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(Ebook) The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in The Era of Reform, 1978-2000 by David M. Lampton ISBN 0804740569 Latest PDF 2025

The document is an ebook titled 'The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978-2000' by David M. Lampton, which explores the evolution of China's foreign and security policy-making processes during a significant period of reform. It includes contributions from various authors and covers topics such as institutional influences, elite and societal opinions, and case studies on specific policy areas. The ebook is available for download and is part of an exclusive 2025 educational collection.

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The Making of Chinese
Foreign and Security Policy
in the Era ofReform, 1978—2000
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The Making of Chinese
Foreign and Security Policy
in the Era of Reform,
1978-2000

David M. Lampton, Editor

STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

STANFORD, CALIFORNIA
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California

© 2001 by the Board of Trustees of the


Leland Stanford Junior Univesity

Printed in the United States of America


on acid-free, archival-quality paper.

Library of Congress Catalog Control Number: 2 0 0 1 0 8 6 9 7 0

I S B N 0-8047-4055-0 (cloth)
I S B N 0-8047-4056-9 (paper)

Original printing 2001

Last figure below indicates year of this printing:


10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01

Typeset by Princeton Editorial Associates


in 11/14 Adobe Garamond
In Memory of
A. Doak Barnett
Teacher, Colleague, Friend
Contents

List ofFigures and Tables ix


Acknowledgments xi
List of Abbreviations xv

1. Chinas Foreign and National Security Policy-Making


Process: Is It Changing and Does It Matter? i
DAVID M. LAMPTON

PART O N E | INSTITUTIONS AND LOCALITIES

2. The Central Leadership, Supraministry Coordinating


Bodies, State Council Ministries, and Party Departments 39
LU NING

3. The Influence of the Gun: Chinas Central


Military Commission and Its Relationship with
the Military, Party, and State Decision-Making Systems 61
TAI MING CHEUNG

4. The External Relations of Chinas Provinces 91

PETER T. Y. CHEUNG AND JAMES T. H. TANG

PART TWO | ELITE AND SOCIETAL OPINION


5. The Foreign Policy Outlook of Chinas
"Third Generation" Elite 123
H. LYMAN MILLER AND LIU XIAOHONG

6. The Domestic Context of Chinese Foreign Policy:


Does "Public Opinion" Matter? 151
JOSEPH FEWSMITH AND STANLEY ROSEN

vii
Vlll CONTENTS

PART T H R E E | INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM INFLUENCES

7. Empowered and Restrained: Chinese Foreign Policy


in the Age of Economic Interdependence 191
THOMAS G. MOORE AND DIXIA YANG

8. The Impact of International Regimes on Chinese


Foreign Policy-Making: Broadening Perspectives
and Policies . . . But Only to a Point 230
ELIZABETH ECONOMY

PART F O U R | CASE STUDIES

9. Two Steps Forward, One Step Back: The Dynamics


of Chinese Nonproliferation and Arms Control
Policy-Making in an Era of Reform 257
BATES GILL

10. Chinese Decision-Making Regarding Taiwan, 1979-2000 289


MICHAEL D. SWAINE

11. The Case of Chinas Accession to GATT/WTO 337


MARGARET M. PEARSON

12. The Making of Chinas Korea Policy in the Era of Reform 371
SAMUEL S. KIM

Notes 409
Contributors 473
Index 479
Figures and Tables

FIGURES

3.1. The Communist Party Central Military Commission, 1999 69


6.1. Interaction between Domestic Politics and the International
Environment 174
10.1. Taiwan Affairs Policy Apparatus Minus Research, Analysis, and
Intelligence Organs, 1998 291
10.2. Research, Analysis, and Intelligence Organs Associated with the
Taiwan Affairs Leading Small Group, 1998 292

TAB LE s

4.1. Basic Statistics of Chinas Provincial-Level Units, 1997 95


5.1. Chinas National Party Leadership, March 2000 125
6.1. Chinese Citizens' Recognition of International Organizations, 1995 157
6.2. Nativist Dimensions of Chinese Nationalism, 2000 170
6.3. Perceptions of Chinas Status, 1995 187

IX
Acknowledgments

As a teacher I found myself needing a volume that systematically addressed


the question "How is Chinese foreign and national security policy made?" As
a researcher I was interested in analyzing how the Chinese policy-making process
had changed over time, whether changes were more evident in certain policy-
areas than in others, and what the consequences of such changes might be for
Chinese external behavior. And personally I was determined to complete this,
the third volume in a trilogy on the Chinese policy-making process, which
includes a volume I edited entitled Policy Implementation in Post-Mao China
(University of California Press, 1987) and another I edited with Kenneth
Lieberthal entitled Bureaucracy, Politics, and Decision-Making in Post-Mao China
(University of California Press, 1992).
It is only through the assistance of a number of persons and organizations
that this volume reached completion. First I must acknowledge the Smith
Richardson Foundation for both its financial and its conceptual support. In
particular I thank Dr. Marin Strmecki and Dr. Samantha Ravich, who pro-
vided assistance throughout the period of this undertaking and who attended
project conferences and meetings. The foundation not only supported the

IX
Xll ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

research that went into this undertaking but also was farsighted enough to
see value in the projects unique design.
In 1996, when I began to conceive of this undertaking, I felt that the China
studies field needed a collective endeavor in the area of foreign policy that would
involve both younger and more senior scholars in a common enterprise. I
believed that the endeavor should involve field investigation throughout
Greater China. Consequently, with the foundations support I assembled an
advisory committee, we developed and refined an overall architecture for this
volume, and we sent out a national request for proposals to numerous per-
sons we hoped might be interested in submitting their ideas for chapters. Hav-
ing received a great number of proposals, we selected approximately twelve
authors who would undertake research funded by the project and who would
then have their draft: chapters evaluated and revised following two conferences
(in 1998 and 1999). We also invited the participation in these conferences
of past and current U.S. policy-makers who had dealt extensively with China
in areas covered by this volume, to draw on their insights in order to create
a volume of both theoretical and policy significance.
For their help in developing the design of the volume, selecting the chap-
ter authors, and subsequently implementing the project, I wish to thank the
advisory committee, which included the late A. Doak Barnett, to whom this
volume is dedicated by the grateful field of Chinese studies and all of the books
contributors; Dr. Thomas Fingar of the United States Department of State;
Dr. Harry Harding of George Washington University; Dr. Lyman Miller of
the Naval Postgraduate School and the Hoover Institution; Dr. Michel
Oksenberg of Stanford University; and Dr. Michael Swaine of RAND. Doak
played a seminal role not only in the development of this volume, but, more
important, in the evolution of the field of contemporary Chinese studies as
a whole. In its quest to bring the worlds of scholarship and policy practice
together this volume is a fitting memorial to an exceptional man who inspired
all of the volume s contributors.
In addition to the contributors, I thank the National Committee on
United States-China Relations in New York. I began this volume prior to leav-
ing my post as president of that organization and coming to the Paul H. Nitze
School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and
The Nixon Center in late 1997. The committee's new president, John
Holden; its chairman, Barber B. Conable, Jr.; and its board of directors were
kind enough to consent to administer the project after my departure. The Com-
mittee s sponsorship of this undertaking was appropriate given its historical
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Xlll

commitment to public education on China and United States-China rela-


tions. In particular I must express the authors' collective appreciation to Mr.
Andrew Dorko of the National Committee staff, who provided the logisti-
cal and general support essential to the projects success, and to Ms. Ros Daly,
National Committee vice president for administration and development,
who so ably kept this undertaking on financial track.
Turning to the revision, editing, and production of this volume, I thank
two anonymous outside reviewers commissioned by Stanford University
Press for their trenchant, useful comments. Moreover, the chapter authors and
I express our appreciation to Ms. Krista Forsgren Ahdieh for her help in edit-
ing and polishing the manuscript, as we all do to Princeton Editorial Asso-
ciates and Mr. Peter Strupp. Andfinally,to Ms. Muriel Bell, editor at Stanford
University Press, I offer my thanks for her support and guidance during the
process of moving this volume toward the light of day.
In short, this book represents an enormous collective undertaking. Although
the chapter authors and all of the persons and organizations involved in this
undertaking may differ in their assessments of where Chinas policy-making
process is heading and what those changes may mean for the future, all are
united in their conviction that these will be among the central questions of
the early twenty-first century.

David M. Lampton
Washington, D. C.
Abbreviations

ADB Asian Development Bank


AFC Asian Financial Crisis
AMS Academy of Military Science
ANC African National Congress
APEC Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum
ARATS Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait
ARF ASEAN Regional Forum
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
CAIFC China Association for International Friendly Contact
CASS Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
CCGO Central Committee General Office
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CCTAO Central Committee Taiwan Affairs Office
CD Conference on Disarmament
CDM Clean Development Mechanism
CICIR Chinese Institute for Contemporary International Relations
CUSS China Institute for International Strategic Studies
CMC Central Military Commission

xv
XVI ABBREVIATIONS

CNNC Chinese National Nuclear Corporation


COSTIND Commission of Science, Technology, and Industry for National
Defense
CPD Center for Peace and Development
CPU central processing unit
CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty
CWC Chemical Weapons Convention
DPP Democratic Progressive Party (Taiwan)
DPRK Democratic People's Republic of Korea
DSS Department of Strategic Studies
EI economic interdependence
EOI export-oriented industrialization
ESCAP Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
EU European Union
FALSG Foreign Affairs Leading Small Group
FAO Foreign Affairs Office
FBIS Foreign Broadcast Information Service
FCCC Framework Convention on Climate Change
FDI foreign direct investment
FETC Foreign Economic and Trade Commission
FISS Foundation for International Strategic Studies
FMPC Fissile Materials Production Cutoff
GAD General Armaments Department
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GDBOI Guangdong Board of Investment
GL global logic
GLD General Logistics Department
GPL General Political Department
GSD General Staff Department
IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency
ICI Imperial Chemical Industries
ICITO Interim Commission for the International Trade Organization
ID Investigation Department
IDA International Development Agency
IGO intergovernmental organization
ILD International Liaison Department
IPR intellectual property rights
ISI import-substituting industrialization
ISS Institute for Strategic Studies
KOTRA Korean Trade Promotion Association
KWP Korean Workers' Party
A B B RE VI ATI O N S xvii

LD Liaison Department
LSG leading small group
MCI Ministry of Chemical Industry
MEI multilateral economic institution
MFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs
MFN most favored nation
Mil Ministry of Information Industries
MNC multinational corporation
MND Ministry of National Defense
MOFTEC Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation
MSS Ministry of State Security
MTCR Missile Technology Control Regime
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NCA Nuclear Cooperation Agreement
NDC newly democratizing country
NDU National Defense University
NEPA National Environmental Protection Agency
NGO nongovernmental organization
NIC newly industrialized country
NPC National People's Congress
NPT Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
NTR normal trade relations
NWFZ nuclear weapon free zone
OCAO Overseas Chinese Affairs Office
ODS ozone-depleting substance
OPCW Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
PBSC Politburo Standing Committee
PD Propaganda Department
PFA Peoples Friendship Association
PLA People s Liberation Army
PNE peaceful nuclear explosion
PNTR permanent normal trade relations
PRC Peoples Republic of China
PRO Political Research Office
PTBT Partial Test Ban Treaty
ROK Republic of Korea
SCFAO State Council Foreign Affairs Office
SAR Special Administrative Region
SASS Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences
SCTAO State Council Taiwan Affairs Office
SDPC State Development Planning Commission
XV111 AB B R E V I A T I ON S

SEF Strait Exchange Foundation (Taiwan)


SEPA State Environmental Protection Administration
SETC State Economic and Trade Commission
SEZ special economic zone
SIIS Shanghai Institute for International Studies
SMA State Meteorological Administration
SOE state-owned enterprise
SPA Supreme Peoples Assembly
SPC State Planning Commission
SSTC State Science and Technology Commission
START Strategic Arms Reduction Talks
TALSG Taiwan Affairs Leading Small Group
TARO Taiwan Affairs Research Office
TLA Transparency in Armaments (committee name)
TMD Theater Missile Defense
TMN transnational manufacturing network
TRADP Tumen River Area Development Program
TRI Taiwan Research Institute
TRIMS trade-related investment measures
TTBT Threshold Test Ban Treaty
UFWD United Front Work Department
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNEP United Nations Environment Program
UNROCA United Nations Register of Conventional Arms
U.S. United States
USFK United States Forces in Korea
USTR United States Trade Representative
VOA Voice of America
WTO World Trade Organization
The Making of Chinese
Foreign and Security Policy
in the Era ofReform 1978-2000
y
ONE

Chinas Foreign and National


Security Policy-Making Process:
Is It Changing, and Does It Matter?
DAVID M. LAMPTON

When asked what he and other economic officials thought about the February
21, 2000, white paper on Taiwan that threatened afirestormof reaction in Wash-
ington that might affect pending China-related legislation, a PRC [Peoples
Republic of China] economic official responded as follows: "We [economic
officials] said it would be bad for WTO [the World Trade Organization], but
we were not the leading group creating this policy so ours was just a voice in
a room. Nobody was going to listen to us. . . . Policies are created not by the
whole government, but by parts in the government. We often don't know what
the other side is doing."1

I N T R O D U C T I O N

The second half of the twentieth century witnessed a gradual and important
change in the Chinese foreign and national security policy-making process
as it successively moved through the eras of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping,
and Jiang Zemin. This shift is not only of theoretical importance; it also has

IX
22 IS CHINA'S POLICY-MAKING CHANGING?

significant consequences for Chinas international behavior in the early


twenty-first century. The world involvement of the PRC is now much more
extensive than in the earlier period, particularly in the domains of econom-
ics, culture, and multilateral organizations. Moreover, the role of expertise in
government is much greater, the bureaucracy is more differentiated and
complex, and therefore the way in which recurrent policy issues are handled
is different. Concisely, the process for making recurrent, noncrisis decisions
is more bureaucratic in character, with elite options constrained; decisions are
often harder to produce. Frequently, as the quote opening this chapter sug-
gests, the left hand does not know what the right is doing.
On the other hand, showing some continuity with the period of Mao, the
most senior political elite, headed by General Secretary Jiang Zemin, continues
to play the decisive role in establishing broad national strategy. It alone
determines policy on issues such as Chinas big power alignments, whether
or not to join the WTO, and whether or not to set a timetable for national
reunification with Taiwan, potentially jeopardizing other important national
goals.2 With regard to these strategic questions, it is essential to know the arena
in which decisions are made and who sits at the table.
The Chinese policy-making process, therefore, presents the analyst with
two faces. With regard to major issues of strategy, the setting of broad agen-
das, and crisis management, the senior elite still has considerable latitude. As
Nathan and Ross observe, "Of all the large countries, China has had the great-
est freedom to maneuver, act on grand strategy, shift alignments, and con-
duct a strategic foreign policy in the rational pursuit of national interest."^
Dramatic changes in policy are, therefore, possible, although the personalized
authority of Jiang Zemin is dramatically less than that of Mao Zedong in the
earlier era, and (as Bates Gill points out in his contribution to this volume),
the elite is often hemmed in by the cumulative logic of previous, recurrent
decisions.
At the same time, in its myriad dealings with the rest of the world on rou-
tine issues ranging from arms control to economic relations, Beijing increas-
ingly speaks, often with multiple voices, in terms familiar to the rest of the
world, and policy changes gradually. In this realm, decisions tend toward
global and professional norms, against the ever-present backdrop of realpoli-
tik and considerations of national interest.4 Those who deal with Beijing,
therefore, must be aware of the potential for abrupt changes arising from
a system that is compartmentalized and personalized at the very top. At the
same time, they may be reassured by the constraints that offer the prospect
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