of student
mobility, an aspect of inequality which is rarely discussed. Students
from socially advantaged backgrounds are much more geographically
mobile, looking across borders to find the course and institution to
meet their particular interests and needs. By way of contrast,
students from less advantaged backgrounds are influenced by the
availability of financial support, staying within their country of
residence to avoid additional costs. Where there is an under-supply
of university places, as in Northern Ireland and parts of Scotland and
Wales, students from poorer backgrounds may be forced to move
jurisdiction to find a university place, often incurring additional costs
in the process.
Chapter 7 by Emer Smyth explores patterns of participation in
Ireland. As in Scotland, the absence of fees has not removed
entrenched inequalities. Additionally, she highlights the way in which
the means-tested grants system, based on an assessment of
parental income rather than wealth, disproportionately benefits
those from farming families rather than urban backgrounds. Elisabet
Weedon’s chapter on Sweden suggests that earlier efforts to widen
participation by effecting structural changes appeared to have a
significant impact in terms of promoting access by previously under-
represented groups (Chapter 8). More recent efforts to widen access
by using student choice as the driver of change appear to have been
less effective. A further interesting feature of the Swedish system is
that means-testing is based on the student’s rather than the parent’s
financial circumstances and takes into account wealth as well as
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