THE

WORKS
OF

JOHN KNOX
COLLECTED AND EDITED BY
 DAVID LAING, LL.D.
VOLUME SECOND.
EDINBURGH:
JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.
MDCCCXCV.

WORKS
OF
JOHN KNOX.

THE WODROW SOCIETY,

INSTITUTED MAY 1841,
FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND
EARLY WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

AD SCOTOS TRANSEUNTIBUS PRIMUS OCCURRIT MAGNUS ILLE JOANNES CNOXUS,

QUEM SI SCOTORUM IN VERO DEI CULTU INSTAURANDO, VELUT APOSTOLUM QUENDAM
DIXERO, DIXISSE ME QUOD RES EST EXISTIMABO.

THEOD. BEZA.
 Manufactured in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
ADVERTISEMENT, vii
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.
BOOK THIRD, 1559-1561, 1
THE CONFESSION OF FAITH, 1560, 93
THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE, 1560, 183
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.
BOOK FOURTH, 1561—1564, 261
INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH, 465
BOOK FIFTH, 1564-1567, 469
APPENDIX.
No. I.—INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN BOOK
Third and Fourth in Buchanan's editions of
the History, in 1644, 569
NOTICES OF THE EDITOR, DAVID BUCHANAN, 584
No. II.—ON SPOTTISWOOD'S EDITION OF THE FIRST BOOK OF
Discipline, 587
No. III.—FUNERALS OF MARY OF GUISE, QUEEN REGENT OF
Scotland, 590
No. IV.—NOTICES OF JOHN BLACK, A DOMINICAN FRIAR, 592
 No. V.—NOTICES OF DAVID RICCIO, 595
No. VI.—THE ABBOTS OF CULROSS AND LINDORES IN 1560;
and John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, 598
GLOSSARY, 603
INDEX OF PERSONS, 619
INDEX OF PLACES, 639
 ADVERTISEMENT.
THE present Volume completes THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND,
and includes Book Fifth, which was published under Knox's name in 1644, but
of which no manuscript copy has been discovered. Separate title pages are given,
along with a Glossary and Index, as the History forms a distinct portion of the
Reformer's Works; and these two volumes will probably be in the hands of many
Members of the WODROW SOCIETY who may not be inclined to procure the
remaining three, or more probably, four volumes of the series, in the event of
some arrangement being made by which their publication, as proposed, shall
ultimately be secured.
D. L.
EDINBURGH, May 1848.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE PROGRESSE OF TREW RELIGIOUN

WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND.

NOTA.—HEBBURN AGAINST THE ERLE OF ARRANE BEING INNOCENT.

AFTER this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh,[1] the furye and the raige of
the Frenche increassed; for then durst neither man nor woman that professed
Christ Jesus within that toune be seyn. The housses of the most honest men war
gevin by the Quene to Frenchemen for a parte of thair reward. The Erle
Bothwell, by sound of trumpett, proclaimed the Erle of Arrane traytour,[2] with
other dispytefull wourdes: whiche all was done for the pleasure and by the
suggestioun of the Quene Regent,[3] who then thought the battell was won
without farther resistance. Great practising sche maid for obteaneing of the
Castell of Edinburgh. The Frenche maid thair faggottis, with other preparationis,
to assault the said Castell either by force, or ellis by treassone. But God wrought
so potentlie with the Capitane, the Lord Erskin,[4] at that tyme, that neither the
Quene by flatterye, nor the Frenche by treassoun prevailled. Advertisementis
with all diligence past to the Duck of Gwise, who then was King of France (as
concerneing power to command)[5], requiring him then to make expeditioun, yf
he desyred the full conquest of Scotland. Who delayed no tyme, but with a new
armye send away his brother, Marquis Dalbuf, and in his company the Martikis,
[6] promissing, that he himself should follow. But the rychteouse God, who in

mercy looketh upon the afflictioun of those that unfeanedlye sob unto him,
fought for us by his awin out-stretched arme; THE DROWNYNG OF THE
FRENCHE. for, upon one nycht, upon the coast of Holand, war drowned of thame
aughttein ensenzeis, so that onlye rested the schip in the whiche war the two
principallis foirsaid, with thair Ladyis; who, violentlie dreven back agane to
Deape,[7] war compelled to confesse, That God fawght for the defence of
Scotland.

Frome England returned Robert Melven,[8] who past in cumpanye to London

with the Secreatarie,[9] a lytill befoir Christenmesse,[10] and brought unto us
certane Articles to be ansuered, as by the contract that after was made, more
planely shall appeir. Whairupon the Nobilitie convened at Striveling, and
returned ansuer with diligence. Whairof the Frenche advertisshed, thei marched
to Lynlythqw, spoiled the Duckis house, and waisted his landis of Kynneill;[11]
and thairefter came to Striveling,[12] whair thei remaned certane dayis: (the
Duck, the Erles of Ergyle and Glencarne, with thair freindis, passed to Glaskow;
the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, past to Sanctandrois; for charge was gevin
to the haill Nobilitie, Protestantis, to keap thair awin bodyis, till that God should
send thame farther supporte.) The Frenche took purpose first to assault Fyffe; for
at it was thair great indignatioun. Thair purpose was, to have tacken and
fortifyed the Toune and Abbay, with the Castell of Sanctandrois; and so thei cam
to Culross, after to Dumfermeling, and then to Bruntyland, whair thei began to
forte; but desisted thairfra, and marched to Kynghorne, upoun the occasioun as
followeth.

THE ERLE OF SUDDERLANDE SCHOTE

When certane knowledge came to the Erle of Arrane, and to Lord James, that the
Frenche war departed from Striveling, thei departed also from Sanctandrois, and
begane to assemble thair forces at Cowper, and send thair men of warr to
Kinghorne;[13] unto whome thair resorted diverse of the coast syd, of mynd to
resist rather at the begynnyng, than when thei had destroyed a parte of thair
townes. But the Lordis had gevin ane expresse commandiment, that thei should
hasard nothing whill that thei thameselfis war present. And for that purpose was
send unto thame the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferiour to
few in stowtnes. In his cumpany was the Erle of Sudderland,[14] send from the
Erle of Huntley, as he alledged, to conforte the Lordis in thair afflictioun; butt
otheris whispered, that his principall commissioun was unto the Quene Regent.
Howsoever it was, he was hurte in the arme by the schote of ane haquebute; for
the men of warr, and the rascall multitude, perceaving certane boatis of
Frenchemen landing, whiche cam from Leyth, purposed to stoppe thair landing;
and so, nott considering the ennemeis that approched from Bruntyland,
unadvisedlie thei russhed doune to the Petticurr, (so is that bray be-west
Kynghorne[15] called,) and at the sea-coast began the skarmissing, butt never
took head to the ennemye that approached by land, till that the horsemen charged
thame upon thair backis, and the hole bandis cam directlie in thare faces; and so
war thei compelled to geve backis, with the loss of sex or sevin of thair men, and
with the takein of some, amangis whome war twa that professed Christ Jesus,
one named Paule Lambert,[16] a Ducheman, and a Frenche boy, fervent in
religioun, and cleane of lyef, whome, in despyte, thei hanged ower the steaple.
[17] Thou shall revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed tyme! The caus that in so great

a danger thair was so small a losse, nixt unto the mercyfull providence of God,
was the suddane cuming of the Lord Ruthven; for evin as our men had gevin
backis, he and his cumpany came to the head of the bray, and did not onlie stay
the Frenche footemen, but also some of ours brack upoun thair horsemen, and so
repulsed thame that thei did no farther hurte to oure footemen. In that rencontare
was the Erle of Sudderland foirsaid schote in the arme, and was caryed back to
Cowper. The Frenche took Kinghorne, whair they lay, and wasted the countrey
about, alsweall Papistis as Protestantis; yea, even those that war confidderat with
thame, suche as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto, Balwearry, and otheris,[18]
ennemyes to God and traytouris to thair countrey. Of those (we say) thei spaired
not the scheipe, the oxen, the kyne, and horse; and some say that thair wyffis and
doughtaris gatt favouris of the Frenche soldiouris. And so did God recompense
the Papistis in thair awin bosomes, for, besydis the defoulling of thair housses, as
said is, tuo of thame resavit more damage then did all the gentilmen that
professed the Evangell within Fyff, the Laird of Grange onlye excepted, whose
[house[19]] of the Grange the Frenche owerthrew by gun pouder.

THE CASTEIN DOUN OF THE HOUSE OF THE GRANGE.

The Quene Regent, proude of this victorie, burst furth in hir blasphemous
rayling, and said, "Whair is now Johne Knox his God? My God is now stronger
than his, yea even in Fyff." Sche posted to hir freindis in France news[20] that
thousandis of the heretickis war slaine, and the rest war fled; and thairfoir
requyred, that some Nobleman of hir freindis wald cum and tak the glorie of that
victorye. Upon that informatioun was the Martikkis, with tuo schippis, and sum
Captanis and horse, directed to cum to Scotlande; but litill to thair awin
advantage, as we sall after heare.

JOAN. 6

The Lordis of the Congregatioun, offended at the folisheness of the rascall

multitude, called to thameselfis the men of warr, and remaned certane dayes at
Cowper; unto whome repaired Johne Knox, and, in our greatest disperatioun,
preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His text was, "The danger in
whiche the disciplis of Christ Jesus stude quhen thei wer in the mydest of the
sea, and Jesus was upon the mountaine." His exhortatioun was, "That we sould
not faint, but that we sould still row aganis these contrarius blastis, till that Jesus
Christ sould come; for (said he,) I am as assuredlie persuaded that God sall
delyver us frome the extreme trowbill, as that I am assured that this is the
Evangell of Jesus Christ whiche I preche unto [you] this day. 'The fourth watche
is nocht yet come;' abyde a lytill: the boit salbe saved, and Peter, whiche hes left
the boit, sall not droune. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure[21] you, be reason of
this present rage; God grant that ye may acknawlege his hand, after that your
eyes hes seine his delyverance."
In that sermon he comforted manye. And yit he offended the Erle of Arrane; for,
in his discourse upoun the manifald assaultis that the Churche of God had
sustained, he brocht for exampille the multitude of strangeris that persewed
Jehosaphat after that he had reformed religioun. He entreted the fear of the
pepill, yea, and of the King himself att the first; but after, he affirmed, that
Jehosaphat was stout, and to declair his courage in his God, he conforted his
pepile and his souldiouris; he come fourth in the mydest of thame; he spak
lovinglie unto thame. He keipit not himself (said he) inclosed in his chalmer, but
frequented the multitude, and rejoised thame with his presence and godlie
comforte. These, and the lyik sentences, took the said Erle to be spoken in
reproache of him, because he keipit himself more close and solitary then many
men wald half wisshed.
After these thingis, determinatioun was tacken that the Erle of Arrane, and Lord
James, with the men of warr, and sum company of horsemen, sould goe to
Dyserte, and thair lye to wait upoun the Frenche, that they distroyed not the sea-
cost, as thei intendit utterlie to have doun. The said Erle, and Lord James, did as
thei war appointed, albeit thair company was very small; and yet thei did so
valiantlie, that it passed all credabilitie:[22] for twentie and ane dayis thei lay in
thair clothes; thair buttis never come of: thei had skarmissing almost everie day;
yea, some dayis, from morne to evin.[23] The Frenche war foure thousand
souldiouris,[24] besyde thair favoreris and factioun of the countrey. The Lordis
war never togidder fyve hundreth horsmen, with a hundreth souldiouris; and yitt
thai held the Frenche so busye, that for everie horse thai slew to the
Congregatioun, thai lost foure Frenche souldiouris.

THE SLAUCHTER OF A FRENCHE CAPITANE, WITH HIS BAND.

Willyeaume Kirkaldie of Grange, the day efter that his housse was cassein doun,
send in his defiance to Monsieur D'Osell, and unto the rest, declaring, that to that
hour had he used the Frenche favourablie: He had saved thair lyves, when that
he mycht have suffered thair throttis to have been cuttit; bot seing thai haid usit
him with that rigor, let thame not luik for that favour in tymes to cum. And unto
Monsieur D'Osell he said, "He knew that he wald not gett him in the skirmissing,
becauis he knew he was bot a cowart; bot it mycht be that he sould quyte him a
commoun ather in Scotland, or ellis in France." The said Willyeaume Kirkaldie,
and the Maister off Lyndsay, eschaped mony dangeris. The Maister had his hors
slaine under him: the said Willyeaume was almost betrayed in his hous at
Hawyairdis.[25] But yet thei never seased, bot nycht and day thai waitted upon
the Frenche. Thai laid thameselves in a secreit place, with sum gentilmen befoir
the day, to await upoun the Frenche, quho usit commonlie to isch in companyis,
to seik thair pray; and so cam fourth ane Capitane Battu,[26] with his hundreth,
and begane to spoilzie; quhom the said Maister, now Lord of Lyndsay,[27] and
the said Wilyeaume, suffered, without declaratioun of thameselfis, or of thair
cumpany, till that thai had thame more than a myle fra Kinghorne, and then
begane the horsmen to brek; whiche perceved, the Frenche altogither drew to a
place callit Glenniss[28] House, and maid for debait: sum tuik the housse, and
utheris deffended the close and yaird. The hasard appereth verry unliklie, for
oure men had na thing bot speris, and war compellit to lycht upoun thair feit.
The other war within dykis; and everie man had culverinis: the schote was
feirfull to mony, and dyverse war hourt, amongis quhome war Robert
Hamiltoun,[29] and David Kirkaldie, brother to the said Laird, quho both war
supposed to have bein slaine. The said Laird perceving men to faynt, and begyne
to recule, said, "Fy, lett us never leive efter this day, that we sall recule for
Frenche schybaldis;" and so the Maister of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett,
and so utheris followed. The Maister struik with his speir at La Battu, and
glansing upoun his harness, for feirceness stamered almost upoun his kneis. But
recovering suddendlie, he fessned his speir, and bare the Capitaine bakward,
who, becauis he wald not be takein, was slaine, and fyftie of his cumpanie with
hym. Those that war into the house, with sum utheris, war saved, and [sent] to
Dundye to be kept. This mischance to the Frenche men maid thame to be more
circumspect in scatring abrod into the countrie; and so the poore creaturis gat
sum releive. To fourness thame[30] of victuelis, was appointed Capitane Cullen,
[31] with tuo schippis, quho traveled betuix the south schoire and Kinghorne, for
that purpois. For his waiges he spoilzied Kinghorne, Kirkaldie, and so muche of
Dyserte as he mycht. For remedy quhairof war appointit tuo schippis from
Dundye: Andro Sandis, a stout and fervent man in the cause of religioun, was the
principall. This same tyme arrived the Martekis,[32] quho, without delay, landit
himself, his cofferis, and the principall gentilmen that were with him at Leith,[33]
leiving the rest in the schippis till better oportunitie. But the said Andro, and his
companioun, streicking saill and making as thai wald cast anker hard besyde
thame, burded thame both, and carried thame to Dundye. In thame war gotten
sum horse, and muche harness, with sum uther triffilis; but of money we hard
nocht. Heareat the Frenche offended, avowed the distructioun of Sanctandrois
and Dundye; and so, upoun a Mononday in the morning, the xxiij. day of
Januare,[34] thai marchit frome Dyserte, and passed the water of Levein;[35] ever
keaping the sea-cost, be reassoun of thaire schippis and victuallis, as said is.
About tuelf houris thai espyed schippis, (quhiche war seine that morning by us
that war upoun the land, but war not knawin.) Monsieur D'Osell affirmed thame
to be Frenche schippis, and so the souldiouris triumphit, schot thair volie for
salutatioun, and marchit fordward till Kincraige,[36] fearing no resistance.
But schorte efter, the Ingliche schippis mett with Capitain Culein, and seased
him and his schippis,[37] quhiche maid thame a litill to muse. But suddentlie
come Maister Alexander Wood, who had bein upoun the Admirall,[38] and
assured Monsieur D'Osell, that thai wer Inglissmen, and that thai war the foir-
ryderis of a gretter number that followed, who war send for the supporte of the
Congregatioun. Thair mycht have bein seine the ryveing of a baird, and mycht
have bein hard suche dispyte, as cruell men use to spew furth quhile as God[39]
brydellis thair furie. Weariness and the nycht constrained thame to luge thair.
Thai sowped skarslie,[40] becaus thair schippis war takein, in the quhilk was thair
victuellis and ordinance, quhiche thai intendit to have placed in Sanctandrois.
Thai thameselvis durst nocht stray abrod to seake; and the Laird of Weymmes
cariage, whiche lykwyis was cumming with fournissing unto thame, was stayit.
And thairfoir, bytymes in the mornyng, thai retired towardis Kinghorne, and
maid more expeditioun in one day in returning, then thai did in two in marching
fordward.
The storme, whiche had continuit neire the space of a moneth, brak in the verry
tyme of thair reteiring, quhairby mony thocht thei sould have bein stayit, till that
reasonabill cumpanie mycht have bein assemblit to have fouchtein thame; and
for that purpois did Wilyeaume Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Toullibody.[41] But the
Frenche, expert aneuch in suche factis, tuik doun the roofe of a parish kirk, and
maid a brig over the same watter,[42] called Dovane; and so thai eschapit, and
come to Striveling, and syne to Leith. Yit in thair retourning thai lost dyverse;
amongis quhome thair was one quhois miserable end we man rehers. As the
Frenche spoilyied the countrye in thair retourning, one capitaine or soldiour, we
cannot tell, bot he had a reid cloik and a gilt morrion,[43] entered upoun a poore
woman, that dwelt in the Whytsyd, and began to spoyle. The poore woman
offered unto him suche breid as sche had reddy prepared. But he, in no wayis
thairwith content, wald have the meill and a lytill salt beiff whiche the poore
woman had to susteine hir awin lyfe, and the lyves of hir poore chylderein;
neather could tearis, nor [pitifull] wourdis,[44] mittigat the merciles man, but he
wald have quhatsoever he mycht carie. The poore woman perceving him so bent,
and that he stoupped doun in hir tub, for the taking foorth of suche stufe as was
within it, first cowped up his heillis, so that his heid went doun; and thairefter,
outher[45] by hirself, or if ony uther cumpanie come to help hir, but thair he endit
his unhappie lyfe; God so punissing his crewell hairt, quho could nocht spair a
misserable woman in that extremetie. "Let all suche soldiouris receve suche
rewaird, O Lord, seing that thou art the revenger of the oppressed."

And now, because that frome this tyme forward, frequent mentioun will be maid
of the comfortable support that we, in oure greattest extremetie receved, by
Goddis providence, frome oure nychtbouris of Ingland, we think it expedient
simply to declair by quhat instrumentis that mater was first moved, and by quhat
meanis it come to passe, that the Quene and Counsell of Ingland schew
thameselves sa favorable unto us.
As Jhonne Knox had foirwairned us, by his letteris frome Geneva, of all dangeris
that he foirsaw [to] ensew on our enterpryse; so quhen he come to Deip,
myndfull of the same, and revolveing with himself quhat remedy God wald pleis
to offere, he tuike the boldnes to wreit to Sir Williame Cycill, Secretarie of
Ingland, with quhome the said Jhonne had bein befoire familiarlie acquented,
intending thairby[46] to renew acquentence, and so to oppen farther of his mynd.
[47] The tennour of his first Letter followis:—

"The Spreit of Jugement, Wisdome, and Sanctificatioun, I wishe unto you, by

Jesus Chryst.

Jhone Knox first letter to Sir Williame Cecyll.

"As I have no plaisour with long wretting to trouble you, Rycht Honorable,
quhois mynd I knaw to be occupyed with most grave maters,[48] so mynd I nott
greattlie to lawboure by long preface to conciliat your favouris, quhilk I suppoise
I have allreddy, (howsomer rumouris bruit the contrarie,) as it becummeth one
member of Chrystis body to have of ane uther. The contentis, thairfoire, of these
my presentis sal be absolved in tuo pointis. In the former, I purpois to discharge,
in breve wordis, my conscience towardis you: and in the uther, somquhat must I
speik in my awin defence, and in defence of that poore floke, of lait assembled
in the most godlie Reformed Churche and citie of the warld, Geneva. To you,
Sir, I say, that as frome God ye have receavit lyfe, wisdome, honoris, and this
present estait, in the quhilk now ye stand, so aucht you whollie[49] to employ the
same to the advancement of his glorie, who onlie is the author of lyef, the
fountaine of wisdome, and quho most assuredlie doeth, and will honour and
glorifie these, that, with sempill hairtis, do glorifie him; quhiche, allace, in tymes
past ye have nott doun; bot bein overcum with comoun iniquitie, ye have
followed the warld in the way of perditioun. For to the suppressing of Christis
trew Evangell, to the erecting of idolatrie, and to the schedding of the blood of
Goddis most deare childrein have you, by silence, consented and subscryvit.
This youre most horrible defectioun frome the treuth knawin, and anis professed,
hath God to this day mercifullie spared; yea, to manis judgement, he hath utterlie
forgottin and pardoned the same. He hath not intreated you as he hath done
utheris, (of lyke knawlege,) quhome in his anger, (bot yet most justlie, according
to thair desertis,) he did schoirtlie stryk efter thair defectioun. But you (gyltie in
the same offenses) he hath fostered and preserved, as it wer in his awin bosome,
during the tyme of that most miserable thraldome of that professed ennemie of
God, mischeivous Marie: and now hath he sett you at such liberty, as the furie of
Goddis ennemeis can nott hurt you, except that willinglie aganis his honour, ye
tak pleisour to conspyre with thame. As the benefeit quhiche ye hath received is
greit, so most Goddis justice requyre of you a thankfull hairt; for seing that his
mercie hath spared you, being trator to his Majestie; seing farder, that amanges
youre ennemeis he hath preserved you; and, last, seing, although wourthie[50] of
hell, he hath promoted you to honoris and dignitie,[51] of you must he requyre
(becauis he is just) earnest repentence for your former defectioun, a hairt
myndfull of his mercifull providence, and a will so reddy to advance his glorie,
that evidentlie it may appeire, that in vaine ye have nott receved these graces of
God; to performance quhairof, of necessitie it is, that carnall wisdome and
wardly policie, (to the which both, ye are bruitted too muche inclyned,) gif place
to Goddis simple and naked treuth. Verry love compellit me to say, that except
the Spreit of God purge youre hairt frome that vennum, which your eis have
seine to have bein distructioun till utheris, that ye sall nott lang escaip the
rewaird of dissembleris. Call to mynd quhatt your earis heard proclamed in the
chapell[52]of Sanct James, quhen this verse of the first Psalme was entreated,
"Not so, O wicked, nott so; bot as the dust which the wind tossed," etc. And
consider, that now ye travaill in the same way which then thai did occupy;
plainlie to speak, now are ye in that estait and creddit, in the whiche ye sall ather
confort the sorrowfull and afflicted for rychteousness saik, or ellis ye sall molest
and oppugne the Spreit of God speaking in his messingeris. The confortares of
the afflicted for godlines have promise of confort in thair greatest necessiteis; but
the trubleris of Goddis servandis, (how contemned that ever[53]thai appeir
befoire the warld,) are threatned to leive thair names in execratioun to the
posteriteis following. The examples of the one and of the uther are nott onlye
evident in Scriptures, bot also have bein laitlie manifested in England. And this
is the conclusioun of that, whiche to youre self, I say, Except that in the cause of
Chrystis Evangell ye be found semple, sincear, fervent, and unfeaned, ye sall
taist of the same copp, whiche politick headis have drunkein in befoire you.

THE WARST IS NOTT YITT COME.

"The uther poynt concerning my self, and that poore flocke now dispersed, and
(as I heir say) rudelie intreated, is this: By dyverse messingeris I have requeisted
suche previleges as Turkis comounlie do grant to men of everie natioun; to wit,
that fredome sould be granted unto me peceablie to travell throucht England,[54]
to the end that with greater expeditioun I mycht repair towardis my awin
countrie, quhilk now beginneth to thrist for Chrystis treuth. This requeist I thocht
sa reassonable, that almost I had entered the realme without licence demandit;
and yeit I understand that it had bein so rejected, that the solistaris thairof did
hardlie eschaip empresement.[55] And some of that flocke I heir to be so
extremelie handled, that those that most cruellie have shed the blood of Goddis
most deare childrein, find this day amangis you greattar favouris then thei do.
Allace, this appereth muche to repugne to Christiane cheritie; for quhatsoevir
hath bein my offence, this I feare nott to affirme in thair causses, that if ony
whiche have suffered exyle in these most dolorus dayis of persecutioun, deserve
prais and commendatioun, for peace, concorde, sober and quiet liveing, it is thei.
And as for me, how criminall that ever I be in Goddis presence, for the multitude
of my synnes; yet befoire his justice-seat I have a testimonie of guid conscience,
that sence my first acquentance with England, willinglie I never offended
persone within it, (except in oppin chayre to reprove that whiche God
condemneth) can be judged offense. But I have, (say you,) wreittin a
treassonable [booke] aganis the Regiment and Impyre of Women: If that be my
offense, the poore flocke is innocent, (except suche as this day do fastest cry
treasoun:) For, Sir, in Goddis presence I wreitt, with none in that cumpany did I
consult befoire the finisheing of the same; and, thairfoire, in Chrystis name, I
requyre that the blame may ly upoun me allone. The wreitting of that Booke I
will nott deny, but to prove it treassonable I think it salbe hard. For, Sir, no more
do I doubt of the treuth of my principall propositioun, then that I doubt that this
was the voce of God whiche first did pronunce this penaltie aganis woman, "In
doloure sall thou beare thy chyldrein." It is bruitted, that my Booke is or salbe
writtin against. Yf so be, Sir, I greatlie feare that flattereris sall rather hurte nor
mend the mater, which thei wald seame to mainteine; for, except that my error be
plainlie schawin and confuted be better authoritie then by suche lawis as frome
yeir to yeir may and do change, I dar nott promitt silence in so wechtie a besines,
leist that in so doing, I sall appear to betray the verretie whiche is not subjected
to the mutabilitie of tyme. And if ony think me ather ennemye to the Persone or
yet to the Regiment of her quhome God hath now promoted, thei are utterlie
deceived of me. For the miraculouse wark of God, conforting his afflicted by ane
infirme veschell, I do acknawlege, and the power of his most potent hand
(raiseing up quhome best pleiseit his mercie to suppresse such as fecht aganis his
glorie) I will obey, albeit that boyth nature and Goddis most perfyt ordinance
repugne to suche regiment. Moir plainlie to speik, yf Quene Elizabeth sall
confesse, that the extraordinarie dispensatioun of Goddis great mercie macketh
that lauchfull unto her, whiche boyth nature and Goddis law do deny to all
women, then sall non in England be more willing to mainteine her lauchfull
authoritie then I salbe: But yf (Goddis wonderouse werk sett asyd) scho ground
(as God forbid) the justnes of her title upoun consuetude, lawis, or ordinances of
men; then I am assured, that as suche foolishe presumpcioun doeth heyghlie
offend Goddis supreame majesty, so do I greatlie feare that her ingratitude sall
nocht lang lack punishement. And this in the name of the eternall God, and of
his sone Jesus Chryst, (befoire quhome boyth you and I sall stand, to mak
accomptes of all counsall we geve,) I requyre you to signifie unto Her Grace in
my name; adding, that onlie humilitie and dejectioun of herself before God salbe
the firmitie and stabilitie of her throne, quhilk I knaw sall be assulted mo wayis
then one. Yf this ye conceill[56]frome Her Grace, I will mak it patent to the warld
that thus far I have communicated with you, haveing also farther to speik, yf my
weik judgement may be hearde. Allace, Sir, is my offense (althocht in that tyme,
and in that mater, I had writtin ten bookis) so haineuse that I can nott have
licence, by preacheing of Christ Jesus, to refreshe thoise thrustye saulles whiche
long have laicked the watter of lyffe. No man will I presentlie accuse; butt I
greatlie fear, that the leprouse have no plaisour to behald thair faces in the cleir
glasse. Lett none[57]be affrayed that I requyre to frequent the Courte, ather yet of
any continuance to remaine in England; but onlye thristis in passing furthe to my
awin native countrie to communicat with you and sum uther, suche thingis as
willinglie I list nott to committ to paper, neither yet to the knawledge and creddit
of many; and then, in the Northe pairtes, to offer Goddis favouris to suche as I
suppoise do murne for thair defectioun. And this I trust salbe no less profitable
to Her Grace, and to all godlie within England, then it sould be pleiseing to me
in the flesche.

"This is the thrid tyme that I have beggit licence to visite the hungrie and
thristie amangs you, whiche, yf now be denyed, as befoire God I have a
testimonie, that so muche I seik nott myself, as the advancement of Chrystis
Evangell, and the conforte of suche as quhome I knaw afflicted; so sall the
godlie understand that England, in refuseing me, refuseth a friend, how
small that ever the power be. The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus muve
youre hairte deaplie to consider youre dewtie unto God, and the estait of
that Realme in whiche, by his appointement, ye now serve. From Deape,
the [22d[58]] of Aprile 1559.
(Sic subscribitur,)
"Youris to command in godlines,
"JHONE KNOX."

To this letter was no answer maid; for schorte thairefter the said Jhone Knox
maid forduard to Scotland by sea, where he landed the thrid day of Maij;[59] and
had suche successe as in the Secound Booke is declaired. The said Jhone being
in Sanctandrois efter Cuper Mure,[60] entred in deipe discourse with the Laird of
Grange: the dangeris war evident, butt the supporte was nott easie to be seine.
Efter many wordis, Jhone Knox burstit furth as followis: "Yff England wald
foirsie thair awin comoditie, yea, yf thai did consider the danger quhairin thei
thameselfis stand, thai wald nott suffer us to perishe in this quarrell; for France
hath decreit no less the conquest of England then of Scotland." After long
reassoning, it was concluded betuix thame two, that supporte sould be cravit of
England; and for that purpois, the said Laird of Grange first wreit to Sir Harie
Percie,[61] and efter raid frome Edinburgh and spak with him; to quhome he maid
so plaine demonstratioun of the danger appeiring to England, that he tooke
upoun him to wreit to the Secretarie Cycill; quho with expeditioun returned
answer bak agane, geving him to understand, thatt oure interpryse altogitther
myslyked nott the Counsall, albeit that thei desyrit farther resolutioun of the
principall Lordis. Whiche thing understand, it was concluded by some[62]to
wreitt unto him plainlie oure hoill purpois. The tennor of oure letter was this:—
LETT THE ENNEMYE SAY, GIF THAIR HOPE BE NOTT FRUSTRAT.

THE FIRST LETTER TO [SIR] WILLYAUME CYCILL, FRA THE LORDIS OF THE
CONGREGATIOUN.
"THE contentis of a letter direct by you (rycht worschipfull) to Sir Harie
Percie, was notifeid unto us by Mr. Kircaldie of Grange, this Sonday the
[16th[63] of Julij, by the whiche we perceave, that the said Grange, of zeill
and faithfull hairt whiche he bereth to the furtherance of this our great, and,
befoire the warld, dangerous interpryse, hath travelled with you as with ane
unfeaned favorer of Chrystis trew religioun, and of the libertie of our
countrye, for knawlege of your myndis towardis us, incais that we be
assaulted by ony forayne invasioun, or greater power then we be weill able
to resist. Youre confortable answer to this questioun we have considered, to
our joy and conforte, as also youre motiouns, and quhatt ye demand; to witt,
What we, the Protestantis within this realme, do purpois? To quhatt end we
meane to directe oure actiouns? How we will, and how we be[64] able to
accompleis the same? What doubtis we have of ony adversare powar? And
finallie, incais that supporte sould be send frome you, what maner of amytie
mycht insew betuix these twa realmes? To the whiche in breve we answer,
That oure hoille and only purpois (as knaweth God) is to advance the glorye
of Chryst Jesus, the trew preaching of his evangell[65] within this realme; to
remove superstitioun, and all kynd of idolatrie;[66]to brydeill to our poweris
the furie of those that heirtofoir have cruellie sched the bloode of our
bretherein; and, to our utermest, to meanteine the libertie of this oure
countrye frome the tirranie and thraldome of strangeris, as God sall assist
us. How we [sall] be able to accompleiss these premisses, is to us
unknawin; onlye oure hoip is guid that He that hes begune this guid wark in
us, and hathe, by his power, to this hour confounded the faces of our
adversaries, will performe the same to his glorie, whiche chieflie we seik in
this oure interpryse. Because we suppoise, that neither oure present danger,
neither yett the weirlyke preparatioun whiche France maketh aganis us, be
hyd frome you nor frome the Counsall, we omitt that pairt. As tuicheing the
assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betuix these twa Realmes; as no
earthlie [thing] of us is more desyred, so crave we of God to mak us
instrumentis by whiche this unnaturall debaite, whiche long hath continued
betuix us, may anis be composed, to the prais of Goddis name, and to the
confort of the faithfull in boyth realmes. And gif youre wisdomes can
foirsie and devyse the meanes and assurances, how the same may be brocht
to passe; perswade youreselfis, not onlye of oure consent and assistance,
but also of oure constancie, as men may promeise, to oure lyves end; yea,
and farther, of a charge and commandement by us to be left to oure
posteritie, that the amity betuix [us], in God contracted and begun, may be
by thame kept inviolat for ever. And for the revolting frome you to France,
whiche yee seeme to fear and suspect, at thair pleisour, we utterlie abhor
that infidelitie; for now doeth the voyce[67] of God continualie sound in our
earis, 'That suche as profaine the terrible and reverent name of God, sall
nott eschaip veangence.' Oure confederacie, amitie, and leigue, sall nott be
lyke the pactions maid by wardlie men for wardlie proffeit; but as we
require it for Goddis caus, so will we incall his name for the observatioun
of the same. Moirover, gif we sould laike any thing to temporall
commoditie, yitt sould we never have occasioun to returne to thame; ffor
we now perceave and feill the wecht of thair yoke, and intend (by Goddis
grace) to cutt away suche instrumentis[68] as by quhome this realme wes
befoire abused. Trew it is, that as yeit we have maid no mentioun of ony
change in Authoritie, neither yeit were we myndit to [do] any suche thing,
till extreme necessitie compelled us thairto: but seing it is now more than
evident, that France, and the Quene Regent heir, with hir preistis, pretend to
nothing bot the suppressing of Chrystis Evangell, the ruyne of us, and the
subversioun of [this] poore realme; committing oure innocencie to God, and
unto the judgment of all godlie and naturall men, we are determined to seik
the nixt remedie, in whiche we hairtlie requyre youre counsaill and
assistance. And this far we have interprysit, to mak you participant of oure
purpois; becauis in the said letteris you requyred of the [said] Mr.
Kirkcaldie sum farther assurance then his awin woord of wreitting, whiche
we dout nott bot ye sall schoirtlie receave frome mo then frome us. We dar
nott haistellie mak the whole assemblie, neither of noblis, neither of
barronis, prevy in this cause, for dangeris that may insew by policie and
craft of the adversaries; youre Wisdomes, we doubt not, will communicat
these onlye, with suche as ye knaw favoraris of such ane godlie
conjunctioun. It should much help in oure opinioun, gif the preacharis
boyth in persuasioun and in publict prayeris, (as ouris do heire,) wald
commend the same unto the peopill. And thus, efter oure humill
commendatiounis to the Quenis Majestie, (quhois reigne we desyre to be
prosperous and long, to the glorie of God, and conforte of his Churche,) we
hairtlie committ you to the protectioun of the Omnipotent. Fra Edinburgh,
 the [19th[69]] of Julij 1559."

With this oure letter,[70] Jhonne Knox wreat two, one to the said Secratarie, and
ane uther to the Quenis Majestie hirself, in tennour as efter followis:

JHONE KNOX[71] SECOUND LETTER TO MR. CYCILL, FOR DELIVERANCE OF ANE

UTHER TO THE QUEIN OF ENGLAND.

"WITH my humill commendatiounis. Pleise you, SIR, to delyver this other

letter inclosit to the Quenis Grace. It containeth in few and in semple
wourdis my confessioun, quhat I think of hir Authoritie, how it is just, and
quhat may mak it odious in Goddis presence. I heir that thair is ane
Confutatioun sett furth in prent aganis 'The First Blast.'[72] God grant that
the wreitter have no more socht the favoris of this present estait, no less the
glorie of God, and the stable commoditie of his countrey, then did he quho
enterprysed in that 'Blast' to utter his conscience. When I sall have tyme,
(whiche now is sumquhatt precious unto me,) to peruse that werk, I will
communicat my judgement with you.
"The tyme is now, Sir, that all that either thrist Chryst Jesus to reigne in this
yle, or yett the hairtes of the inhabitantes of the same to be joyned togidder
in love unfained, aucht rather to studie how the same mycht be brocht to
passe, then vanelie to travaill for the mantenance of that, quhairof we have
allreddy seine the danger, and felt the smarte. Gif the most pairt of women
be wicked, and suche as willinglie we wald nott reigne over us; and gif the
most godlie, and suche as have rare graces be yett mortall, we aucht to tak
heid, least in establissing one judged godlie and profitable to hir countrey,
we mak ane entres and tytill to mony; off quhome not only sall the treuth be
impugned, bot also sall the countrey be brocht in bondage. God give you,
and utheris favoraris of your countrey, eyis to foirsee, and wisdome to
avoyd the dangeris appeareing.
"By dyverse [letteris], I have requyred licence to have visited the North
pairtis of England; but as yitt I have ressaved no favorabill answer.[73] The
longer, Sir, that it be delayed, the less conforte sall the faithfull thair
receive, the weaker sall the Quenis Grace be. Gif I war nott to hir Grace are
unfeaned friend, I wald not instantlie begg suche libertie, whiche to me I
knaw sall neither be profitable nor pleising in the flesche. The estait of
thingis here comoun, I dout nott ye knaw. Some thingis I have, (as oft I
have wreitten,) whiche gladlie I wald communicat, quhilk I mynd nott to
 committ unto paper and ynk: find, thairfoir, the meanis that I may speik
suche one as ye will credit in all thingis. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest
with you.
"I hairtlie beseik you to have my service humblie commended to the Quenis
Grace; adding, that quhosoever maketh me odious to hir Grace, seiketh
somequhatt besydis the glorie of God, and hir Grace's prosperitie; and
thairfoir can nott be assured and unfayned freindis. From, &c."

The letter sent be the said Jhonne, to the Quenis Majestie of England, being
inclosed in the foirsaid Mr. Cycillis letter.

"TO THE VERTEOUS AND GODLIE ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD QUEIN OF
ENGLAND, &C., JHONNE KNOX DESYRETH THE PERPETUALL CONFORTE OF THE
HOLY SPREIT.

"As youre Grace's displeisoure aganis me, most injustlie conceaved, hath
bein, and is to my wretched hearte a burdene greavouse, and almost
intollerable; so is the testimony of ane cleir conscience to me ane stay and
uphald, that in disperatioun I synk nott, how vehement that ever the
tentatiouns appeir. For, in Goddis presence, my conscience beareth me
record, that maliciously, nor of purpoise, I never offended youre Grace, nor
youre realme; and, thairfoir, howsoever I be judged of man, I am assured to
be absolved of him quho only knaweth the secreitis of hairtis. I can not
deny the wreiting of a booke aganis the usurped Authoritie, and injust
Regement of Women;[74] neither [yit] am I myndit to retract or call back
any principall point, or propositioun of the same, till treuth and verritie do
farder appeir. But quhy, that either youre Grace, either yitt ony suche as
unfeanedlie favore the libertie of England, be offendit at the authore of
suche ane warke, I can perceave no just occasioun. For, first, my booke
tueched nott youre Grace's persoune [in speciall,] neither yitt is it
prejudiciall till any libertie of the realme, gif the tyme of my wretting be
indifferentlie considdered. How could I be ennemy to youre Grace's
persone, for delyverance quhairof I did more studie, and interpryse farther,
then ony of these that now accuise me? And, as concerning youre
Regiment, how could or can I invy that whiche most I have thristit, and for
the quhilk (as oblivioun will suffer) I render thankis unfeandlie unto God?
That is, 'That he hath pleised him, of his eternall goodness, to exalt your
head, (which some tymes was in danger,) to the manifestatioun of his
glorie, and extirpatioun of idolatrie.' And as for my offense, quhilk I have
committed against England, either in wreitting that, or of any uther werk, I
will nott refuise that moderat and indifferent man judge and discerne betwix
me and those that accuise [me]: to witt, quhither of the parties do maist hurt
to the libertie of England, I that affirme, 'That no woman may be exalted
above any[75] realme, to mak the libertie of the same thrall to ane strange,
proude, and cruell natioun;' or, they that approve quhatsoever plaeseth
Princes for the tyme. Gif I war alsweill disposed to accuse, as some of
thame (till thair awin schame) have declaired thame selfis, I no thing doubt,
bot that in few wourdis I sould lett reassonable men understand, that some
that this day lawlie crouche to your Grace, and laubor to mak me odiuss in
your eyes, did, in your adversitie, neather schaw thame selfis faithfull
freindis to your Grace, neather so loveing and carefull over thair awin
native countrey, as thei wald be estemed. But omitting the accusatioun of
utheris, for my awin purgatioun, and your Grace's satisfactioun, I say, that
nothing in my booke contained, is, nor can be prejudiciall to your Grace's
just regiment, providit that ye be nott found ungrate unto God: Ungrate ye
sallbe provein in presence of his throne, (howsoever that flattereris justifie
your factioun,) gif ye transferr the glorye of that honor, in quhilk ye now
stand, to any uther thing, then to the dispensatioun of his mercie, which
only maketh that lauchfull to your Grace, quhilk nature and law denyeth to
all woman. Neither wald I that your Grace should feare that this your
humiliatioun before [God] sould, in ony caise, infirme or weaken your
Grace's just and lauchfull authoritie befoire men. Nay, Madame, such
unfeaned confessioun of Goddis benifits receaved shalbe the establissement
of the same, nott only to youre self, but also to youre seid and posteritie;
whair, contrariwyse, a proude conceat and elevatioun of youre self, salbe
the occasioun, that youre reigne salbe unstable, troublesome, and schorte.
God is witnesse, that unfeanedlie I boyth love and reverence youre Grace;
yea, I pray, that youre reigne may be long, prosperouse, and quyet; and that,
for the quyetnes which Christis membres, befoire persecuted, have receaved
under you.
"Bot yett, gif I should flatter youre Grace, I war no friend, bot ane
deceavable traitor. And thairfoire of conscience, I am compelled to say, that
neather the consent of people, the process of tyme, nor multitude of men,
can establische a law which God sall approve; bot quhatsoever he
approveth by his eternall wourd, that shalbe approved, and quhatsoever he
condempneth salbe condempned, thocht all men in earth wald hasard the
justificatioun of the same. And, thairfoire, Madame, the only way to reteane
and kept those benefites of God, aboundantlie poured now of laitt dayis
upoun you, and upoun youre realme, is unfeanedlie to rander unto God, to
his mercie, and undeserved grace, the [whole] glorie of this youre
exaltatioun. Forgett youre birth, and all tytill which thairupoun doeth hing;
and considder deiplie, how for feir of your lyef, ye did declyne from God,
and bow till idollatrie. Lett it not appeire ane small offence in your eyes,
that ye have declyned from Christ Jesus in the day of his batteill. Neither
yett wald I, that ye sould esteme that mercie to be vulgare and commoun
which ye have received; to witt, that God hath covered your former offense,
hathe preserved you quhen ye war most unthankfull; and in the end, hath
exalted and raiseit you up, nott only from the dust, bot also from the portis
of deith, to reule above his people, for the confort of his Kirk. It apperteneth
to you, thairfoire, to ground the justice of your Authoritie, nott upoun that
law, which from year to year doeth change, but upoun the eternall
providence of Him, who, contrair to nature, and without your deserving,
hath thus exalted your head. Gif thus, in Goddis presence, ye humill your
self, as in my heart I glorifie God for that rest granted to his afflicted flocke
within Ingland, under you a weik instrument; so will I with toung and penn
justifie your Authoritie and Regiment, as the Holy Ghost hath justified[76]
the same in Debora, that blissed mother in Israell. Bot gif the premisses (as
God forbeid) neglected, ye sall begin to bragg of your birth, and to builde
your Authoritie and Regiment upoun your awin law, flatter you quho so list,
your felicitie salbe schorte. Interpreit my rude wordis in the best pairte, as
written by him who is no ennemye to your Grace.
"By dyverse letteris I have requyred license to veseit your Realme, nott to
seik my self, neither yett my awin ease nor commoditie; which, gif ye now
refuise and deny, I most remit my caus to God; adding this for conclusioun,
that commonlie it is seine, 'That such as refuise the counsaill of the
faithfull, (appeir it never so scharpe,) ar compelled to follow the deceat of
flattereris to thair awin perditioun.' The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus
move your hairt to understand quhat is said; give unto you the discretioun
of spreittis, and so rewll you in all your actions and interpryses, that in you
God may be glorified, his Kirk edified, and ye your self as ane lyvlie
member of the same, may be an example of vertew and godlie lyffe till all
utheris. So be it. Of Edinburgh, the [20th[77]] day of Julij 1559."
These letters war directed by Alexander Quhytlaw,[78] a man that oft hath
hazarded him self, and all that he had, for the cause of God, and for his freindis
being in danger for the same cause.
Within a day or twa efter the departing of the said Alexander, thair come a lettre
from Sir Harye Percye to Jhone Knox, requyring him to meitt him at Annyk,[79]
the threid of August, for such effairis as he wald nott wreit, nor yitt communicat
with any but with the said Jhone him self. While he was preparing him self for
the journay, (for Secretary Cycill had appointed to have mett him at
Stampfourd,)[80] the Frenche men furiouslie come furth of Dumbar, of purpose to
have surprised the Lordis being in Edinburgh, as in the Secound Booke befoir is
declared: Which stayit the journay of the said Jhonne, till that God had delyvered
the innocentis from that great danger; and then was he, having in his company,
[81] Maister Robert Hamyltoun,[82] minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ,
directed from the Lordis, with full commissioun and instructiouns to expone
thair hole cause and estait quhairin thei stoode.

SIR JAMES CROFTIS COUNSALE.

Thair passage was from Petinweame,[83] by sea. Thei arryvit at Holy-Iland; and
being advertissed that Sir Harye Percie was absent from [the North], thei
addressed thame selfis to Sir James Croftis, then Capitane of Berwik, and
Wardein of the East Marches of England. Thei schew unto him thair creddit and
commissioun. He receaved thame gentlie, and comforted thame with his faithfull
counsall, which was: "That thei sould travaill no farther,[84] neather yitt sould
thei be seine in publict, and that for dyverse consideratiouns. First, The Quene
Regent had her espyellis in England. Secoundarlie, The Quene and the Counsall
that favored our actioun, wald that all thingis should be secreat so long as thei
mycht. And last, (said he,) I think it nott expedient, that in such raritie of
preachearis, ye two be ony long tyme absent from the Lordis. And thairfoire,
(said he,) ye shall do best to committ to wreating your hoile mynd and creddit,
and I shall promeise to you, upoun my honour, to haif answer at you, and at the
Lordis againe, befoire that ye your selfis can be at Londoun. And quhaire that
your letteris can nott expresse all thingis so fully as your presence could, I sall
supplie the same, not only by my penne, but also by my awin presence, to suche
as will informe the Counsall sufficientlie of all thingis."
The said Jhone and Maister Robert followed his counsall,[85] for it was faithfull,
and proceidit of luif at that tyme. Thei taried with him verry secretly, within the
Castell of Berwick, two dayis. In the which tyme, returned Alexander Quhytlaw
foirsaid, with answer to the Lordis, and to Jhone Knox;[86] the tennour of whose
letter was this:—
MAISTER CYCILLIS LETTER TO JHONE KNOX.

"MAISTER KNOX,
"Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus
in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus
fiducia ejus.[87]
"I have resavit your letteris, at the same tyme that I have thocht to have sein
your self about Stampfurd. Quhat is now hitherto the caus of your [lett], I
knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the bottome of thingis, untill I may
conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire, gif your chance shalbe
heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed with good credite, and power
to mak good resolutioun. Althocht my answer to the Lordis of
Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt upoun farther understanding ye
sall find the matter plaine. I neid wishe to you[88] no more prudence then
Goddis grace, quhairof God send you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford,
the 28th of Julij 1559.
(Sic subscribitur,)
Youris as ane member of the same body in Christ,

W. CECILL."[89]

Albeit the said Jhone ressaved this letter at Berwyk, yett wald he answer no
thing till that he had spokein the Lordis; quhome he fand in Striveling, and unto
quhome he delyvered the answer send from the Counsall of England; (for
Alexander Quhytlaw tuik seakness betwix Berwyk and Edinburgh, and was
troubled be the Lord Seatoun, as in the formar booke is declaired.[90]) The
answer send by Maister Cycill, was so generall, that many amanges us war
dispaired of ony comforte to come from that countrey; and thairfoire war
determined that thei wald requeast no farder. Jhone Knox laboured in the
contraire;[91] but he could prevaill no farther, but that he should have licence and
libertie to writt as he thocht best. And so tuik he upoun him to answer for all, in
forme as follows:—

ANSWER TO MR. CYCILLIS LETTER.[92]

"Two causes impeded me, Richt Worschipfull, to visite you at any pairt of
England. Formar, no significatioun of your mynd and plaisour was maid
unto me, for only did Sir Harye Percye[93] will me to cum and speak him,
which, convenientlie at that tyme I could nott do, be reasone that the
Frenche men, (which was the Secound cause of my stay,) did then most
furiouslie persew us, whill our company was dispersed; and then durst I
nott be absent for dyverse inconvenientis. Neather did I think my presence
greatlie necessarie with you, considdering that the mater, which I desyred
maist, was opened and proponed. To the quhilk I wald have wished that a
more plaine and especiall answer should have bein maid. For, albeit Mr.
Quhitlaw, by his credite, Mr. Kirkcaldie, by his letter, and I, boyth by
letteris, and by that which I had ressaved from Sir James Croftis, did
persuade your goode mindis; yitt could not the Counsall be uthairwayis
persuaded, but that this alteratioun in France had altered your former
purpois. It is nott unknawin what favor we three do beare to England; and,
thairfoir, I wishe, that rather your pen then our credite, or ony thing writtin
to ony of us, should assuire the Lordis and otheris, of your goode myndis,
(who ar bot now in nomber fyve hundreth). Onless that money be
fournissed without delay to pay the soldiouris with, for thair servise bypast,
and to reteane ane uther thousand footmen, with three hundreth horsmen,
till some stay be had in this danger, these gentilmen will be compelled to
leave the feildis. I am assured, as fleshe may be of fleshe, that some of
thame will tak a verry harde lyve befoir that ever they compone eather with
the Quene Regent, eather yitt with France; but this I dar nott promeise of
all, onless in you they see a greatter fordwardness. To support us will appeir
excessive, and to break promeisse with France, will appeir dangeruss. But
the loss of expensses, in my opinioun, aucht nott to be esteamit from the
first payment; neather yitt the danger from the first appearance. France is
most fervent to conqueise us, and avoweth, that against us thei will spend
thair Croune, (so did my awin earis heare Buttencourt brag[94]). But, most
assuredlie I knaw, that onless by us thei thocht to mak ane enteress to you,
that thei wald nott bye oure povertie at that price. Thei labour to corrupt
some of oure great men by money, (and some of oure nomber ar poore, as
befoire I wraitt, and can nott serve without supporte); some thei threattin;
and against utheris thei have raised up ane partie in thair awin countrey. In
 this meane tyme, gif ye lye by as neutrallis, quhat wilbe the end, ye may
easellie conjecture. And, thairfoire, Sir, in the bowellis of Christ Jesus, I
requyre you to mak plaine answer; What the gentillmen heir may lippin to,
and quhatt the Quenis Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in
executioun. Rest in Christ Jesus. Off Sanct Johnstoun, the &c. day of, &c."
[95]

Answere with great expeditioun was returned to this letter, desyring some men
of credite to be sent frome the Lordis to Berwyk,[96] for the receaving of money
for the first supporte, with promeise, that gif the Lordis of the Congregatioun
meant no utherwyse then befoire thei had writtin, and gif thei wald enter in
league with honest conditionis, thei sould neather lack men nor money to thair
just caus. Upoun this answer, was directed from the Lordis to Berwik, Maister
Henrye Balnaves, a man [of] goode credit in boyth the realmes, who suddenlie
returned with such a somme of money as served all the publict effaris till
November nixt; when Jhonne Cokburne of Ormistoun send[97] for the second
supporte, and receaving the same, unhappelie fell in to handis of the Erlle
Bothwell, was wounded, tane, and spoilzed of a great somme.[98] Upoun whiche
mischance followed all the rest of oure troubles befoire rehersed.
In the Secound Booke preceading, we have declaired how Secretarye
Lethingtoun[99] was directed to England: but one thing we have befoire past by.
In that, oure greatest dejectioun, this ordour was tackin, That the Duike his
Grace, the Erlle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and thair freindis,
should remain togither at Glaskow, for conforte of the countrey, and for geving
of answeris, as occasioun should requyre; and that the Erlle of Arrane, the Lord
James, the Erlle of Rothess, the Maister of Lyndsay, and thair adherantes, should
continew togither within Fyffe, for the same causses, that advertissementis
mycht go frome the one to the other, as neid requyred. In the negotiatioun of the
Secretary Lethingtoun with the Quene and Counsall of England, (in whiche he
travailed with no less wisdome and faithfulnes then happy successe,) mony
thingis occurred that requyred the resolutioun of the hole Lordis,[100] amanges
which thair was one quhairof befoir no mentioun is maid.
Efter that the Quene and Counsall of England had concluded to send thair army
into Scotland, for expelling of the Frenche, the Duke of Northfolk was sent to
Berwyk,[101] with full instructionis, power, and commissioun, to do in all thingis
concerning the present effaris of Scotland, as mycht the Quene and Counsellis in
thair awin personis[102] do. Heirupoun the said Duke requyred sicke a pairt of the
Lordis of Scotland, as had power and commissioun from the whole, to meet him
at suche day and place as pleised thame to appoint. This advertissement came
first to Glaskow, by the meanis of the Maister of Maxwell. Quhilk redd and
considdered by the Lordis, conclusioun was takin, that thei wald meitt at
Carleill;[103] and that was the procurement of the said Maister of Maxwell, for
his ease. Heirupoune war letteris direct fra the Lordis, lyeing in Glaskow, to
Lord James, requyring him, with all possible expeditioun, to repair towardis
thame for the purpois foirsaid. Which letteris redd and advised upoun,
commandment was gevin to Jhone Knox to mak the answer: For so it was
appointed at the devisioun of the Lordis, that he should answer for the pairte of
thoise that war in Fyffe; and Maister Henrye Balnaves for the pairte of thame
that abaide at Glaskow. The said Jhone answered as followis:—
"TO THE LORD DUKE HIS GRACE, AND THE LORDIS AT GLASKOW.

"AFTER humill commendatioun of my service. Albeit I have writtin ofter

then anes to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, what thingis have myslyked me in youre
slaw proceideings, alsweill in supporting youre brethrein, quho many dayes
have susteined extreame danger in these pairtes, as in making provisioun
how the ennemye mycht have bein annoyed,[104] quho lay in few nomber
nye to youre quarteris in Striveling; and in making lykewayis provisioun,
how the expectatioun of your freindis, quho long have awaited for youre
answer, mycht have bein satisfied;—Albeit, (I say,) that of thoise thingis I
have befoire complained, yet of verry conscience, I am compelled to
signifie unto youre Honoris, that onless of these, and other inormiteis, I sall
espye some redress, I am assured that the end shalbe suche as godlie men
shall murne, that ane good cause shall perishe for lack of wisdome and
diligence. In my last letteris to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, I declared, that youre
especiall freindis in England wounder that no gritter expeditioun is maid,
the weycht of the mater being considdered. Gif the falt be in the Lord Duke,
and his freindis, I wrait also, that the greatest loss should be his and thairs
in the end. And now, I can nott cease, boyth to wonder and lament, that
youre hoile Counsall was so destitute of wisdome and discretioun as to
charge this poore man, the Priour,[105] to come to you to Glaskow, and
thairefter to go to Carleill, for suche effearis as ar to be entreated. Was thair
none amangis you, quho did foirsee quhat inconvenientis mycht insew his
absence frome these partis? I cease to speake of the dangeris in the ennemy.
Youre freindis have lyen in the Frith now xv. dayis bypast, (what was thair
formar travaill is nott unknawin); thei have never receaved conforte of any
man (him only excepted), more then thei had lyen upoun the coast of thair
mortall ennemye. Do ye nott considder, that suche a companye sall neide
conforte and provisioun from tyme to tyme? Remove him, and quho
abydeth that cairfullie will travaill in that or any uther wechty materis in
these pairtis? Did ye nott farther considder, that he had begune to meddle
with the gentilmen[106] who had declaired thameselfis unfreindis heirtofoir;
and also that ordour wald have bein taekin for suche as haif bein neutrall:
now, be reassoun of his absence, the one shall escaip without admonitioun,
and the other shalbe at thair formare libertie? I am assured that the ennemye
sall nott sleip, neather in that nor in uther effairis, to undermynd you and
your hoile caus; and especiallie to hurte this pairt of the countrey to revenge
thair formare foly. Gif none of these formar causses should have moved you
to have considered that such a journay (at suche a tyme,) wes nott meet for
him, neather yit for thame that must accompany him; yit discreit men wald
have considdered, that the men that have lyen in thair jackes, and travailled
thair horse continuallie the space of a moneth, requyreth some longer rest,
boyth to thame selfis, but especiallie to thair horsses, (befoire thei had bein
charged to suche a journey,) then yitt they have had. The Priour may, for
satisfactioun of your unreasonable myndis, interpryse the purposse; but I
am assured, he shall nott be able to have sex honnest men in all Fyiff to
accompany him: And how that eather standis with youre Honoris, or with
his safetie, juge ye youre selfis. But yitt, wonder it is, that ye did nott
considder, to quhatt paine and fascherie shall ye putt youre freindis of
England, especiallie the Duke of Northfolke, and his Counsall, whome ye
shall caus travaile the most wearesoum and fasschous gaitt that is in
England. In my opinioun, quhosoever gaif you that counsall eather laicked
rycht judgement in thingis to be done, or ellis had too much respect to his
awin ease, and too small regaird to the travaill and danger of thair
bretherein. A comoun cause requireth a comoun concurrance, and that
everie man beare his burdein proportionablie. But prudent and indifferent
men espy the contrair in this caus, especiallie of lait dayis; for the weakest
ar maist greavouslie charged, and to quhome the mater maist belongeth, and
to quhome justlie greatest burthein is dew, ar exempted in a manor boyth
from travaill and expensses. To speik the mater plainlie, wyse men do
wonder what my Lordis Dukis freindis do meane, that thei ar so slaike and
backward in this caus: In uther actionis, thei have bein judged stout and
fordward; and in this, whiche is the greatest that ever he or thei had in hand,
thei appeir destitut bayth of grace and of courage. I am nott ignorant, that
thei that are most inward of his counsall ar ennemyes to God, and thairfoire
 can nott bot be ennemyes to his cause. But wounder it is, that he and his
uther freindis should nott considder, that the tinsale of this godlie
interpryse, shalbe the routing of thame and thair posteritie frome this
realme. Considdering, my Lordis, that by Goddis providence ye ar joyned
with the Dukis Grace in this comoun cause, admonishe him plainlie of the
danger to cum: will him to beware of the counsale of those that ar plainlie
infected with superstitioun, with pryde, and with vennome of particulare
proffeit; whiche gif he do not at your admonitioun, he shall smarte, befoir
he beware: and gif ye cease to putt him in mynd of his deutie, it may be
that, for youre silence, ye shall drynk some portioun of the plague with him.
Tak my plaine speking, as proceeding from him that is nott youre ennemye,
being also unceartaine when I shall have occasioun to writt heareafter. God,
the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, assist you with the spreit of wisdome
and fortitude, that to his glorie, and to youre Lordschipis and oure
commoun conforte, ye may performe that thing, which godlie wes ones
begun. Amen. From Sanctandrois, the vj. of Februare, in haist, 1559.[107]
(Sic subscribitur,)
"Your Lordschipis to command in godliness,
"J. K."

Upoun the receatt of this letter, and consultatioun had thairapoun, new
conclusioun was tackin: to witt, that thei wald viseit the said Duke of Northfolke
at Berwyke,[108] quhair he was.
Thus far have we digressed fra the style of the Historie, to lett the posteritie that
shall follow understand, by quhat instrumentis God wrocht the familiaritie and
freindschipe, that after we fand in Ingland. Now we returne to oure formare
Historie.

The pairtis of Fyiff sett at fredome frome the bondage of those bloodie wormes,
solempned thankis war gevin, in Sanctandrois, unto God for his mychtie
delyverance. Schorte after the Erlle of Arrane and Lord James, apprehended the
Lardis of Wemes, Seafeald, Balgonye, and Durye,[109] and utheris, that assisted
the Frenche; but thei war sett schoirtlie at fredome, upoun suche conditionis as
thei mynded never to keape: for sick men have neather fayeth nor honnestie. Mr.
James Balfoure,[110] who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the band of
the Balfouris, eschaiped. The Ingliss schippis daylie multiplied, till that thei war
able to keape the whole Firth: whairatt the Frenche and Quene Regent, enraged,
begane to executt their tirranye upoun the pairtes of Lowthiane that lay neye to
Edinburgh. Lett Mr. David Borthwick[111] witnesse quhat favoris[112] his wyffe
and place of Adenstoun[113] fand of the Frenche, for all the service that he had
maid to the Quene Regent.
In the middest of Februarie war directed to England, frome the Dukis Grace and
the Congregatioun, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Maister of Maxweill, the
Maister of Lyndsay, Maister Henrye Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow; who,
with thair honnest cumpanyeis and commissioun, departed by sea, all, except the
Maister of Maxwell, to Berwick, whair thair mett thame the Duke of Northfolke,
lievetennent to the Quenis Majestie of England, and with him a great company
of the gentillmen of the north, with some also of the south, having full power to
contract with the nobillitie of Scotland, as that thei did, upoun suche conditionis
as in the same Contract are specified. And becaus we have hard the malicious
tounges of wicked men mak false reporte of that our fact, we have faithfullie and
trewlie inserted in this oure Historie the said Contract, alsweill thatt whiche was
maid at Leyth, during the seige, as that whiche first was maid at Berwick, that
the memorie thereof may byde to our posteritie; to the end that thei may judge
with indifference, whither that we have doun ony thing prejudiciall to our
comoun wealth, or yitt contrarius unto that debtfull obedience whiche trew
subjects aw to thair supperiouris whose authoritie aucht to deffend and mainteine
the libertie and fredome of the Realmes committed to thair charge; and nott to
oppress and betray the same to strangearis. The tennour of oure Contract
followis:—
THE CONTRACT AT BERWICK.
"JAMES DUKE OF CHASTELARAULT, Erlle of Arrane, Lord Hamyltoun, second
persone of the realme of Scotland, and appearand [air] to the Croune, the
Counsalle, Nobilitie, and principall Estaittis of the same: To all and sindrie,
whais knawlege thir presentis shall come, greitting. We have weill considerat,
and be fullie persuaded in what danger, desolatioun, and miserie, the lang
enmytie with the kingdome of Ingland, hath brocht oure Countrey heirtofoir:
how wechtie and florishing it shall become, gif those two kingdomes, as thei be
joyned in one Iland by creatioun of the warld, so may be knytt in a constant and
assured friendschip: These considerationis, groundit upoun a most infallible
treuth, aucht no less to have moved our progenitouris and foirfatheris then us:
but the present danger hanging over oure heades, by the injust dealing of those
of whome we have alwayis best deserved, hathe caused us to wey thame more
earnestlie then thei did. The misbehaveour of the Frenche ministeris[114] heere
hathe of laitt zeris beine so greatt; the oppressioun and crueltie of the soldiouris,
the tyranny and ambitioun of thair supperiouris and rewlleris so greavouse to the
people; the viollent subversioun of our libertie, and conqueast of the land, whair
at thei have by maist craftie and subtile meanes continuallie preassit,[115] so
intollerable to us all, that at last, when we could nott obteane the redresse by
humill suitis and earnest supplicationis presented to the Quene Dowager, who
bayth for deuties saik and place scho did occupy, aucht to have bene most
cairfull of oure estait; we have bene by verry necessitie, constrained nott only to
assay our awin forces, but also to imploir the Quenis Majestie of England aide
and supporte, quhilk hir Majestie hes maist gentillie granted upoun certaine
covenantes, specified in ane Treaty, past at Berwick, betuix the Duck of
Northfolk his good Grace, Lievtennent for hir Majestie, on that ane pairte, and
ceartaine our Commissioneris, on that uther parte: Whairof the tennour
followeth:—
"AT BERWICK, the twentie sevin day of Februare, the year of our Lord God Jm Vc
fyftie and nyne yeris. It is appointed and finallie contracted betwix the noble and
mychtie Prince, THOMAS DUKE OF NORTHFOLKE, Erlle Marschell of England, and
lievtennent to the Quenis most excellent Majestie of the said realme, in the name
and behalf of hir Hienes, on the one pairte, and the rycht honorable Lord James
Stewart,[116] Patrik Lord Ruthven, Sir Jhone Maxweill of Terreglis knycht,
William Maitland of Lethingtoun younger, Jhone Wischarte of Pittarrow, and
Maister Henry Balnaves of Halhill, in the name and behalf of the noble and
mychtie Prince, James Duke of Chasteaularault, second persone of the realme of
Scotland, and the remanent Lordis[117] of his parte, joyned with him in this
cause, for the mainteanance and defence of the ancient rychtes and liberteis of
thair countrey, on the other parte, in Forme as heireafter followeth: That is to say,
That the Quenis Majestie, having sufficientlie understanded, alsweill by
information sent from the Nobilitie of Scotland, as by the [manifest] proceadings
of the Frenche, that thei intend to conqueir the realme of Scotland, suppress the
liberties thairof, and unite the same unto the Croune of France perpetuallie,
contrarie to the Lawis of the same Realme, and to the pactis, aithes, and
promisses of France; and being thairto most humblie and earnestlie requyred by
the said Nobilitie, for and in name of the hole Realme, shall accept[118] the said
Realme of Scotland, the said Duke of Chasteaularault being declared by Act of
Parliament in Scotland to be heyre appearand to the Croun thairof, and the
Nobilitie and Subjectis thairof, unto her Majesties protection and meantenance,
onlie for preservatioun of the same in thair auld fredomes and liberties, and
frome conquest during the tyme that the mariage shall continue betwix the
Queen of Scottis and the Frenche King, and ane yeare efter: and for expelling
out of the samin realme of suche as presentlie and appearandlie goeth about to
practise the said conqueist; hir Majestie shall with all speid send unto Scotland a
convenient aide of men of warr, on horse and foote, to joyne with the poware of
Scottis men, with artelzearie, munitioun, and all uther instrumentes of warr meitt
for the purpoise, alsweill by sea as by land, nott onlye to expell the present
poware of Frenche within that realme, oppressing the same, bot also to stopp, als
far as convenientlie may be, all greater forces of Frenche to enter thairin for the
lyke purpose; and shall continue hir Majesties aide to the said realme, Nobilitie,
and Subjectis of the same, unto the tyme the Frenche (being ennemyes to the
said realme) be utterlie expelled hence; And shall never transact, compone, nor
aggrie with the Frenche, nor conclude any leigue with thame, except the Scottis
and the Frenche shalbe aggreit, that the Realme of Scotland may be left in dew
fredome by the Frenche; Nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobilitie
and Subjectis, quhairby thei mycht fall as ane pray unto thair ennemeis handis,
alse lang as thei shall acknowlege their Soveraine Lady and Quene, and shall
indure thameselfis to mainteine the libertie of thair country, and the estait of the
Croun of Scotland: And if in caise any fortis or strenthis within the realme be
wonne out of the handis of the Frenche at this present, or at any tyme heareafter,
by hir Majesties aide, the same shalbe immediatlie demolished by the Scottis
men, or delyvered to the said Duck and his partie foirsaid, at thair optioun and
choise; neather shall the power of England fortifie within the ground of
Scotland, being out of the boundis of England, but be the advyse of the said
Duck, Nobilitie, and Estaites of Scotland.
"For the quhilkis causses, and in respect of hir Majesties most gentle clemencie
and liberalle supporte, the said Duck, and all the Nobillitie, alsweill suche as be
now joyned, as suche as shall heireafter joyne with him for defence of the
libertie of that Realme, shall, to the utermaist of thair powar, aide and supporte
hir Majestie's arme aganis the Frenche, and thair partaikaris, with horse men, and
foote men, and with victuallis, by land and by sea, and with all maner of uther
ayde to the best of thair powar, and so shall continue during the tyme that hir
Majesties armye shall remaine in Scotland.
Item, Thei shalbe ennemyes to all such Scottis men and Frenche, as shall in
anywyse shaw thame selfis ennemyes to the realme of Ingland, for the aiding
and supporting the said Duck and Nobilitie, to the delyverie of the Realme of
Scotland frome conqueist.
Item, Thei shall never assent nor permitt, that the Realme of Scotland shalbe
conquered, or utherwyse knett to the Croun of France, then it is at this present
only by mariage of the Quene thair Soveraine to the Frenche King, and by the
lawes and liberties of the Realme, as it aucht to be.
Item, In caise the Frenche men shall, at any tyme heirafter, invaid, or caus to be
invaded, the realme of England thei shall fournishe the nomber of twa thousand
horsmen and twa thousand[119] footmen, at the least, or suche parte of ather of
thame, at the choise of the Quenes Majestie of England; and shall conduct the
same to pas frome the Bordaris of Scotland nixt Ingland, upon hir Majesties
charges, to anie pairte upoune the realme of England, for the defence of the
same. And in caise the invasioun be upon the northe partes of England, on the
northe parte of the water of Tyne, towardis Scotland, or against Berwick, on the
north syd of the water of Tweid, thei shall convent and gather thair haill forces
upon thair awin charges, and shall joyne with the Ingliss poware, and shall
contenew in goode and earnest prosecutioun of the quarrell of England, during
the space of thretty dayis, or so muche langer as thei ware accustumed to tarye in
the feildis for defence of Scotland, at the commandiment of thair Soverane, at
any tyme bypast.
And also, the Erlle of Argyle, Lord Justice of Scotland, being presentlie joyned
with the said Duck, shall employe his force and good will, whair he shalbe
requyred by the Quenes Majestie, to reduce the north pairtis of Ireland to the
perfyte obedience of England, conforme to ane mutualle and reciproque contract,
to be maid betwix hir Majesties lieutenent or depute of Ireland being for the
tyme, and the said Erlle; quhairin shalbe conteaned what he shall do for his
parte, and quhatt the said lieutennent, or depute, shall do for his supporte, in
caise he shall have to do with James Mackonnell,[120] or ony utheris of the Iyles
of Scotland, or realme of Ireland; for performance and sure keaping whairof, thei
shall for thair pairte enter to the foirsaid Duck of Northfolk the plaiges presentlie
named by him, befoire the entrie of hir Majesties armye in Scottis ground, to
remaine in England for the space of six monethis, and to be exchanged upoun
delyverance of new hostages, of lyke or als goode conditioun as the formare; or
being the lauchfulle sones, bretheren, or heires of ony of the Erlles or Baronis of
Parliament, that have, or hereinafter schaw thame selfis, and persist open
ennemyes to the Frenche in this quarrell; and so forth, from sex monethis to sex
monethis, or foure monethis to foure monethis, as shall best pleis the partie of
Scotland; and the tyme of continuance of the hostages salbe during the marriage
of the Quene of Scottis to the Frenche King, and ane yeare efter the dissolutioun
of the said marriage, untill farder ordour may be had betwix boyth the realmes
for peace and concorde.
And, farder more, the said Duck, and all the Nobilitie, being Erlles and Barronis
of Parliament, joyned with him, shall subscryve and seall these Articles and
comptis within the space of xx or threttie dayis, at the uttermost, nixt following
the day of the delyverance of the said hostages; and shall also procure and
persuad all utheris of the Nobilitie that shall joyne tharne selfis heirefter with the
said Duck, for the causses above specified, lykwyis to subscryve and seall these
articles at any tyme efter the space of twentie dayis efter thair conjunctioun,
upoun requisitioun maid to thame on the partie of the Quenes Majestie of
England.
And, finallie, the said Duck, and the Nobilitie joyned with him, certainlie
perceaving, that the Quenis Majestie of England is thairunto moved onlie upoun
respect of princelie honour and nychtbourehead, for the defence of the fredome
of Scotland from conqueist, and not of any uther sinister intent, doeth by these
presentis testifie and declair, that [neither] thai, nor any of thame, meane by this
compt to wythdraw ony dew obedience to thair Soveraine Lady the Quene, nor
in any lefull thing to withstand the Frenche King, hir husband and head, that
during the marriage shall nott tend to the subversioun and oppressioun of the just
and ancient liberties of the said kingdome of Scotland; for preservatioun
whairof, boyth for thair Soveranis honour, and for the continuance of the
kingdome in ancient estait, thei acknowlege thameselfis bound to spend thair
guidis, landis, and lyves. And for performance of this present Contract for the
part of England, the Quenes Majestie shall confirme the same, and all clauses
thairinto contained, by hir letteris patentis, under the Great Seall of England, to
be delyvered to the Nobilitie of Scotland, upon the entress of the pledges
afoirsaid within the ground of England.
[In witnes wheirof, the Commissionaris for the Ducke of Chasteaularault and
Nobilitie of Scotland befoir named, haif subscryved these presentis, and
thereunto affixed their seales, the day, yeare, and place afoirsaidis:—
JAMES STEWART.
PATRICK L. RUTHWEN.
JOHNE MAXWELL.
W. MAITLAND.
JHONE WYSHART.
HENRICUS BALNAVES.]

In witnes quhairof, the said Duck his Grace of Northfolke,[121] hath subscryved
these presentis, and thairinto affixit his seall, the day, yeare, and place foirsaid.
[THO. NORFFOLK.]
Whiche Contract we find honest, reassonable, and that our saidis
Commissioneris thair hathe consideratlie respected to the comoun wealth of this
realme, of us, and our posteritie; and thairfoire do ratifie, allow, confirme, and
approve the same, with all clauses and articles thairin contained, by thir
presentis.
In witnes heirof, to the same subscryved with our handis, our seallis of armes, in
sick caises accustomed, are appended. At the camp foiranent Leyth, the tent day
of May, the year of God Jm Vc and thriescoir yearis.

(Follow the Subscriptionis.[122])

 THE SUBSCRIPTIONIS.

THE DUCK OF CHASTEAULARAULT.

EARLE OF ARRANE.
EARLE OF HUNTLIE.
EARLE OF GLENCARNE.
EARLE OF MORTOUN.
EARLE OF ROTHESS.
EARLE OF MOUNTEITH.
LORD OGULVIE.
LORD OCHILTRIE.
LORD ROBERT STEWARTE.
GAWIN HAMYLTOUN OF KILWYNING.[123]
ERLE OF ARGYLE.
LORD BORTHWICK.
LORD JAMES STEWARTE.
LORD OF SANCT JHONE.
ALEXANDER GORDOUN.
LORD JHONE OF ABERBROTHOK. [124]
LORD BOYDE.
LORD SOMMERVAILL.
ABBOT OF KINLOSS.
ABBOT OF CULROSS.
JAMES STEWART OF SANCT COLMES INCHE.[125]
THE INSTRUCTIONIS GEVIN, SUBSCRYVIT TO THE SAID COMMISSIONARIS [THAT WENT TO
BERWICK, AR THIR AS][126] FOLLOW:— AND for the first, Gif it shalbe askyt of
yow be the said Duck of Northfolk his Grace, and otheris, [by] the Quenes
Majesties appointment, appointed Commissionaris, gif our pledges be in
reddines? Ye shall answer, that thei ar, and in Sanctandrois, the xxiiij of this
instant, and shalbe reddy to delyver in hostages for securitie of our
promisses, and part of contract, thei offering and macking securitie for thair
part by the Quenes Majesties subscriptioun and great sealle, and delyvering
the same unto you; provyding that thei chuse and mack thair electioun of
the pledges as is convenient.
Secoundlie, Gif the saidis Commissionaris shall demand of yow, what interpryse
the armye of England shall tak upoun hand at thair first incumminges? Ye shall
answer, in generall the expulsioun of the Frenches soldiouris furth of this realme:
and first and in specialle furth of the toun of Leyth, seing thair great forces ar
thair.
3. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow, at what place our freindis and bretherin of
England shalbe mett, and what day, what nomber, and what Nobill men in
cumpany? Ye shall referr all those thingis to thair electioun and choise.
4. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow how the armyes shalbe fournissed with
victuallis, and especiallie the horse men? Ye shall answer, that with thair advyses
ane sufficient order shalbe tackin thairin.
5. Item, Gif it be requyred, how the munitioun shalbe carryed, and oxen
furnissed to that effect? Ye shall answer, as we have gevin in commissioun to
Lethingtoun, quhilk we ratifie.
6. Item, Gif it beis asked, wha shalbe Lievtennent to the armie of Scotland? Ye
shall answer, my Lord Duckes Grace.
7. Item, Gif it shalbe inquyred, what nomber our haill armye extendis to? Ye
shall answer, thai will, God-willing, be fyve thousand men.
8. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, what maner of way Leyth shalbe assaulted? Ye shall
desyre all preparationis to be in reddenes, and the advyse to be taine after the
placing of the armyes and view of the strenth schoirtlie.
9. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of the Castell of Edinburgh, gif thei will stand freindis
or nott? Ye shall declair our diligence maid, and to be maid schoirtlie heirinto;
but for the present can assure thame of nothing.
10. Item, Gif it beis askit, in caise the Castell be unfriend, whair the armye
shalbe placed? Ye shall ansueir, for the first in Musselburgh and Tranent, and
thei partis, till the battery, and all preparationis be in reddenes.
11. Item, In caise it beis inquyred of all bye-lyeris, and in speciall of my Lord
Huntlie, in the North? Ye shall ansueir in generall, ane goode hope is had of the
maist pairt thairof; and tuiching my Lord of Huntlie in speciale, ye shall schaw
how he hes send writtingis to my Lord of Arrane, with ane servand in creddite,
to assure him of his assistance; and for that caus hes desyred letteris of
suspensioun of the Quene Dowageris commissioun, to be send to him, to be usit
by him in thei partis, and utheris letteris to arreist the Clergies rentis and
her's[127] boyth in thei partis, with proclamationis to cause all men to be in
reddines to pass foruardis, for maintening of the religioun and expulsioun of
strangeris. My Lord hes writtein to him, that he may come to him in proper
persone, whairof the answer is nott returned as yitt.
12. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, the place and maner of meiting of oure folkis, or of
us and thame, in caise Striveling be kept? We referr the ansueir heirof to youre
discretionis.
13. Item, Gif it shalbe askit that thair layed money shall have passage for thair
viveris? Ye shall reasoun the commoditie and incommoditie thairof with the
Counsale.[128]
14. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, what pioneris shalbe had? Ye shall answer, the
nomber being expressed, and money be in reddenes to seld[129] thame, thei shall
have sufficientlie.
15. Item, Gif thei shall desyre that we declair our cause unto the Princes of
Alamagne, and the King of Denmarke, desyring thair assistance? Ye shall
answere, that we think the same good, and shall speedelie tak ordour thairwith.
16. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow to confirme for us, and in oure name, the
thingis past and granted be oure formare Commissionare the young Laird of
Lethingtoun? Ye shall in all poyntis for us, and in oure name, confirme the same,
sa far as it shall mak either for the weill and conjunctioun of the twa realmes, or
this present cause, or yitt for the securitie of oure pairt for fulfilling of the
samein: and also, ye shall accept thair offeris, tending to the same fyne, and sic
securitie on that parte, as ye may purchese, and especiallie sic as we heirtofoir
exprimit. Gevin at Glaskow, the tent of Februar 1559.
Item, We gif and grantis you full power to augment, or diminische thir saidis
heidis and Articles, as ye think the weall of the cause sall requyre in all pointis.

JOHNNE OF MENTEITH.[130]
ANDRO OF ROTHESS.
R. BOYD.
WILLIAME MURRAY of Tullibardin.
JOHNNE ERSKIN of Dun.
JAMES HAMYLTOUN.
ALEXR. GORDOUN.
ARD. ERGYLE.
GLENCARNE.
VCHILTRE.
JAMES HALIBURTOUN.
Schort efter this Contract, war oure pledgeis delyverit to Maister Winter,
Admirall of the Navye, that came to Scotland, a man of great honestie, sua far as
ever we could espy of him, quha war saiflie convoyit to New Castell. And sua
the Ingliss army began to assembill towardis the Bordour; quhairof the Frensche
and Quene Regent assurit, thay began to distroy quhat thay could in the tounis
and cuntrey about; for the haill victuallis they careit to Leith; the mylnes thay
brak; the scheip, oxin, and kyne, yea, the horse of poore lauboraris, thay maid all
to serve thair tyrannye. And, fynallie, they left na thyng quhilk the verray
ennemeis could have devisit, except that thay demolischit not gentilmenis
housses, and brunt not the tonne of Edinburgh: in quhilk poynt, God brydillit
thair furye, to lett his afflictit understand that he tuik cair for thame.

The Crewell Fact of Martyckis.

Befoir the cuming of the land armye, the Frensche past to Glasgu, and distroyit
the cuntrey thair about. Quhat tyrannye the Martyckis[131] usit upone ane poore
Scottis suldiour, it is feirfull to heir, and yitt his fact may not be omittit. Silver
wald thay gif nane to the poore men, and sua war thay slow to depairt of the
toun; for albeit the drum struik, the enseingze could not be gottin. Thair was ane
poore craftis man, quha haid bocht for his victuallis are gray laif, and was eitting
ane morsell of it, and was putting the rest of it in his bosome. The tyranne cam to
him, and with the poore catyveis awin quhynger first straik him in the breist, and
after cast it at him, and sua the poore man, stagring and falling, the mercyless
tyranne ran him through with his rapper, and thairefter commandit him to be
hingit ower the stair. Lord, thow wilt yitt luik, and recompense sick tyrrannye;
how contemptable that ever the persoun was!
The secunde of Aprile, the yeir of God, Jm Vc and threscoir yeiris, the army be
land enterit in Scotland, the conducting quhairof was commitit to the Lord Gray,
[132] quha haid in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Croftis, Sir Hary

Peircey, Sir Francis Laike, with mony uthir capitaneis and gentilmen having
charge, sum of futmen, sum of horsmen. The armye be land was esteimit to ten
thowsand men. The Quene Regent past to the Castell of Edinburgh,[133] and sum
utheris of hir factioun.[134] At Prestoun met thame the Duckes Grace, the Erle of
Argyle, (Huntlie came not till that the seige was confirmit,) Lord James, the
Erlles of Glencairne and Menteith, Lordis Ruthwen, Boyd, Ochiltre, with all the
Protestantis gentilmen of the West Fyffe, Anguss, and Mearneis. Swa that for
few dayis the armye was greit.

Efter the deliberatioun of twa dayis had at Enneresk,[135] the haill camp marchit
fordwart with ordinance, and all preparatioun necessar for the seige, and came to
Restalrig upoun the Palme Sunday Evin.[136] The Frensche haid put thamselffis
in battell array upoun the Linkis without Leith, and had send furth thair
skyrmissaris; quha begynning befoir ten houris, contyneuit skyrmissing till efter
foure houris at efter none, quhan thair was gevin upone thame ane charge be sum
horsmen of Scotland, and sum of Yngland. Bot because the principall Capitane
of the horsmen of Yngland was not present, the haill troupis durst not charge;
and swa was not the owerthraw and slawchter of the Frensche sa greit as it anis
appeirit to haif bene; for the greit battell was anis at the trote; bot quhen thay
persevit that the greit force of the horsemen stuid still, and chargeit not, thay
returnit and gaif sum rescourse to thair fallowis that fled; and swa thair fell onlie
in that defait about three hundreth Frenschmen. God wald nocht gif the victorie
swa suddanlie, leist that man sould glorye in his awin strenth. The small victorie
that was gottin, putt baith the Yngliss and Scottis in ower greit securitie, as the
ischew declairit. The Frensche inclosit within the toun, the Yngliss armye began
to plant thair palyeanis[137] betwix Leith and Restalrig.[138] The ordinance of the
toun, and especiallie that quhilk lay upoun Sanct Anthonies Stepill[139] did thame
greit annoyance: aganist quhilk place war bent aucht cannounis, quhilkis schott
sa continewallie, and sua just, that within few dayis, that Stepill was condemnit,
and all the ordinance that was on it dismontit, quhilk maid the Ynglismen sum
quhat mair negligent than it became guid men of war to have bene; for
persaiving that the Frensche maid na persute without thair wallis, they tuik
oppinioun that they wald never ishe mair, and that maid sum of the Capitanis for
pastyme, go to the toun:[140] the soldiouris, for thair ease, did lay thair armour
besyde thame, and, as men without daingear, fell to the dice and cairtis. And sua,
upoun the Pasche Mononday,[141] at the verray hour of noon, the Frenche ischeit
baith on horse and fute, and with greit violence, enterit in to the Yngliss
trynscheis, slew and putt to flycht all that was fund thairin. The watche was
negligentlie keipit, and so was the succourse slow, and lang in cuming; for the
Frenche, befoir that any resistance was made unto thame, approcheit hard to the
greit ordinance. Bot than the horsmen troupit togidder, and the futemen gat
thameselffis in array, and sua repulsit the Frenche back agane to the toun. Bot
the slauchter was greit: sum sayis it doubill exceidit that quhilk the Frenche
resavit the fyrst day. And this was the frute of thair securitie and oures, quhilk
efter was remeidit; for the Ynglismen maist wyslie considdering thame selfis not
abill to beseige the toun round about, devysit to mak montis at dyverse quarteris
of it, in the quhilk thay and thair ordinance lay in as gude strenth as thay did
within the toun. The common soldiouris keipit the trynscheis, and had the said
montis for thair saifgaird and refuge, in case of any greiter persute than thay war
abill to sustene. The patience and stowt curage of the Englismen, hot principallie
of the horsmen, is worthy of all prayse: for, quhair was it ever hard that aucht
thousand (thay never exceidit that number that lay in camp) sould beseige four
thousand of the maist despairit throt-cuttaris that were to be found in Europe,
and lye sua neir unto thame in daylie skyrmissing, the space of thre monethis
and mair. The horsmen nycht and day keipit watche, and did sa valiantlie behaif
thameselffis, that the Frenche gatt na advantage fra that day back to the day of
the assault, quhairof we shall schortlie heir.
In this meanetyme was this uther Band made of all the Nobilitie, Barronis, and
Gentilmen, professing Chryst Jesus in Scotland, and of dyveris utheris that joynit
with us, for expelling of the Frenche army; amangis quham, the Erle of Huntlie
was principall. The Band followis:— [ANE CONTRACT OF THE LORDS AND BARONS,
TO DEFEND THE LIBERTY OF THE EVANGELL OF CHRIST.][142]

NOTA.—HEIRUPONE CAME THE PERSUTE.[143]

AT EDINBURGH, the xxvij day of Aprile, the yeir of God ane thousand fyve
hundreth threescoir yeiris: We, quhais namis ar underwrittin, haif promittit and
oblist oure selffis faithfullie, in the presens of oure God, and be thir presentis
promittis, that we altogidder in generall, and every ane of us in speciall, be him
selff, with oure bodeis, guidis, freyndis, and all that we may do, sall sett fordwart
the Reformatioun of Religioun, according to Goddes word; and procure, be all
meanis possibill, that the treuth of Goddes word may haif free passage within
this Realme, with due administratioun of the sacramentis, and all thingis
depending upoun the said word: And siclik, deiplie weying with oure selfis the
misbehavour of the Frenche Ministeris heir; the intollerabill oppressiouns
commitit be the Frenche men of weir upon the poore subjectis of this Realme, by
meyntenance of the Quene Dowager, under cullour and pretence of authoritie;
the tyrannye of thair Capitanis and leadaris; and manifest danger of conqueist, in
quhilk this countrey presentlie standis, be reasoun of dyverse fortificatiouns
upoune the sea-coast; and uther novelties of lait attemptit be thame; promittis,
that We sall, als weill every ane with uther, as altogidder, with the Quene of
Englandis armie, presentlie cumit in for oure delyverance, effectuallie concur
and joyne togidder, taiking anefald plane pairt,[144] for expulsioun of the said
strangeris, oppressouris of oure libertie, furth of this Realme, and recovery of
oure ancient fredomis and liberteis; to the end, that in tyme cuming, we may,
under the obedience of the Kyng and Quene our Soveranis, be onlie rewllit be
the lawis and customeis of the cuntrey, and borne men of the land: And that
never ane of us sall haif pryvey intelligence be writting, message, or
communicatioun with ony of oure saidis ennemeis or adversareis in this cause,
bot be the advise of the rest (at least of fyve) of the Counsale. Attour, that we sall
tender the commun cause, as gif it war the cause of everie ane of us in particular;
and that the causses of everie ane of us now joinit togidder, being leifull and
honest, sall be all oure causses in generall: And he that is ennemy to the causses
foirsaid, sall be ennemy to us all: in sa far, that quhatsoever persone will planelie
resist thir oure godlie interpryseis, and will not concur as ane guid and trew
member of this Common weill, we sall fortifie the auctoritie of the Counsale, to
reduce thame to thair dewitie. Lyke as we sall fortifie the auctoritie foirsaid of
the Counsale, in all thyngis tending to the furtherance of the saidis causses: And
gif ony particular debait, quarrell, or contraversie, sall arryse, for quhatsoever
cause, bygane, present, or to cum, betwix ony of us, (as God forbid,) in that
caise, we shall submit our selfis and oure saidis questionis, to the decisioun of
the Counsale, or to arbitratouris to be namit[145] be thame. And providing
alwayis, that this be not prejudiciall to the ordinarie jurisdictioun of Judgeis, but
that men may persew thair actiouns by ordour of law civilie or criminallie, befor
the Judges Ordinaris[146] gif thai please.
[In wytnes of the quhilk we have subscrivit this present Band with our hands,
day, zeir, and place above wryttine.
JAMES.
JAMES HAMMYLTON.
HUNTLEY.
ARD. ARGILL.
GLENCARN.
ROTHES.
MORTOUN.
A. GORDOUN.

JAMES JOHNSON, Apparand of Elphistoun.

PATRYK DOWGLASS.
ROBERT CAMPBELL.
ANDREW JHONSON.
ROBYN CAR.

JAMES STEWART.
JHON MONTEYT.
RUTHWEN.
R. BOYD.
OGYLWYE.
VCHILTREE.
JHON MAXVEL.
PATRYK LYNDSAY.
JHON MAISTER PHORBES.
LORD SOMERWELL.
JAMES HALYBURTOUN.

ALEXR. DUNBAR of Cumnok.

GRAYTLY.
WM. DOUGLAS of Whyttingeym.
GEORGE HWME of Spott.
JHON GORDON, of Finlatter.
ALEXR. SETON, Younger of Meldrum.
HENRY GRAHAME, Youngar of Morphy.
ALEXR. GORDOUN of Abyrzelde.
DRUMLAYNRYK.
FAUNHAUS.[147]
CRAYNSTON of that Ilk.
WEDDERBURN.
ALEXR. HUME.
JHONSON.

GEORGE NYSBYT, with my hand at the pen.

CUNNYNGAYMHYD.
LESLYE of Bowquhane.
JHON INNES of that Ilk.
ARTHUR PHORBES.
WM. LESLEY Youngar of Wardes.
JHON WISHART.
DRUMLOYGHIE.
CESFUIRD.
HUNDHILL.
MARK KAR.]

THE DOCHTER WILL NOT TAK EXAMPILL BY THE MOTHER.

THE 20 OF MAIJ, ANNO 1566.[148]

This Contract and Band came not onlie to the eiris, bot alssua to the sycht of the
Quene Dowager; quhairat sche stormit nott a little, and said, "The maledictioun
of God I gif unto thame that counsaleit me to persecute the prechearis, and to
refuise the petitiouns of the best pairt of the trew subjects of this realme. It was
said to me, That the Yngliss army could not ly in Scotland ten dayis; bot now
thay [have] lyin near ane moneth, and ar mair lyk to remane than the first day
thay came." Thay that gaif sick informatioun to the Quene, spak as wardlie
wyise men, and as thingis appeirit to have bene; for the cuntrey being almaist in
all the partis thairof waistit, the victuallis nixt adjacent to Leith either brocht in
to thair provisioun, or ellis destroyit; the mylnis and uther placeis, as befoir is
said, being cassin doun, it appeirit that the camp could not have bene furnissit
(except it haid bene by thair awin schippis, and as that could nocht have bene of
ony lang continewance, sua sould it have bene nathing confortable:) Bot God
confoundit all warldlie wisdome, and maid his awin benedictioun als evidentlie
to appeir as gif in ane maner he had fed the army from above. For all kind of
victuallis thair was mair aboundante, and of mair easie priceis, in the camp all
the tyme that it lay, efter that aucht dayis war past, than either thay haid bene in
Edinburgh any of the twa yeires of befoir, or yit hes bene in that toun to this day.
The pepill of Scotland sa mekill abhorrit the tyrrannye of the Frenche, that thay
wald have gevin the substance that thay had, to have bene ridd of that chargeable
burding, quhilk oure synnis had provockit God to lay upoun us, in geving us in
the handis of ane woman, quhom our Nobilitie in thair fulischnes sauld unto
strangearis, and with hir the libertie of the Realme. "God, for his greit mercies
saik, preserve us yitt from farther bondage, in the quhilk we ar lyke to fall, gif he
provyde not remedy; for oure Nobilitie will yett remane blynd still, and will
follow hir affectiouns, cum efter quhat sua may." Bot to returne to oure Historie.
 THE ASSAULT OF LEITH, THE 7 OF MAIJ 1560.

The campe abounding in all necessarie provisioun, ordour was taikin for
confirmatioun of the Seige;[149] and sa the trynches war drawin als neir the toun,
as thay gudlie mycht. The greitt campe removit fra Restalrig to the west syde of
the Watter of Leith; and sa war the cannounis plantit for the batterie, and did
schute at the south-west wall. But be reassone all was eird, the brek[150] was nott
maid sa greit upoun the day bot that it was sufficientlie repairit upoun the nycht.
Quhairof the Inglismen begynning to weary, determinit to gyve the brusche and
assault; as that thay did upoun the sevint day of Maij, beginning befoir the day-
licht, and contineuing till it was neir sevin houris. And albeit that the Ingliss and
Scottis, with greit slauchter of the suldiouris of baith, were repulsit, yitt was thair
never ane scharpar assault gevin of so few handis; for thay exceidit not ane
thousand men that assaultit the haill twa quarteris of the toun, and yitt thay
dampnit the haill blok-housses; yea, thay anis pat the Frenche clene of thair
wallis, and were upoun baith the west and eist blokhousses. Bot thay wantit
baking; for thair ledderis wantit sax quarteris of the just hicht; and sua quhill the
former wer compellit to fecht upoun the tope of [the] wall, thair fellowis could
nott win to support thame, and sa war thay be multitude dung back agane, quhen
it was anis thocht the Toune was win.

Sir James Croftis[151] was blamit of mony for not doing his dewitie that day; for
he was appoyntit, with ane sufficient nomber of the maist abill men, to haif
assaultit the north-west quarter upoun the sey-syde, quhair, at an low-water (as at
the tyme of the assault) [the passage] was easy:[152] bot neather he nor his
approchit to thair quarter appoyntit. He had befoir, at thair first cuming in,
spokin with the Quene Regent[153] at the foir blok-house of the Castell of
Edinburgh. Quhidder sche had enchantit him we knew nott, but by suspitioun of
that day, in the quhilk he desaivit the expectation of many, and, sa far as man
could judge, was the caus of that greit repulse; for sum ascribit the schortnes of
the ledderis to him: bot that omittit, quhilk mycht have proceidit of negligence,
his absens frome the persute of his quarter, was the cause that sick Frenche as
war appointit thair to defend, seing na persewar, came to the releif of thair
fellowis, and sa the twa joyning togidder, with greit slauchter gaif the repulse to
oure company. The Frenche menis harlotis, of quhom the maist pairt war Scottis
hureis, did na less creweltie than did the souldiaris; for besydis that thay chargeit
thair peceis, and ministrit unto thame uther weaponis, sum continewallie cast
staneis, sum careit chymnayis of burnyng fyre, sum brocht tymmer and uther
impedimentis of wecht, quhilk with great violence thay threw over the wall
upoun oure men, bot especiallie quhen thay began to turne backis. Now, albeit in
all this we acknawlege the secreit wark of God, quha by sick meanis wald beat
doun alsweill the pryde of Ingland as of Scotland, yitt neather aucht the febilnes
nor falsett of man to be excusit, neather yitt the cruelty of the adversareis be
conceilit. The Quene Regent satt all the tyme of the assault (quhilk was baith
terribill and lang) upon the foir-wall of the Castell of Edinburgh; and quhen sche
perceivit the overthraw of us, and that the ensenyeis of the Frenche war agane
displayit upoun the wallis, sche gaif ane gawfe of lauchter, and said, "Now will I
go to the Messe, and prayse God for that quhilk my eyes have sene!" And sa was
Freir Black[154] reddy for that purpose, quhom sche hir self a little of befoir had
deprehendit with his harlott in the chapell: But huredome and idolatrye aggre
weill togidder, and that oure Courte can witnesse this day, 16 Maij 1566.[155]

THE INUMANITIE OF THE MERCYLES FRENCHE.

THE QUENE REGENTIS CREWELL HART.

The Frenche, prowd of the victorie, strypeit naikit all the slayne, and laid thair
deid[156] carcassis befoir the hot sune alang thair wall, quhair thay sufferit thame
to lye ma dayis nor ane: unto the quhilk, quhen the Quene Regent luikit, for
myrth sche happit and said, "Yonder are the fairest tapestrie that ever I saw: I
wald that the haill feyldis that is betwix this place and yon, war strowit with the
same stuiffe." This fact was sene of all, and hir wordis war hard of sum, and
mislykeit of many. Against the quhilk Johnne Knox spak oppinlie in pulpeit, and
baldlie affirmeit, "That God sould reveange that contumelye done to his image,
not onlie in the furiouse and godless souldiaris, bot evin in sick as rejoysit
thairat." And the verray experience declairit, that he was nott deceavit; for within
few dayis thair efter, (yea sum say that same day,) began hir bellie and lothsome
leggis to swell, and sa continewit, till that God did execute his judgementis
upoun hir, as efter we sall heir.
The defait receavit, it was fully perswadit to the Queen Regent and hir factioun,
that the Seige wald ryse, and that the Ingliss army wald depairt: and sua began
the Papistis wondrouslie to brag; and yitt God did frustratt thair expectation; for
the army concludit[157] to remane till new adverteisment came fra the Quene in
Counsall.

THE COMFORTABLE LETTER OF THE DUICK OF NORTHFOLK.

The Duck of Northfolk, quha than lay at Berwick, commandit the Lord Gray to
continew the seige, and promeisit "That he sould not laick men sa lang as ony
war to be had betwix Trent and Tweid, for sa far was he lieutennent." He farther
promeisit his awin presens, in caise he sould be requyreit; and for assurance
thairof, he send his awin palzeounis,[158] sic as seldome befoir had bene sene in
Scotland, with his officiaris and provisioun. And with expeditioun war send twa
thousand fresche men, quhairby the campe, greitlie confortit, began to forgett the
former disconfiture, and to sustene the daylie skyrmissing as thay did befoir; in
the quhilk the Frenche, efter the day of the assault, did ever resaif the hurt and
the repulse, as the slauchter of many that came to the cockill-raik[159] did
witnesse. The greatest damage that ather Ingliss or Scottis receavit efter that day,
was the slauchter of twa gentilmen, the ane Master of Househald to my Lord
James, Robert Colvene of Cleysche,[160] ane man stowt, modest, and wise; quha
was schot in the thigh with ane falcone or haquebute of crock, and depairtit the
miserie of this lyfe within twa houris efter. The uther was Alexander Lockart,
brother to the Laird of Barr,[161] quha raschelie discovering him selff in the
trynschis, was schot in the heid, and immediatlie thairefter depairtit this lyff.
Quhill the seige thus continewit, ane suddane fyre chanceit in Leith, quhilk
devourit many housses and mekill victuall; and sa began God to fecht for us, as
the Lord Erskin in plane wordis said to the Quene Regent: "Madam, (quod he,) I
can se na mair, but seing that men may not expell injust possessouris furth of this
land, God him self will do it; for yon fyre is nocht kindellit be man." Quhilk
words offendit the Quene Regent not a littill; quhais seiknes daylie increassing,
greit craft sche usit that Monsieur D'Osell mycht have bene permitit to have
spokin with hir; belyke sche wald have biddin him fairweill (for auld familiaritie
was greit); bot that denyit, sche wrait as it [had] bene to hir chyrurgian and
apothecar, schawing hir seiknes, and requyreing sum droggis. The letter being
presentit to the Lord Gray, he espyit the craft; for few lyneis being writtin above
and sa mekill quhyte paper left, he said, "Drogis ar aboundand and freschear in
Edinburgh than thay can be in Leith: thair lurkis heir sum uther misterie." And sa
he began to try; and be halding the paper to the fyre, he persavit sum writting
[to] appeir, and sa began he to reid. Bot quhat it was, na uther man can tell; for
immediatelie he brunt the bill, and said to the messinger, "Albeit I have bene hir
Secretary, yitt tell hir I sall keip hir counsall. But say to hir, Sik wairis will nocht
sell till a new marcatt."

THE DEATH OF THE QUENE REGENT.

The answer receavit, sche was nathing content: and than travellit sche earnistlie
that sche mycht speik with the Erlles Argyle, Glencairne, Merschell, and with
the Lord James. Efter deliberatioun it was thocht expedient that they sould speik
hir, bot nocht altogidder, leist that sum pairt of the Guysianis practise had lurkit
under the cullour of [sik] freindscheip. Hir regrait was unto thame all, "That sche
haid behavit hir self sa fulischlie, that sche had compellit thame to seik the
support of otheris than of thair awin Soverane; and said, that sche soir repentit
that ever it came to that extremitie. Bot sche was nocht the wyte, bot the wickit
counsell of hir freyndis on the ane pairt, and the Erle of Huntley upoun the uther;
for gif he had nocht bene, sche wald have fully aggreit with thame at thair
communyng at Prestoun." Thay gave unto hir baith the counsale and the confort
quhilk thai could in that extremitie, and willit her to send for sum godlie learnit
man, of quhom sche mycht resaif instructioun; for these ignorant Papistis that
war about hir, understude nathing of the mysterie of oure Redemptioun. Upoun
thair motyve was Johnne Willock send for, with quhom sche talkit ane
reassonabill space, and quha did planelie schaw unto hir, alsweill the vertew and
strenth of the death of Jesus Christ, as the vanitie and abominatioun of that idole
the Mess. Sche did oppinlie confesse "That thair was na salvatioun, bot in and by
the death of Jesus Christ." Bot of the Mess we hard not hir confessioun. Sum
said sche was annoyntit of the Papisticall maner, quhilk was ane sygne of small
knawledge of the treuth, and of less repentance of hir former superstitioun. Yitt
quhowsoever it was, Christ Jesus got na small victorie over sick an ennemy. For
albeit before sche had avowit, that in dyspite of all Scotland, the preachearis of
Jesus Christ sould ather die or be banischeid the realme; yitt was sche compellit
not onlie to heir that Chryst Jesus was precheit, and all idolatrie oppinlie
rebuikit, and in many placeis suppressit, bot alssua sche was constraineit to heir
ane of the principall ministeris within the realme, and to approve the cheif heid
of oure religioun, quhairin we dissent frome all Papistis and Papistrie. Schort
thairefter sche fynischeit hir unhappy lyfe; unhappy, we say, to Scotland, fra the
fyrst day sche enterit into it, unto the day sche depairtit this lyfe, quhilk was the
nynt of June,[162] the zeir of God Jm Vc threscoir zeiris. "God, for his greit
mercyis saik, red us frome the rest of the Guysiane blude. Amen, Amen." For of
the tyrranie of the Guysiane blud in hir,[163] that for our unthankfulness now
reignis above us, we have had sufficient experience. Bot of any vertew that ever
was espyit in Kyng James the Fyft (quhais dochter sche is callit) to this houre we
have never sene any sparkle to appeir.
Upone the saxtene day of June, efter the death of the Quene Regent, came in
Scotland[164] Monsieur Randan,[165] and with him the Bischop of Valance,[166] in
commissioun fra France, to entreat of peace. Fra Ingland thair came Sir Williame
Cicill,[167] chief Secretary, and Doctor Wottoun.[168] Thair negotiation was
langsum; for baith Ingland and we feiring deceat, socht be all meanis that the
contract sould be sure. And thay upoun the uther pairt, meanyng to gratifie sick
as had send thame, (quha menit nathing bot mere falsett,) protractit tyme to the
uttermost; yea, quhill thame of Leith war verray skairce of victualls, and thay of
the Insche had perescheit, had not bene that by policy thay gatt ane schip with
victuallis, and some munitioun, quhilk was upoun Mydsomer evin, quhairof thay
maid no small tryumphe; quhilk alsua for ane seassone stayit the Appoyntment.
Yitt in the end peace was concludit, in forme as follows:—

THE ARTICLES TRANSACTIT AND AGGREIT BE THE REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,

JOHNE BISCHOP OF VALANCE, AND MONSIEUR RANDAN, DEPUTTIS TO THE
KING AND QUENE OF SCOTLAND, UPOUN THE MATTERIS PRESENTIT TO THAME,
BE WAY OF PETITIOUN, FOR THE PAIRT OF THE NOBILITIE AND PEPILL OF
SCOTLAND.[169]

In the first, Upoun the complaynt and petitioun of the said Nobilitie and pepill of
this cuntrey, anent the number of men of weir sustenit be thair Majesties in thir
pairtis in tyme of peace; It is humblie requeistit to the saidis Deputis, that thay
wald provide oportune remedy thairupoun, to the solace and releif of the cuntrey.
The saidis Deputis considerand the said desyre to be just, and conforme to
reasone, concludit, concordit, and affirmit, That the Kyng and Quene sall
procure na Frenche men of weir, nor na uther natioun to cum to thir pairtis in
tyme cuming; bot gif strangearis wald pretend to enter in this realme with ane
navy or army to occupy the same; in the quhilk caise provisioun sall be maid be
thair Majesties, the judgement and counsale of the Estaitis of the realm be haid
thairto: And that the Frenche men of weir, being now in the toun of Leith, sall be
send to France the same tyme that the navy and army of Inglissmen and
Scottismen has scaillit and depairtit baith be sey and land; the quhilk sall be done
in the best maner may be, as at mair lenth consideratioun sall be had thairupone.
As to the bandis of Scottismen of war being at the said place, thay sall be brokin,
and the men of war licentiat[170] to depairt. Mairover, as to the fortis of Dumbar
and Insche Keyth,[171] thair sall remane in thame ane hundreth and twenty
Frenche men of weir[172] allanerlie, quhilkis sall be pairtit and distributit in thir
twa placeis; and thair sall remane na ma in Dumbar bot threscoir men of war, sua
it be not affirmit be the Capitaneis chosin to that effect be baith the pairteis, that
for the keiping of the same ane greitar number is not neidfull; alssua to depairt
quhen the Estaitis of the realme can fynd ane guid and sure remedy, upoun the
expensses maid in the saidis placeis, to keip the same fra perell of invasioun, or
deprivatioun thairof fra thame that wald pretend to occupy the samyn, thay sall
schaw the same to thair Majesties alse haistilie as may be done: and in the
menetyme, the number of the said men of war sall not be augmentit. And in lyk
maner it sall nocht be lefull to the said men of war to do ony injureis to ony
personis, or yitt to menteyne or defend ony Scottismen, of what qualitie so ever
thay be of, againis the will and authoritie of the magistratis of the realme, nor to
resaif thame in the saidis placeis that the minister of justice may not putt handis
in thame; nor yitt sall intromett with tham any maner of way, with the quarrellis
and discordis of the Lordis, or uthir particular men of this realme; bot thay thame
selffis sall be obligit, in caise of ony quarrell to be punischitt efter the lawis and
consuetude[173] of this Realm, and to answer for thame selffis befoir the Judgeis
Ordinaris of the same. Last of all, that fra this furth[174] thay be not compellit to
taik ony credeit, they sall be every moneth satisfeit of thair wageis; sua that twa
Scottis Lordis chosin be the Counsale, may present it, at weappon-schawing and
mustouris of the said men of weir; and alsua to viseit the saidis fortis to se gif the
number of thame be eikit; and it sall not be lesum to the said men of war to tak
ony victuallis for thair sustentatioun, to the munitioun of the saidis placeis, bot
be payment of reddy money, numerat, and with the plesour of thame that
delyveris the same to thame: And thairfoir, the saidis Lordis oblisses thame to gif
thame sa mekill as is neidfull to thame, thay having to pay thairfoir.
Item, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Lordis Deputis, anent the
demolitioun of the fortificationis, the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, and
affirmit, That the fortificatioun of Leith sall be demolischit, and that twa, thre, or
four capitaneis sall be chosin be baith of the pairteis, to visite the Castell of
Dumbar; and gif it beis fundin be thame, that the reparatioun, amplificatioun,
and fortifeing[175] maid thairof now efter the peace, greittar nomber of men to
the keiping thairof is requyreit, the reparatioun and fortificatioun thairof sall be
demolischeit, sua sone as may be done, and sall remane onlie untuicheit, that
thing quhilk may mak the said Castell mair sure, and leist dainger fra invasioun;
provyding nocht the less that na grettar nomber of men thairin be requyreit for
keiping of the same. Mairover, in tymeis cuming the Kyng and Quene sall mak
na ma new fortis within this realme, and sall nocht augment thame that ar ellis
maid, nor sall repair thame that are demolischeit, without counsal and consent of
the Estaites; nor yitt sall transport to uthir partis ony artailyerie, munitioun of
war, powder, or victuallis, bot sa mekill as may gayne for keiping of the saidis
placeis be the space of sax monethis or ane yeir.
Item, Anent the petitioun maid anent the debtis contractit be the Frenche men of
weir in this countrey, the saidis [Deputis] concordit, That the Kyng and Quene
sall cause restoir all that quhilk happinis to be fund gevin and grantit to the
Kyngis Lieutennent and his Capitaneis, and uthiris Officiaris, for the nureisment,
sustentatioun, and menteinance of the said Frensche men, or that quhilk beis
fundin aucht be the lieutennent for service of his Majestie, that may appeir be
writt, or confessioun of parteis.
Item, Upoun the petitioun maid anent the Conventioun of Estaitis of this Realme,
the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, &c., That the Estaites of the Realme may
convene and hald Parliament, the twenty day[176] of the moneth of Julij nixt to
cum; upone the quhilk day the Parliament sall be contyneuit, as use is, unto the
fyrst day of the moneth of August following. Provyding alwayis, that befoir or
thay begin to treat ony thyng in the said Parliament, all tumult of weir be
dischargeit and ceise, that they that are present may be free without feir of men
of weir or uthiris; and that in the menetyme ane messinger be send be the saidis
Deputis to the Kyng and Quene, to certifie thame of thay thyngis aggreit, treatit,
and concordit, requeisting thair Majesteis humbillie to be contentit with the
samyn: And the said Conventioun sall be alse lauchfull in all respectis, as the
samyn had bene ordanit and done be expres commandyment of thair Majesteis;
providing that na mater be treatit thairintill befoir the said fyrst day of August.
Item, Upoun the article presentit anent Weir and Peace, the saidis Deputis
consentit, concordit, etc., That the Kyng and Quene neither mak peace nor weir
in thir pairtis, bot be counsale, judgment, and consent of the Thre Estaitis,
according to the ordinance and consuetudis of the countrey; and as was observit
be thair predecessouris.
Item, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Deputis, anent the governament
and regiment of the Policey, thay have consentit, etc., That twenty-four worthy
men of this realme be chosin be the Three Estaitis, of the quhilkis the Kyng and
the Quene sall chuse sevin, and the Estaitis sevintene; quhilkis in thair Majesteis
absens sall tak ordour, and mak an ordinarie counsall for administratioun
foirsaid, sua that na man, of quhatsoever qualitie he be, sall have the power to
ordour ony thing to be done touching the saidis busynes, without the mediatioun,
authorities, and consent of thame: sua that the saidis counsallaris sall convene
togidder alse oft as thay may, but thay sall convene na less nor sax[177] togidder;
And quhen ony mater of importance occurris, thay sall be all callit to counsale,
and tak ordour be thame, or the maist pairt of thame, gif neid beis. And gif it
happinis ony of the said sevin chosin be the Kyng and Quene to deceis, thair
Majesties sall choise ane uthir furth of the said nomber of xxiv. in place of him
that deceassit; and gif ony of the saidis xvii. chosin be the Estaitis deis, the
remanent foirchosen be thame sall name are uther of the said nomber of twentie
foure. Mairover, gif it beis thocht expedient be the saidis Estaitis, that uther twa
be augmentit to the said nomber of twelf, than and in that caise, the Kyng and
Quene sall choise ane, and the Estaitis ane uther. And sua was this Article
aggreit under conditioun, that is to say, That the samyn be na prejudice in tyme
cuming to the Kyng and Quene, and rychtis of the Croune: And the saidis
Deputis offerrit thair laubouris to mak mediatioun to the Kyng and Quene, for
menteining pensiouns and expensses of the said Counsellouris, and ordinar
officiaris of the said counsall, to be providit of the rentis and proventis[178] of the
Croun.
Item, Upoun the petitioun maid to the saidis Deputis anent the Officiaris of this
realme, thay consentit and concordit, &c., That in tyme cuming the King and
Quene sall not depute ony stranger in the administratioun of the civile and
criminall Justice; and in lykwyise in the office of Chancellarie, Keipar of Seall,
Thesaurer, Compttrollar, and uther lyk officeis, and sall not use thame, but sall
be content with thair awin subjectis borne in this realme. Mairover, it sall not be
lefull to put the office of Thesaurarie, Comptrollarie, in the handis of any kirk
man, or utheris quhilkis ar not abill to exercise the saidis officeis; the quhilkis
Thesaurer and Compttrollar sall be providit of sufficient commissioun to use the
saidis officeis. Bot it sall not be lefull to thame to dispone or sell wairdis of
mariageis, or uther casualiteis, or any uther thyngis quhatsumever thay be
perteinyng to thair officeis, without counsall or consent of the said Counsale, to
that effect that the Counsale may know that all thyngis be done to the proffitt of
the Kyng and Quene; and yitt thay will not bynd, or astrict the Kyng and Quene
be this article, that thay may not gif quhen thay think expedient.
Item, Thay concordit, That in the first conventioun of the Estaitis of this Realme,
thair sall be constitut, ordanit, and establischeit ane law of oblivioun, quhilk
efterward sall be confirmit be the Kyng and Queneis Majesties; be the quhilk all
rememberance of beiring of armour, and utheris thyngis quhilk it hes bene done,
sall be eirdit and forgett,[179] fra the saxt day of the moneth of Marche, in the
yeir of God Jm Vc fyftie aucht yeiris:[180] And be the samyn law, thay quhilkis
hes contravenit the lawis of the realme, sall be exemit and fre of all payne
contenit thairin, siclik as gif it never had bene contravenit; providing that the
privilegis of the said law be not extendit to thame, quhilkis the Estaitis of the
Realme sall judge[181] unworthie thairof.
Item, It is aggreit and concludit, That in the said Conventioun or Parliament, the
Estaitis of the Realme, as use is, and of the maner is requireit, sall be callit; in
the quhilk all thay that hes usit to convene, and be present, may cum without all
feir or force done, or to be done to thame be any persone, sua that the saidis sall
oblisse thame, that quhair in tyme cuming ony seditioun, or conventioun of men
of war sall happin to be, without command of the Counsall, being of the number
of twelf, the realme and cuntrey sall repute the causseris thairof, and thame that
conveneis as rebellis, and sall persew thame as siclyk, that thay may be
punischeit be the lawis of the Realme, sua that the Kyng and Quene sall not be
compellit in tyme cuming to send ony men of war, or strangeris in thir pairtis, for
obtenying of dew obedience of thair subjectis.
Item, Thay offerit, concordit, and aggreit, That thair sall be generall peace and
reconciliatioun amang all Lordis and subjectis of this Realme; so that thay that
are callit of the Congregatioun, and thay quhilkis are not of the samyn, sall put
na reproche to utheris of the thingis quhilk are done fra the said saxt day of
Marche 1558 [-9.]
Item, Thay offerrit, concordit, and affirmit, That the King and Quene sall not
persew, revenge, nor mak ony persecutioun of the thyngis that hes bene done,
nor yitt sall thay suffer the samyn to be done be thair subjectis, Frenche men, bot
sall have all thyngis in oblivioun, as the samyn had never bene done. And siclyk,
the Lordis of this Realme of Scotland sall do of all busynes betwix thame and
the Frenche men in thir pairtis. And gif, be sinister informatioun, or ony uther
occasioun, thair Majesteis hes conceavit ony evill opinioun against thair
subjectis, thay sall alluterlie forgett, and change the samyn; nor thay sall not
depryve any of thame, nor denude any of thame, or of thair subjectis, of the
officeis, beneficeis, or estaitis, quhilkis thay have bruikit in the said Realme
befoir, be rassone of ony thyngis thay have middillit with, fra the said saxt day of
Marche 1558 [-9.] And farther, sall mak na occasioun of deprivatioun, or
deposing of thame be any uther cullour without caus; bot rather thay sall esteme
and treit thame in tyme cuming as gude and obedient subjectis, providing that
the saidis Lordis and uther subjectis, on thair pairtis, mak to thair Majesteis haill
obedience, siclyk as utheris faithfull and naturall subjectis aucht to thair
Soveraneis.
Item, It is concordit and aggreit, That it sall be lefull to nane of the Lordis of the
Nobilitie of Scotland, or ony utheris, to mak convocatioun of men of weir, bot in
the ordinarie causses approvit be the lawis and consuetude of the Realme; and
that nane of thame sall cause ony men of weir, strangeris, to cum in thir pairtis,
and mekill less sall attempt to do ony thyng against the Kyng and Quene, or
aganeis the authoritie of the Counsall, and utheris Magistratis of the Realme; and
thay quhilkis hes presentit the said petitioun sall be obleist thairunto. And in
caise any of thame, or utheris, find occasioun to invaid, or tak armour aganist
any man, as he pretendis, efter that he have communicatit the mater with the
counsall of the Realme, he sall present his complaynt to thair Majesteis: and
generallie, thay sall obliss thame, under the saidis paines, to do the thyngis
quhilkis pertenis to guid and faithfull subjectis, for the quyetnes and tranquillitie
of the Realme, and rychtis of thair Soveraneis.
Item, It is aggreit, &c., That gif ony Bischopis, Abbotis, or uther kyrk men sall
playnt, or allege thame to have resavit any injureis, eyther in thair personeis or
guidis, the playnt sall be sene and considderit be the Estaitis in the said
Conventioun and Parliament; and thair sall be maid redress, as thay sall find
according to reassone: And in the meinetyme, na man sall stopp thame, bot thay
sall bruik thair guddis; nor sall do any skaith, injurie, or violence to thame: and
gif ony dois contravene to this article, he sall be persewit be the Lordis as ane
perturbar of ane guid communwelth.
Item, It is concordit, &c., That the saidis Lordis sall obliss thame to observe, and
cause be observit, all and sindrie pointis and articleis aggreit in this Treateis: and
gif it happinis that any of thame, or ony uther, wald contravene the same, the
remanent Lordis and residew of the haill pepill, sall be ennemeis to him, and sall
persew him till he be chaistisit and puneisit according to his demereitis.
Item, It is concordit, &c., That all the haill Realme may know that the Kyng and
Quene ar not willing to keip any rememberance of the trubillis and differencis
bygane; and sa far as concernis the Nobilitie and utheris subjectis of the Realme,
that thair Majesteis desyris to treit thame humanelie, and to be favourabill to
thame; the saidis Deputis hes promeist and concordit that the Duck of
Chastellarault, and all uthiris Nobillmen of Scotland, sall be remittit, and put
again in all thair guddis and beneficeis, quhilkis thay haid and joysit in France,
that thay may bruik and joyse the same in the samyn maner as thay did of befoir
thay differenceis, the said saxt day of Marche, and yeir foirsaid, evin as the
saidis contraverseis had never chanceit. And alssua, that all capitulatiouns and
articleis aggreit upoun in tymeis bigane, and speciallie thay that war appointit in
the Kyng and Queneis contract, sall be observit and keipit, alsweill for the pairt
or thair Majesteis as for the pairt of the Nobilitie and pepill of Scotland. And as
concerning David, sone to the said Duck of Chastellarault,[182] now being in
Boys de Vincent, libertie sall be grantit to him to returne to Scotland, and to do
as he pleise.
Mairover, quhen the saidis Deputis exponit, that sum tyme it mycht chance that
the Kyng mycht mister of his greit gunis and artailyerie in France, the saidis
Lordis having consideratioun thairof, concordit, That na uther artailyerie be
translatit out of this Realme, bot thay quhilkis war send and brocht in fra the day
and deceise of Francis, King of France,[183] of guid memorie to thir pairtis; and
that all uther artailyerie and munitioun be reponit in placeis quhair thay war
takin furth, and speciallie [those] that hes the armeis[184] of Scotland sall be put
in the placeis quhair thay war takin furth of; and their sall be Nobill men of
Scotland [appointed] thairfoir, and twa for the pairt of the Kingis Majestie is to
be deput, to recognosce the samyn befoir the schipping thairof.
And, mairover, that quhair for the pairt of the Nobilitie and pepill of Scotland,
certane Articles concerning the Religioun[185] and uthiris pointis war presentit,
quhilkis the saidis Deputis wald not tuyche, bot considering the wecht and
importance of thame, remittit the samyn to be recognoscit and decidit be thair
Majesties; the saidis Lordis and Nobilitie promeisit, that ane certane number of
Nobill men sall be chosin in the nixt Convention and Parliament, to be sent to
their Majesties, quhilkis sall expone to thair Hienes the thingis quhilkis sall be
thocht neidfull for the estait of thair busyness, and for the foirmentionat and
utheris articles and pointis undecidit with the saidis Deputis, to the effect that
thay may knaw thair Majesties intention and benevolence upon the thingis
quhilkis sall be exponit for the pairt of the country; the quhilkis alsua sall have
with thame ane confirmatioun and ratificatioun be the Estaitis of the Realme of
the Articleis quhilkis ar concordit and aggreit be the saidis Deputis, to quham
alsua the same tyme, or of befoir, sall be gevin and delyverit ane lyk
confirmatioun and ratificatioun maid be thair Majesties, sua being that the saidis
Estaitis send thair ratificatioun foirsaid.
[In witness whereof, &c.]

THE PROCLAMATIOUN OF THE THYNGIS ABOVE WRITTIN, MAID THE AUCHT DAY OF
JULIJ, THE YEIR OF GOD JM VC THRESCOIR YEIRIS.
TO THE LOVING OF THE MAIST PUISSANT LORD, AND CONFORT OF ALL CHRISTIANIS:
The maist puissant Prince and Princess, and maist Christiane Kyng and
Quene Francis and Marie, be the grace of God Kyng and Quene of France
and Scotland, and the maist puissant Princess Elizabeth, be the samyn grace
Quene of Ingland, Ireland, &c.: It is concordit, and reconciliatioun of peace
and amitie maid, quhilk is to be observit inviolablie amangis thame, thair
subjects, realmes, and countreys: Forsamekle in name of the said Prince and
Princesses, it is commandit and straitlie chargeit, to all maner of personis
under thair obedience, or being in thair service, fra this furth,[186] to desist
fra all hostilitie, baith by sey and land, and to keip ane good peace the ane
with the uther; and with charge to the brekaris under their greit parrell, &c.
 THE PROFFITT THAT LEYTH GAT OF THAIR PROMESIT LIBERTIE.

Thir thingis transactit, and the peace proclamit, as said is, suddane provisioun
was maid for the transporting of the Frensche to France, of whom the maist pairt
were put into the Ingliss schippis, quha alsua careit with thame the haill spulzie
of Leith; and that was the secund benefite quhilk thay resavit of thair lait
promeisit libertie, the end quhairof is not yitt cum. The Ingliss army be land
depairtit the sextene day of Julij, the yeir of God Jm Vc threscoir yeiris. The
maist pairt of oure Nobilitie, Protestantis, honorabillie convoyit thame (as in
verray deid thay had weill deservit): Bot the Lord James wald nocht leave the
Lord Gray, with the uther nobill men of Ingland, till that thay enterit in Berwick.
Efter quhaise returnyng, the Counsall began to luik, alsweill upoun the effairis of
the commonwelth, as upoun the matteris that mycht concerne the stabilitie of
Religioun.

As befoir we have heard, the Parliament [was] concludit to begyn the xx. [10th]
of July, and to be contynewit to the first of August nixt;[187] and thairfoir the
Lordis maid the greater expeditioun, that all thyngis mycht be put in convenient
ordour. Bot befoir all thyngis the Preachouris exhortit thame, (for than in
Edinburgh war the maist pairt of the cheif Ministeris of the Realme) to be
thankfull unto God, and nixt to provyde, that the ministeris mycht be distributeit
as the necessitie of the countrey requyreit. Ane day was statute, quhen the haill
Nobilitie, and the greitest pairt of the Congregatioun assembillit in Sanct Geilis
Kirk in Edinburgh, quhair, efter the sermond maid for that purpoise, publick
thankis war gevin unto God for his mercifull deliverance, in forme as followis:
—
THANKIS GEVING FOR OUR DELYVERANCE, WITH PRAYERIS.

O Eternall and Everlasting God, Father of oure Lord Jesus Chryst, quha hes
nocht onlie commandit us to pray, and promeisit to heir us, but alsua willis
us to magnifie thy mercies, and to glorifie thy name quhen thou schawis thy
self pitiefull and favorabill unto us, especiallie quhen thow delyveris us
frome disperatt daingearis: ffor sa did thy servantis Abraham, David,
Jehosaphatt, and Ezekias; yea, the haill pepill of Israell omittit nott the
same, quhen thow by thy mychtie hand did confound thair ennemeis, and
deliver thame frome feir and daingear of death intentit. We aucht not, nor
can not forgett, O Lord, in how miserabill estait stude this poore countrey,
and we the just inhabitants of the same, not many dayis past, quhen
idolatrie was menteynit, quhen creuell straingearis did impyre, quhen
virgennis war deflorit, matronis corruptit, mennis wyfeis violentlie and
vylanouslie oppressit, the blud of innocentis sched without mercie; and
finallie, quhen the unjust commandementis of proud tyrannis war obeyit as
ane law. Out of thir miseries, O Lord, could nather our witt, policey, nor
strength delyver us; yea did schaw unto us how vayne was the help of man,
quhair thy blessing gevis not victorie. In thir our anguischeis, O Lord, we
suitit[188] unto thee, we cryit for thy help, and we reclameit[189] thy name, as
thy trubillit flock, persecutit for thy treuth saik. Mercifullie hes thow hard
us, O Lord, mercifullie, we say, becaus that neither in us, neither yitt in our
confederatis was thair any caus quhy thou souldest have gevin unto us sa
joyfull and suddane a delyverance: for neither of us bayth ceassit to do
wickitlie, evin in the myddis of oure greitest trubillis. And yitt hes thow
lukit upoun us sa pitifullie as that we haid gevin unto thee maist perfyte
obedience, for thou hes disapoyntit the counsals of the crafty, thow hes
brydillit the rage of the crewell; and thow hes of thy mercie sett this oure
perisching Realme at ane reasonabill libertie. Oh, gif us hartis (thou, Lord,
that onlie gifis all guid gyft,) with reverence and feir, to meditat thy
wondrouse warkis lait wrocht in oure eyes. Let not the remembrance of the
same unthankfullie to slip frome oure wavering myndis. We grant and
acknawlege, O Lord, that quhat soever we haif resavit sall fall in oblivioun
with us, and so turne to oure condempnatioun, unless thou, by the power of
thy Holie Spreit, keip and reteyne us in recent and perpetuall memorie of
the same. We beseik thee thairfoir, O Father of mercyis, that as of thy
undeservit grace thow hes partlie removit our darknes, suppressit idolatrie,
and taikin frome above oure heidis the devouring sword of mercyless
strangearis, that sa it wald pleise thee to proceid with us in this thy grace
begune. And albeit that in us thair is nathing that may move thy Majestie to
schaw us thy favour, O yit for Christ Jesus, thy onlie weilbelovit Sonis saik,
quhais name we beir, and quhais doctrin we profess, we beseik thee never
to suffer us to foirsaik or deny this thy veritie quhilk now we professe. Bot
seing that thou hes mercifullie heard us, and hes caussit thy veritie to
triumphe in us, sa we crave of thee continewance unto the end, that thy
godlie name may be glorifeit in us thy creaturis. And seing that nathing is
 mair odiouse in thy presence, O Lord, than is ungratitud and violatioun of
ane aith and convenant maid in thy name; and seing that thou hes maid our
confederatis of Ingland the instrumentis by quhom we are now sett at this
libertie, to quhom we in thy name have promeisit mutuall fayth agane; lett
us never fall to that unkyndnes,[190] O Lord, that ather we declair oure selfis
unthankfull unto thame, or prophanaris of thy holie name. Confound thow
the counsalls of thame that go about to brek that maist godlie liegue
contractit in thy name, and reteyne thou us sa firmlie togidder by the power
of thy Holie Spreit, that Sathan have never power to sett us agane at
variance nor discord. Geve us thy grace to leif in that Christiane cheritie
quhilk thy Sone, our Lord Jesus, hes sa earnestlie commandit to all the
memberis of his body; that uther natiouns, provockit be our example, may
sett asyde all ungodlie weir, contentioun, and stryff, and studie to leif in
tranquilitie and peace, as it becumis the scheip of thy pasture, and the pepill
that daylie luikis for our finall delyverance, by the cuming agane of oure
Lord Jesus; to whom with Thee, and the Holie Spreit, be all honour, glorie,
and prayse, now and ever. AMEN.

Heirefter war the Commissionaris of Bruchis, with sum of the Nobilitie and
Barronis, appoyntit to see the equall distributioun of Ministeris, to change and
transport as the maist pairt sould think expedient. And sua was Johne Knox
appointit to Edinburgh; Christopher Gudman, (quha the maist pairt of the
trubillis had remanit in Ayre,) was appointit to Sanctandrois: Adame Heryot to
Abirdene; Maister Johnne Row to Sanct Johnestoun; Paull Meffen, (to quhom
was no infamie than knawin,) to Jedburgh; Williame Crystesoun to Dundie; and
David Fergusoun to Dumfermling, and Maister David Lyndsay to Leith. Thair
war nominat for Superintendantis, Maister Johnne Spottiswod for Lowtheane;
Maister Johnne Wynrame for Fyff; Maister Johnne Willok for Glasgow; the
Laird of Dun for Anguss and Mearnis; Maister Johnne Carswall for Ergyle and
the Iles.[191] Thir to be electit at the dayis appointit, unless that the countreyis
quhairto thay war to be appointit could in the menetyme fynd out men mair abill
and sufficient, or ellis schaw sick causses as mycht inhabill thame from that
dignitie.

The Parliament[192] approaching, dew adverteisment was maid, be the Counsall,

to all sick as by law and ancient custome had or mycht clame to have vote
thairin. The assembillie was great, nochtwithstanding that sum, alsweill of thame
that be callit Spirituall as Temporall Lordis, contemptuouslie did absent thame
selffis: And yit the cheif pillaris of the Papisticall Kirk gave thair presence, sick
as the Bischoppis of Sanctandrois,[193] Dumblane,[194] and Dunkell,[195] with
otheris of the inferiour sort, besydeis thame that had renunceit Papistrie, and
oppinlie professit Jesus Chryst with us; sick as the Bischop of Galloway,[196] the
Abbotis of Lendorse,[197] Culroiss,[198] Sanct Colmeis Insche,[199] Newbottill,
[200] Halyrudhouse,[201] the Priour of Sanctandrois,[202] Coldinghame,[203] and

Sanct-Marie Ile,[204] the Suppriour of Sanctandrois,[205] and dyverse otheris

quham we observit not.

WILLIAM MAITLAND'S MOCKAGE OF GOD

At the samyn tyme of Parliament, Johne Knox taught publicklie the propheit
Haggeus. The doctrin was proper for the tyme; in applicatioun quhairof he was
so speciall and so vehement, that sum (having greater respect to the warld than
to Goddis glory,) feilling thair selffis prickit, said in mockage, "We mon now
forget our selffis, and beir the barrow to buyld the housses of God."[206] God be
mercifull to the speikar; for we feir that he shall have experience that the
buylding of his awin house (the house of God being despisit) sall not be so
prosperouse, and of sick firmitie, as we desyre it were. And albeit sum mockit,
yitt utheris were godlie movit, quha did assembill thame selffis togidder to
consult quhat thyngis were to be proponit to that present Parliament, and efter
deliberatioun, was this subsequent Supplicatioun offerit:—

THE BARRONIS, GENTILMEN, BURGESSES, AND UTHERIS, TREW SUBJECTIS OF THIS

REALME, PROFESSING THE LORD JESUS CHRYST WITHIN THE SAMYN: TO THE
NOBILITIE AND ESTAITIS OF PARLIAMENT, PRESENTLIE ASSEMBLIT WITHIN THE
SAID REALME, DESYRE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE, FROME GOD THE FATHER
OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRYST, WITH THE INCRESS OF HIS HOLY SPREIT:

PLEIS youre Honouris to reduce to remembrance, how dyverse and sundrie

tymeis we (with sum of youre selffis) maist humbillie suitit at the feit of the
lait Quene Regent fredome and libertie of conscience, with a godlie
reformatioun of abuseis, quhilk by the malice of Sathane and negligence of
men, are cropin in Religioun of God, and are menteynit by sick as tak
upoun thame the name of Clergye. And albeit that oure godlie and maist
reassonable suyte was then disdainfullie rejectit, quhairof na small trubillis
have ensewit, as your Honouris weill knaw, yit seing that the same
necessitie yit remaneis that then movit us, and, mairover, that God of his
mercie has now put into your handis to tak sic ordour as God thairby may
be glorifeit, this communwelth quietit, and the policie thairof establischeit:
We can not cease to crave of youre handis the redress of sick enormiteis, as
manifestlie are (and of lang tyme have bene) committit be the placehalderis
of the Ministerie, and utheris of the Clergy within this Realm.
And First, Seing that God of his greit mercy by the lycht of his word, has
manifestit to no small number of this Realme, that the doctrin of the Roman
Kyrk, resaveit be the said Clergy, and menteynit throu thair tyrannie by fyre
and sword, conteinit in the self many pestiferous errouris, quhilk can not
but bring dampnatioun to the saullis of sick as thairwith sall be infectit; sick
as are the doctrine of Transsubstantiatioun; of the Adoratioun of Chryst his
body under the forme of breid, as thay term it; of the mereitis of Warkis,
and Justificatioun that thay allege cumis thairby; togidder with the doctrin
of the Papisticall Indulgencis, Purgatorie, Pilgrimage, and Praying to
Sanctis depairtit; quhilk all either repugne to the plane Scripturis, or ellis
have no ground of the doctrine of our Maister Jesus Christ, his Propheitis,
nor Appostillis. We humbillie thairfoir crave of your Honouris, that sick
doctrine and idolatrie as by Goddis word are condempnit, so may thay be
abolischeit be Act of this present Parliament, and punischement appointit
for the transgressouris.
Secundlie, Seing that the Sacramentis of Jesus Chryst are maist
schamefullie abusit and prophanit by that Romane harlot and hir sworne
vassallis; and alssua because that the treu disciplyne of the ancient Kirk is
utterlie now amangis that sect extinguischeit: for quha within the Realme
are mair corrupt of lyff and maneris than are thay that are callit the Clergye,
living in huredome, adultery, defloring virgeinis, corrupting matronis, and
doing all abominatioun, without feir of punischement; We humbillie
thairfoir desyre youre Honouris to fynd remedy against the ane and the
uther.
Thirdlie, Because that Man of Syn often maist falslie clames to him self the
titillis of "The Vicare of Chryst; the successour of Peter; the heid of the
Kirk; that he can not err; that all power is grantit unto him," &c., by the
quhilk usurpit authoratie, he taikis upoun him the distributioun and
possessioun of the haill patrimony of the Kirk, quhairby the trew Ministeris
of the word of God lang tyme hes bene altogidder neglectit, the godlie
learning dispysit, the sculeis not providit, and the poore not onlie defraudit
of thair portioun, but alssua tyrannouslie oppressit; We lykwise heirof
desyre remedy.
 And least that your Honouris sould dowt of any of thir premisses, we offer
oure selfis evidentlie to prove, that in all the [rabill of the] Clergye thair is
not ane lauchfull minister, gif Godis word, the practise of the Apostillis, and
thair awin ancient Lawis, sall judge of lauchfull electioun. We farther offer
oure selfis to prove thame all thevis and murtheraris, yea, rebellis and
tratouris to the lauchfull authoritie of Empriouris, Kyngis, and Prenceis; and
thairfor unworthy to be sufferrit in any Reformeit Commonwealth. Quhow
malitiouslie thay have murtherit oure brethren, for na uther cause, bot for
that thay offerrit to us the licht of Godis word, your Honouris can not be
ignorant; and in quhat hasard thair tyrranie hes brocht this haill Realme, the
ages after will considder. Gif ye luik of thame any uther fruit in tymeis
cuming, than ye have sene in thame quham we accuse, we ar assurit ye sall
be desavit. Now hes God, beyond all expectatioun of man, maid youre
selfis, quha sum tymeis war suppliantis with us for Reformatioun, jugeis, as
it war, in the caus of God. At least he hes subdewit your ennemeis unto you,
that by violence thay ar nocht abill to suppress the veritie, as heirtofoir thay
haif done.
We thairfoir, in the bowellis of Jesus Chryst, crave of your Honouris, that
ather thay be compellit to answer to our former accusationis, and to sick
uthiris as we justlie have to lay to thair chargeis, or ellis that, all affectioun
laid asyde, ye pronunce thame be censement of this Parliament sick, and
cause thame to be sua reputit, as by us maist justlie thay ar accusit;
especiallie, that thay be decernit unworthy of honour, authoritie, charge, or
cure within the Kyrk of God, and sa from hencefurth never to joy vote[207]
in Parliament. Quhilk gif ye do not, than in the feir of God, and by the
assurance of his word, We foirwairne you, that as ye haif ane grevouse
yock, and ane burding intollerabill upoun the kyrk of God within this
Realme, so sall thay be thornis in youre eyes, and pryckis in your sydis,
quhom efter, quhen ye wold, ye sall have no power to remove. God the
Father of our Lord Jesus Chryst give yow upricht hartis, seiking his glory;
and trew understanding quhat this day he quha delyverit yow fra bondage,
baith spirituall and temporall, cravis of yow by his servandis: And youre
Honouris Answer maist humbly we requyre.

This oure Supplicatioun being red in audience of the haill assembly, dyverse men
war of dyverse jugementis; for als sone thair war that uprichtlie favourit the
cause of God, sa war thair many that for warldlie respectis abhorrit ane perfect
Reformatioun, (for how many within Scotland that have the name of Nobilitie, ar
not injust possessouris of the patrimony of the Kyrk.) And yitt war the Barronis
and Ministeris callit, and commandement gevin unto thame, to draw, in playne
and severall heidis, the summe of that Doctrine, quhilk thay wald menteyne, and
wald desyre that present Parliament to establische, as hailsome, trew, and onlie
necessarie to be beleivit, and to be resavit within that Realme: Quhilk thay
willinglie acceptit, and within foure dayis presentit this CONFESSIOUN as it
followis, without alteratioun of any ane sentence:—

THE CONFESSIOUN OF FAITH PROFESSIT AND BELEVIT BE THE

PROTESTANTIS WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND,
PUBLISCHEIT BY THAME IN PARLIAMENT, AND BE THE
ESTAITIS THAIROF RATIFEIT AND APPROVIT, AS HAILSOME
AND SOUND DOCTRINE, GROUNDIT UPOUN THE
INFALLABLE TREWTH OF GODIS WORD.

MATHEI 24.

AND THIS GLAID TYDINGIS OF THE KYNGDOME SALL BE

PRECHEIT THROUGH THE HAILL WARLD, FOR A WITNES
UNTO ALL NATIOUNS, AND THEN SALL THE END CUM.
(Title-page of the first printed edition.)
The Confessione of the fayht and
doctrin beleued and professed by the
Protestantes of the Realme of Scotland
exhibited to the estates of the
sam in parliament and by thare
publict votes authorised as a
doctrin grounded vpon
the infallable wourd
of God.
 Matth. 24
And this glaid tydinges of the kingdom shalbe preached throught the hole world
for a witness to all nations and then shall the end cum.

Imprinted at Edinburgh,
be Robert Lekprewik.

Cum priuilegio.

1561.
 THE PREFACE.
The Estaitis of Scotland, with the Inhabitants of the samyn, professing
Chryst Jesus his Holy Evangell,[208] To thair naturall Cuntreymen, and
to all utheris Realmeis and Natiouns, professing the samyn Lord Jesus
with thame, wische grace, peace, and mercy from God the Father of
our Lord Jesus Chryst, with the Spreit of rychteouse jugement, for
Salutatioun.

LONG have we thristit,[209] deir Brethren, to haif notifeit unto the warld the
summe of that doctrin quhilk we professe, and for the quhilk we haif sustenit
infamy and daingear. Bot sik hes bene the rage of Sathan against us, and against
Chryst Jesus his eternall veritie laitlie borne amangis us, that to this day na tyme
hes bene grantit unto us to cleir our consciencis, as maist glaidlie we wald have
done; for how we have bene tossit ane haill yeir past, the maist pairt of Europe
(as we suppoise) dois understand. Bot seing that of the infinite gudnes of our
God (quha never sufferris his afflictit to be utterlie confoundit) above
expectatioun, we have obteinit sum rest and libertie, we could not bot sett furth
this breve and playne Confessioun of sik doctrine as is proponit unto us, and as
we beleif and professe, pairtlie for satisfactioun of oure Brethren, quhais hartis
we dout not have bene and yitt ar woundit be the dispytefull railling of sik as yitt
have not leirnit to speik weill; and pairtlie for stopping of the mouthis of
impudent blasphemaris, quha baldlie condempne[210] that quhilk thay have
neither hard nor yet understand. Not that we judge that the cankerit malice of sik
is abill to be cured be this sempill Confessioun: Na, we knaw that the sweit,
savour of the Evangell[211] is, and sall be death to the sonis of perditioun. Bot we
haif cheif respect to our weak and infirme brethren, to quham we wald
communicat the bottome of oure hartis, least that thay be trubillit or careit away
be the diversiteis of rumouris quhilk Sathan sparsis contrar us,[212] to the
defecting of this oure maist godlie interprise; Protesting, that gif any man will
note in this oure Confessioun any article or sentence repugning to Godis holie
word, that it wald pleis him of his gentilnes, and for Christiane cherities saik,[213]
to admoneise us of the samyn in writt; and We of our honour and fidelitie do
promeis[214] unto him satisfactioun fra the mouth of God, (that is, fra his holy
Scriptures,) or ellis reformatioun of that quhilk he sall prove to be amyss. For
God we taik to record in our conscienceis, that fra oure hartis we abhoir all sectis
of heresye, and all techaris of erroneous doctrine; and that with all humylitie we
embrace the puritie of Christis Evangell, quhilk is the onlie foode of our saullis;
and thairfoir sua precious unto us, that we ar determinit to suffer the extremitie
of warldlie daingear, rather than that we will suffer oure selvis to be defraudit of
the same. For heirof we ar maist certainlie persuaidit, "That quhasoever denyis
Chryst Jesus, or is eschameit of him, in presens of men, sall be denyit befoir the
Father, and befoir his holie angellis." And thairfoir be the assistance of the
mychtie Spreitt of the same, oure Lord Jesus, we firmlie purpoise to abyde to the
end in the Confessioun of this oure Faith.[215]

OFF GOD.—CAP. I.[216]

Deut. 6. Esai. 44.

Deut. 4. Mat. 28.

Gen. 1.

Esai.

Proverb. 16.

WE confesse and acknawledge ane onlie God, to quhom onlie we must cleave,
[quhom onlie we must serve,[217]] quhom onlie we must wirschip, and in quhom
onlie we must put our trust; quha is eternall, infinite, unmesurable,
incomprehensible, omnipotent, invysible: ane in substance, and yit distinct in
thre personis, the Father, the Sone, and the Holie Ghost: Be quhom we confesse
and beleif all thyngis in hevin and in earth, alsweill visible as invisible, to haif
bene creatit, to be reteanit in thair being, and to be rewllit and gydeit be his
inscrutabill Providence, to sick end as his eternall wisdome, gudnes, and justice
hes appointit thame, to the manifestatioun of his awin glorie.
OFF THE CREATIOUN OF MAN.—CAP. II.

Gen. 1. 2.

Gen. 3.
We confesse and acknawledge this oure God to haif creatit Man, (to witt, our
fyrst father Adam) of quhom also God formit the Woman to his awin image and
similitude;[218] to quhom he gaif wisdome, lordschip, justice, fre-will, and cleir
knawledge of him selff; sua that in the haill nature of man thair could be notit na
imperfectioun: Frome quhilk honour and perfectioun man and woman did baith
fall; the woman being desavit be the Serpent, and man obeying to the voice of
the woman, baith conspyring against the Soverane Majestie of God, quha in
expressit wordis of befoir had threatnit death, gif thay presumeit to eit of the
forbiddin tree.
OFF ORIGINALL SYN.—CAP. III.

Ephes. 3. Rom. 5. Joan. 3. Rom. 5. 8.

By quhilk transgressioun, commonlie callit Originall Syn, was the image of God
utterlie defaceit in man; and he and his posteritie of nature became ennemeis to
God, slavis to Sathan, and servantis to syn; in samekill that death everlesting hes
haid, and sall have power and dominioun over all that hes not bene, ar not, or
sall not be regenerat frome above: quhilk regeneratioun is wrocht be the power
of the Holy Ghost, wirking in the hartis of the elect of God ane assureit faith in
the promeise of God, reveillit to us in his word; by quhilk faith thay
apprehend[219] Chryst Jesus, with the graces and benefites promesit in him.
OFF THE REVELATIOUN OF THE PROMEIS.—CAP. IV.

Gen. 5. Gen. 12. 15. Esai. 7. 8.

For this we constantlie beleif, that God, efter the feirfull and horribill defectioun
of man frome his obedience, did seik Adam agane, call upoun him, rebuk his
syn, convict him of the same, and in the end maid unto him a maist joyfull
promeisse, to witt, "That the seid of the woman sould brek doun the serpentis
heid;" that is, he sould destroy the warkis of the Devill. Quhilk promeis, as it
was repeitit and maid mair cleir from tyme to tyme, sua was it embraceit with
joy, and maist constantlie retenit[220] of all the faithfull, frome Adam to Noah,
frome Noah to Abraham, from Abraham to David, and sua furth to the
incarnatioun of Chryst Jesus: quha all (we mene the faithfull Fatheris under the
law,) did se the joyfull dayis of Christ Jesus, and did rejoyse.

THE CONTINUANCE, INCREASE, AND PRESERVATIOUN OF THE KIRK.[221]—CAP. V.

 Ezech. 16.

Gen. 12. 13. Exod. 1. 2. Exod. 20.

Josu. 1. 2. 3. 1 Sam. 1. 23. 2 Reg. 17.

2 Reg. 24. 25. Deut. 28. Jere. 39. Esdr. 1. Agg. 1, 2. Zach. 3.

We maist constantlie beleif, that God preservit, instructit, multipleit, honourit,

decoirit, and frome death callit to lyfe his Kirk in all aiges, fra Adam, till the
cuming of Chryst Jesus in the flesche: for Abraham he callit frome his fatheris
cuntrey, him he instructit, his seid he multipleit, the same he marvalouslie
preservit, and mair marvelouslie delyverit frome the bondage [and tyranny] of
Pharao; to thame he gaif his lawis, constitutiouns, and ceremoneis; thame he
possessit in the land of Canaan; to thame efter Jugeis, and efter Saule he gaif
David to be kyng, to quham he maid promeise, "That of the fruit of his loynis
sould ane sitt for ever upoun his regall saitt." To this same pepill from tyme to
tyme he send propheittis to reduce thame to the recht way of thair God, frome
the quhilk often tymis thay declyneit by idolatrie. And albeit for thair stubburne
contempt of justice, he was compellit to gif thame in the handis of thair
ennemeis, as befoir was threatnit by the mouth of Moyses, in samekill that the
halye citie[222] was destroyit, the tempill brynt with fyre, and the haill land left
desolat the space of sevintie yeiris; yitt of mercy did he reduce thame agane to
Jerusalem, quhair the citie and tempill war reedifeit, and they, against all
temptatiounis and assaultis of Sathan, did abyde till the Messias came, according
to the promeise.
OFF THE INCARNATIOUN OF CHRYST JESUS.—CAP. VI.

Gal. 4.

Luc. 1, 2.

Esai.

Quhan the fulnes of tyme came, God send his Sone, his Eternall Wisdome, the
substance of his awin glory, in this warld, quha tuik the nature of manheid of the
substance of ane woman, to witt, of ane Virgin, and that be the operatioun of the
Holie Ghost: And sa was borne the just seid of David, the angell of the greit
counsall of God; the verray Messias promesit, quham we acknawledge and
confesse Emanuell; verray God and verray man, twa perfyte naturis unitit and
joynit in ane persona. By quhilk oure confessioun we dampne[223] the damnabill
and pestilent hereseyis of Arrius, Marcion, Eutiches, Nestorius, and sick utheris,
as either deny[224] the eternitie of his Godheid, either the veratie of his human
nature, either confound thame, either yit devyde thame.
QUHY IT BEHOVIT THE MEDIATOUR TO BE VERRAY GOD AND VERRAY MAN.—CAP. VII.
We acknawledge and confesse, that this maist wonderous conjunctioun betwix
the Godheid and the Manheid in Chryst Jesus, did proceid frome the eternall and
immutabill decree of God, quhence alssua oure salvatioun springis and dependis.
[225]

ELECTIOUN.—CAP. VIII.

Eph. 1.

Heb. 2.

Joan. 10.

Joan 1.

Joan 20.

Esai. 53.

For that samyn Eternall God, and Father, quha of mere mercy electit us in Chryst
Jesus his Sone, befoir the fundatioun of the warld was laid, appoyntit him to be
oure Heid, our Brother, our Pastoure, and greit Bishop of oure Saullis. Bot
becaus that the enmitie betwix the justice of God and our synnes was sick, that
no flesche by it self could or mycht have atteanit unto God, it behovit that the
Sone of God sould discend unto us, and tak him selff ane body of oure body,
flesche of oure flesche, and bane of oure baneis, and sua became[226] the perfyte
Mediatour betwix God and man; giffing power to sa mony as beleif in him to be
the sonis of God, as him selff dois witnesse—"I pas up to my Father and unto
your Father, to my God and unto your God." By quhilk maist halie fraternitie,
quhatsoever we have lost[227] in Adam is restoirit to us againe. And for this
cause ar we not effrayit to call God our father, not samekill in that he hes creatit
us,[228] (quhilk we have common with the reprobat,) as for that he hes gevin to
us his onlie Sone to be our brother, and gevin unto us grace to [acknawledge
and] embrace him for oure onlie Mediatour, as befoir is said. It behovit farther,
the Messias and Redeemer to [be] verray God and verray Man, becaus he was to
underly[229] the punishment dew for oure transgressiouns, and to present him
selff in the presence of his Fatheris jugement, as in oure persone, to suffer for
our transgressioun and inobedience, by death to ovircum him that was author of
death. Bot becaus the onlie Godheid could not suffer death, neyther could the
onlie Manheid ovircum the same; he joynit baith togidder in ane persone, that
the imbecilitie of the ane sould suffer, and be subject to death, (quhilk we haid
deservit,) and the infinite and invincible power of the uther, to wit, of the
Godheid, sould tryumphe and purchese till us lyfe, libertie, and perpetuall
victorie. And so we confess, and maist undowtedlie beleif.
CHRYSTIS DEATH, PASSIOUN, BURYALL, &C.—CAP. IX.

Heb. 12.

Esai. 53.

Deut. 21.

Gal. 3.

Heb. 10.

That our Lord Jesus Chryst offerrit him self ane voluntarie sacrifice unto his
Father for us; that he sufferrit contradictioun of synneris; that he was woundit
and plaigit for our transgressiouns; that he being the clene and innocent Lamb of
God, was dampnit in the presence of an earthlie juge, that we mycht be absolvit
befoir the tribunall seat of our God; that he sufferit not onlie the creuell death of
the croce (quhilk was accursit be the sentance of God,) bot alssua that he
sufferrit for a seassone the wrath of his Father, whilk synnaris had deservit. Bot
yitt we avow, that he remaneit the onlie and weilbelovit and blissit Sone of his
Father, evin in the myddis of his anguysche and torment, quhilk he sufferrit in
body and saull, to mak the full satisfactioun for the synnis of his pepill.[230] Efter
the quhilk, we confesse and avow, that thair remaneis na uther sacrifice for
synnis; quhilk gif any affirme, we nathing dowt to avow that thay are
blasphemaris against Chrystis death, and the everlesting purgatioun and
sattisfactioun purchessit till us by the same.
RESURRECTIOUN.—CAP. X.

Act. 2. 3.

Rom. 6.

Mat. 28.

Mat. 27.

Joan. 20. 21.

We undoutedlie beleif, that insamekill as it was impossibill that the dolouris of

death sould reteane in bondage the Author of lyff, that our Lord Jesus Chryst
crucifeit, deid, and buryit, quha discendit into hell, did raise agane for our
justificatioun, and distroying [of] him who was [the] author of death, brocht lyfe
agane to us that war subject to death and to the bondage of the same. We knaw
that his resurrectioun was confirmit be the testimonye of his verray ennemeis; by
the resurrectioun of the deid, quhais sepulturis did oppin, and thay did arise and
apperit to many within the Citie of Jerusalem. It was alssua confirmit be the
testimonie of [his] Angellis, and be the senses and jugementis of his Apostleis,
and [of] utheris, quha had conversatioun, and did eit and drynk with him efter his
resurrectioun.
ASCENSIOUN.—CAP. XI.

Act. 1.

Mat. 28.

1 Joan. 2.

1 Tim. 2.

Psal. 110.

Apoc. 20.
 Esai. 66.

Esai. 7.

Collos. 1.

Heb. 9. 10.

We nathing dowt, bot that the selff samyn body, quhilk was borne of the Virgine,
was crucifeit, deid, and buried, and quhilk did ryse agane, did ascend into the
heavinis for the accompleischment of all thingis; quhair, in oure names, and for
our confort he hes resavit all power in hevin and in earth, quhair he sittis at the
rycht hand of the Father inaugurat in his kingdome, advocat and onlie Mediatour
for us; quhilk glorie, honour, and prerogatyve he allone amangis the brethren sall
possesse, till that all his ennemyes be maid his futestule, as that we undoubtedlie
beleif thay sall be in the finall jugement; to the execution quhairof we certainlie
beleif that the same oure Lord Jesus sall visibillie returne as that he was sene to
ascend: And than we firmlie belief, that the tyme of refresching and restitutioun
of all thingis sall cum, in samekill that thay that from the begynning have sufferit
violence, injurie, and wrang for rychteousnes saik, sall inherit that blissit
immortalitie promesit from the begynning; bot contrariewyse, the stubburne,
inobedient, cruell, oppressouris, filthy personeis, adulteraris, and all sortis of
unfaithfull [men] sall be cast in the dungeoun of utter darknes, quhair thair
worme sall not dye, neather yitt thair fyre [sall] be extinguischeit. The
remembrance of the quhilk day, and of the jugement to be executit in the same, is
not onlie to us ane brydill quhairby oure carnall lustis ar refranit; but alsso sick
inestimabill confort, that neather may the threatning of wardlie princeis, neyther
yitt the feir of temporall death and present daingear move us to renunce and
forsaik that blissit societie, quhilk we the members have with oure Head and
onlie Mediatour Christ Jesus, whome we confesse and avow to be the Messias
promissed, the only Head of his Kirk, our just Lawgevar, oure onlie Hie Preast,
Advocat, and Mediatour. In whiche honouris and offices, yf man or angell
presume to intruse thame selfis, we utterlie detest and abhorre thame, as
blasphemous to oure Soverane and Supreame Governour, Christ Jesus.
FAITH IN THE HOLY GHOST.—CAP. XII.

Mat. 16.
 Joan. 14. 15. 16.

Rom. 5.

2 Corin. 3.

This our Faith, and the assurance of the same, proceidis not frome flesche and
blood, that is to say, frome no naturall poweris within us, but is the inspiratioun
of the Holy Ghost: Whome we confesse God, equall with the Father and with the
Sone; who sanctifieth us, and bringeth us in all veritie by his awin operatioun;
without whome we should remane for ever enemyes to God, and ignorant of his
Sone, Christ Jesus. For of nature we ar so dead, so blynd and so perverse, that
neather can we feill when we ar pricked, see the lycht when it schynes, nor
assent to the will of God when it is reveilled; onlie[231] the Spreit of the Lord
Jesus quickinneth that which is dead, removeth[231] the darknes from our
myndis, and boweth oure stubburne heartis to the obedience of his blessed will.
And so as we confesse that God the Father created us when we war not; as his
Sone, our Lord Jesus redeamit us when we war ennemyes to him: so also do we
confesse that the Holy Ghost dois sanctifie and regenerat us, without all respect
of any merite proceading from us, be it befoir, or be it after oure regeneratioun.
To speak this one thing yit in more plane wordis, as we willinglie spoyle
oureselves of all honour and glorie of oure awin creatioun and redemptioun; so
do we also of oure regeneratioun and sanctificatioun: For of our selves we ar nott
sufficient to think ane good thoght; but he who hes begune the good work in us,
is onlie he that continueth us in the same, to the praise and glorie of his
undeserved grace.

THE CAUSE OF GOOD WORKIS.—CAP. XIII.[232]

John. 15.

Ephes. 2.

Gal. 5.

Rom. 8.

Joan 15.
So that the caus of Good workis, we confess to be, nott our free will, but the
Spreit of the Lord Jesus, who dwelling in oure heartis be trew faith, bringis furth
sick good workis as God hath prepared for us to walk into: for this we most
boldlie affirm, that blasphemy it is to say, that Christ Jesus abydis in the heartis
of sick as in whome thair is na spreit of Sanctificatioun. And thairfoir we fear
nott to affirme, that murtherraris, oppressouris, cruell persecutaris, adulteraris,
whoremongaris, filthy personis, idolateris, drounkardis, theavis, and all workaris
of iniquitie, have neather trew faith, neather any portioun of the spreat of
Sanctificatioun, whiche proceadeth frome the Lord Jesus, so long as thei
obstinatlie continew in thair wickednes. For how sone that ever the spreit of the
Lord Jesus, (whiche Godis elect children resave by trew fayth,) takis possessioun
in the heart of any man, so soon dois he regenerat and renew the same man; so
that he begynnis to hate that whiche befoir he luffit, and begynnis to luif that
whiche befoir he hated; and from thence cumis that continewall battell which is
betwix the flesche and the spreit in Godis children; while the flesche and naturall
man (according to the awin corruptioun) lustis for things pleasing and delectable
unto the self, grudges in adversitie, is lyfted up in prosperitie, and at everie
moment is prone and reddye to offend the Majestie of God. Bot the Spreit of
God, whiche giveth witnessing till our spreit, that we ar the sones of God, makis
us to resist the devill, to abhorr[233] fylthy pleasouris, to groane in Godis
presence for deliverance from this boundage of corruptioun; and finally, so
triumphe over syne that it reigne not in our mortall bodyes. This battell hes nott
the carnall men, being destitut of Goddis Spreitt; but do follow and obey syn
with greadynes, and without repentance, evin as the devill and thair corrupt lustis
do prick thame. But the sonnes of God (as befoir is said) does feght against syn,
do sobb and murne, when they perceave thame selfis tempted to iniquitie; and
gif they fall, they ryse agane with earnest and unfeaned repentance. And these
thingis they do nott by thair awin power, but the power of the Lord Jesus
(without whome thai war able to do nothing) wyrketh in thame all that is good.
[234]

WHAT WORKIS AR REPUTED GOOD BEFOIR GOD.—CAP. XIV.[235]

 Exod. 20. Deut. 4.

The Law.

The workes of the First Table.

Ephes. 6.

The workes of the Second Table.

Ezek. 22. Jere. 22. Esai 50. 1 Thes. 4. Luc. 2.

Things contrari to the Firste and Second Table.

Rom. 13. Ezek. 22.

Esai. 29. Matt. 15.

We confesse and acknawledge, that God hes gevin to man his holy law, in
whiche not onlie ar forbiddin all sick workis whiche displease and offend his
Godlye Majestie; but also ar commanded all sick as please him, and as he hath
promised to rewarde. And these workis be of two sortis; the one ar done to the
honour of God, the other to the proffit of our nychtbouris; and baith have the
reveilled will of God for thair assurance. To have one God, to wirschepe and
honour him; to call upoun him in all our trubles; to reverence his holy name; to
hear his word; to beleve the same; to communicat with his holy sacraments;—ar
the workis of the First Table. To honour father, mother, princes, reullaris, and
superiour poweris; to love thame; to supporte thame, yea, to obey thair charges
(not repugnyng to the commandiment of God); to save the lyves of innocents; to
represse tyranny; to defend the oppressed; to keep our bodyes cleane and holy;
to lyve in sobrietie and temperance; to deall justlie with all men, boyth in word
and in deed; and, finallie, to represse all appetite of our nychtbouris hurte;—ar
the good workis of the Second Table, whiche ar most pleasing and acceptable
unto God, as those workis that are commanded by him self. The contrarie
whairof is syn most odiouse, whiche always displeasses him, and provokes him
to anger,—as, nott to call upoun him allone when we have nead; not till hear his
word with reverence; to contempne and despyse it; to have or to wyrschipe
idolles; to mainteane and defend idolatrie; lychtlie to esteame the reverent name
of God; to prophane, abuse, or contempne the sacramentis of Christ Jesus; to
disobey or resist any that God hes placed in authoritie, (while thei pas not ower
the boundis of thair office); to murther, or to consent thairto, to bear hattrent, or
to suffer innocent blood to be schedd geve we may ganestand[236] it; and,
finallie, the transgressing of any other commandiment in the First or Secound
Table, we confesse and affirme to be syn, by the which Goddis hote displeasour
is kendilled[237] against the proude and unthankfull world. So that Good workis
we affirme to be these onlie that ar done in faith, [and] at Goddis
commandiment, who in his law hes expressed what be the thingis that please
him: And Evill workis, we affirme, nott onlie those that ar expressedlie done
against Goddis commandiment, but those also that, in materis of religioun and
wirschipping of God, have no [uther] assurance butt the inventioun and opinioun
of man, whiche God frome the begynning hes ever rejected; as by the prophete
Esaias, and by our maister Christ Jesus, we ar taught in these wordis—"In vane
do they wirschepe me, teiching the doctrine being preceptis of men."[238]
THE PERFECTIOUN OF THE LAW AND IMPERFECTIOUN OF MAN.—CAP. XV.

Rom. 7.

Psal. 19.

Deut. 5.

Rom. 10.

1 Joan 12. Rom. 10. Gal. 3.

Deut. 26. Eph. 1. Rom. 4.

Luc. 17.

To put trust in our own workes, is damnable idolatrie.

The Law of God, we confesse and acknawledge most just, most equall, most
holy, and most perfite; commanding those thingis, whiche being wrocht in
perfectioun, war able to geve lyfe, and [able] to bring man to eternall felicitie:
But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and imperfite, that we ar never able to
fulfill the workis of the Law in perfectioun; yea, "Yf we say we have no syn,
(evin after we ar regenerat,) we deceive our selfis, and the veritie of God is not
into us." And thairfoir it behoved us to apprehend Christ Jesus, with his justice
and satisfactioun, who is the end and accomplishment of the Law, to all that
beleve, by whome we ar sett at this libertie, that the curse and maledictioun of
God,[239] fall not upoun us, albeit that we fulfill not the same in all pointis. For
God the Father beholding us in the body of his Sone Christ Jesus, accepteth oure
imperfyte obedience as it ware perfite, and coverith our workis, whiche ar
defyled with many spottis, with the justice of his Sone. We do not meane that we
ar so set at libertie, that we awe no obedience to the Law, (for that befoir we
have plainelie confessed); but this we affirme, that no man in earth, (Christ Jesus
onlie excepted,) hath gevin, geveth, or shall geve in work, that obedience to the
Law which the Law requyreth. But when we have done all thingis, we must fall
doun and unfeanedlie confess, "That we ar unprofitable servandis." And thairfoir
whosoever boast thame selves of the merittis of thair awin workis, or putt thair
trust in the workis of supererogatioun, they boast thame selfis of that whiche is
not, and putt thair trust in damnable idolatrie.

OF THE KIRK.[240]—CAP. XIV.

Matth. 28.

Ephes. 1.

Collos. 3.

Ephes. 5.

Apoc. 7.

Ephes. 2.

Joan. 5. 6.

As we believe in one God, Father, Sone, and Holy Ghost, so do we most

earnestlie beleave[241] that from the begynning thair hes bein, now is, and to the
end of the warld shalbe a Churche; that is to say, a company and multitude of
men chosin of God, who rychtlie worschip and embrace him, by trew fayth in
Christ Jesus, who is the onlie Head of the same Kirk, whiche also is the body
and spous of Christ Jesus; whiche Kirk is Catholik, that is, universall, becaus it
conteanes the Elect of all aiges, [of] all realmes, nationis, and tounges, be thai of
the Jewis, or be thai of the Gentiles, who have communioun and societie with
God the Father, and with his Sone Christ Jesus, throcht the sanctificatioun of his
Holy Spreit; and thairfoir it is called [the] communioun, not of prophane
personis but of sanctis, who, as citizens of the heavinlie Jerusalem, have the
fruitioun of the most inestimable benefitis, to witt, of ane God, ane Lord Jesus,
ane faith, and of ane baptisme; out of the[242] whiche Kirk thair is neather lyfe,
nor eternall felicitie. And thairfoir we utterlie abhorr the blasphemye of those
that affirme, that men quhilk live according to equitie and justice, shall be saved,
what religioun soever they have professed. For as without Christ Jesus thair is
neather lyfe nor salvatioun, so shall thair nane be participant thairof but sik as
the Father has gevin unto his Sone Christ Jesus, and those [that] in tyme come to
him, avow his doctrine, and beleve into him, (we comprehend the children with
the faythfull parentis). This Kirk is invisible, knowin onlie to God, who allone
knoweth whome he hes chosin, and comprehendis alsweall (as said is) the Elect
that be departed, (commounlie called the Kirk Triumphant), as those that yit leve
and feght against syne and Sathan as shall leve hearefter.
THE IMMORTALITIE OF THE SAULLIS.—CAP. XVII.

Apoc. 14.

Apoc. 7.

Luc. 16.

Apoc. 6.

The Elect departed are in peace and rest from thair laubouris; not that thai sleap
and come to ane certane oblivioun (as some fantastick headis[243] do affirme,)
but that thai ar delivered from all fear, all torment, and all tentatioun, to whiche
we and all Godis elect ar subject in this lyfe; and thairfoir do bear the name of
the Kirk militant. As contrariewyse, the reprobat and unfaythfull departed, have
anguishe, torment, and paine, that can nott be expressed; so that neather ar the
ane nor the other in sick sleap that thai feill not joy or torment, as the Parable of
Christ Jesus in the saxtene of Luke, his wordis to the theaf, and these wordis of
the saullis crying under the altar, "O Lord, thou that arte rychteous and just, how
longe shalt thow not revenge our blude upoun thame that dwell upoun the earth!"
doeth playnlie testifie.
OF THE NOTIS BY WHICHE THE TRUE KIRK IS DISCEARNED FROM THE FALS, AND WHO
SHALBE JUDGE OF THE DOCTRINE.—CAP. XVIII.

Gen. 4. 21. 27.

Mat. 23.

Joan. 12.

Act. 5.

Notes of the Trew Church.

Joan. 1. 10.

Rom. 4.

1 Cor. 5.

Act. 16. 18.

1 Cor. 1.

Act. 20.

To whom the interpretation of the Scripture appertayne.

1 Cor. 11.

Because that Sathan from the begyning hes lauboured to deck his pestilent
Synagoge with the title of the Kirk of God, and hes inflambed the heartis of
cruell murtheraris to persecute, truble, and molest the trew Kirk and members
thairof, as Cain did Abell; Ismaell, Isaac; Esau, Jacob; and the whole preasthead
of the Jewis, Jesus Christ him self, and his apostles after him; it is a thing most
requisite, that the trew Kirk be discernit frome the filthy synagoge, be cleare and
perfite nottis, least we being deceaved, resave and embrace to our awin
condemnatioun the ane for the other. The nottis, signes, and assured tokenis
whairby the immaculat spouse of Christ Jesus is knawin from that horrible
harlote the Kirk malignant, we affirme ar neyther antiquitie, title usurped, lineall
discente, place appointed, nor multitude of men approving ane errour; for Cain
in aige and title was preferred to Abell and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative
above all places of the earth, whair also war the preastis lineally descended from
Aaron; and greattare multitude[244] followed the Scribes, Pharaseis, and Preastis,
then unfeanedlie beleaved and approved Christ Jesus and his doctrin; and yit (as
we suppoise) na man of sound judgment[245] will grant that any of the foirnamed
war the Kirk of God. The Notis, thairfoir, of the trew Kirk of God we beleve,
confesse, and avow to be, first, The trew preaching of the word of God; into the
whiche God hes reveilled him self to us, as the writtingis of the Prophettis and
Apostles do declair. Secoundlie, The rycht administratioun of the sacramentis of
Christ Jesus, whiche mun be annexed to the worde and promisse of God, to seall
and confirme the same in our hartis. Last[ly], Ecclesiasticall discipline uprychtlie
ministred, as Godis word prescribed, whairby vice is repressed, and vertew
nurished. Whairsoever then these former nottis ar sene, and of any tyme
continew (be the number never so few above twa or thre) thair, but all dowbt, is
the trew Kirk of Christ, who according to his promeise is in the myddis of
thame: not that universal (of whiche we have befoir spokin) but particulare; sick
as was in Corinthus, Galatia, Ephesus, and utheris places in whiche the
ministerie was planted by Paule, and war of him self named the Kirkis of God.
And sick kirkis, we, the Inhabitants of the Realme of Scotland, professouris of
Christ Jesus, confesse us to have in our cities, townis, and places reformed; for
the doctrine taught in our kirkis is conteaned in the writtin word of God, to witt,
in the buikis of the Auld and New Testamentis. In these buikis we meane,
whiche of the ancient have bene reputed canonicall, in the whiche we affirme
that all thingis necessarie to be beleaved for the salvatioun of mankynd, is
sufficientlie expressed; the interpretatioun whairof, we confess, neather
apperteaneth to privat nor publict persone, neather yit to any kirk for any
preheminence or prerogative, personall or locall, whiche one hes above another;
butt apperteaneth to the Spreit of God, by the whiche also the Scripture was
writtin. When contraversie then happinneth for the rycht understanding of any
place or sentence of Scripture, or for the reformatioun of any abuse within the
Kirk of God, we aucht not sa mekle to look what men befoir us have said or
done, as unto that whiche the Holy Ghost uniformelie speakis within the body of
the Scriptures, and unto that whiche Christ Jesus him self did, and commanded
to be done. For this is a thing universallie granted, that the Spreit of God, which
is the Spirit of unitie, is in nothing contrarious unto himself. Yf then the
interpretatioun, determinatioun, or sentence of any doctour, kirk, or counsall,
repugne to the plane word of God writtin in any other place of [the] Scripture, it
is a thing most certane, that thairis is nocht the trew understanding and meanyng
of the Holy Ghost, supposing that Counsallis,[246] Realmes, and Nations have
approved and receaved the same: For we dar nott receave and admitt any
interpretatioun whiche directlie repugneth to any principall point of our fayth,
[or] to any other plane text of Scripture, or yitt unto the rewll of charitie.
THE AUTHORITIE OF THE SCRIPTURIS.—CAP. XIX.

1 Tim. 3.

Joan. 10.

As we beleve and confesse the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct and maik
the man of God perfect, so do we affirme and avow the authoritie of the same to
be of God, and neather to depend on men nor angellis. We affirme thairfoir that
sick as alledge the Scripture to have na [uther] authoritie, but that whiche is
receaved from the Kirk, to be blasphemous against God, and injuriouse to the
trew Kirk, whiche alwayis heareth and obeyeth the voice of hir awin Spouse and
pastour, but taketh nott upoun her to be maistres over the same.
OF GENERALL COUNSALLIS, OF THAIR POWER, AUTHORITIE, AND CAUSES OF THAIR
CONVENTIOUN.—CAP. XX.

How far the Counsells are to be allowed.

Wherein they are to be rejected.

1 Tim. 4.

Why they were assembled.

Why Counsels were called.

Ceremonies ought to be changed when they foster superstition.

As we do nott raschelie dampne that whiche godlie men, assembled togidder in

Generall Counsallis, lauchfullie gathered, have approved[247] unto us; so without
just examinatioun dar we not resave whatsoever is obtrused unto men, under the
name of Generall Counsallis: for plane it is, that as they war men, so have some
of thame manifestlie erred, and that in materis of great weght and importance. So
far then as the Counsall proveth the determinatioun and commandiment that it
geveth by the plane word of God, so far do we reverence and embrace the same.
But yf men, under the name of a Counsall pretend to forge unto us new articles
of our faith, or to maik constitutionis repugnyng to the word of God, then utterlie
we mone refuise the same, as the doctrin of devillis which drawis our saullis
from the voice of our onlie God, to follow the doctrines and constitutionis of
men. The caus, then, why [that] Generall Counsallis convened, was neather to
mak any perpetuall law (whiche God befoir had nott maid,) neather yitt to forge
new articles of our beleve, neather to give the word of God authoritie, mekle less
to make that to be his worde, or yitt the trew interpretatioun of the same, which
was not befoir by his holy will expreassed in his worde. But the caus of
Counsallis, (we meane of sick as merite the name of Counsallis,) was partlie for
confutatioun of heresyes, and for geving publict confessioun of thair faith to the
posteritie following; whiche baith they did by the authoritie of Goddis writtin
worde, and nott by any opinioun or prerogative that they could nott err, be
reassoun of thair Generall assemblie: And this we judge to have bene the cheaf
caus of Generall Counsallis. The other was for good policie and ordour to be
constitut and observed in the Kirk, in whiche (as in the house of God) it becumis
all thingis to be done decentlie and into ordour. Not that we think that ane
policie, and ane ordour in Ceremonies can be appointit for all aigis, tymes, and
plaicis; for as ceremonies (sick as men hes devised) ar but temporall, so may and
aucht they to be changed, when they rather foster superstitioun, then that they
edifie the Kirk using the same.
OFF THE SACRAMENTIS.—CAP. XXI.

The use of Sacraments.

Baptisme.

The Lordis Supper, perfythe and plainly described.

As the Fatheris under the Law, besydis the veritie of the sacrifices, had two cheaf
Sacramentis, to witt, Circumcisioun and the Passover, the despysaris and
contemnaris whairof war not reputed for Godis people; so [do] we acknawledge
and confesse that we now, in the tyme of the Evangell, have two[248] Sacramentis
onlie, institutit be the Lord Jesus, and commanded to be used of all those that
will be reputed members of his body, to witt, Baptisme and the Supper, or Table
of the Lord Jesus, called The Communioun of his body and bloode. And these
sacramentis (alsweill of the Auld as of the New Testament) war institut[248] of
God, not onlie to maik ane visible difference betwixt his people, and those that
war without his league; but also to exercise the faith of his children; and by
participatioun of the same sacramentis, to seall in thair heartis the assurance of
his promeis, and of that most blessed conjunctioun, unioun, and societie, whiche
the Elect have with thair head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterlie dampne the
vanitie of those that affirme Sacramentis to be nothing else but naked and bair
signes. No, we assuredlie beleve, that by Baptisme we ar ingrafted in Christ
Jesus to be maid partakaris of his justice, by the whiche our synes are covered
and remitted; and also, that in the Supper, rychtlie used, Christ Jesus is so joyned
with us, that he becumis the verray nurishement and foode of our saullis. Not
that we ymagine any transsubstantiatioun of bread into Christis naturall body,
and of wyne in his naturall bloode, (as the Papistis have perniciouslie taught and
dampnablie beleved;) but this union and communioun whiche we have with the
body and bloode of Christ Jesus in the rycht use of the sacraments, is wrocht by
operatioun of the Holy Ghost, who by trew faith caryes us above all thingis that
ar visible, carnall, and earthlie, and maikis us to feid upoun the body and bloode
of Christ Jesus, whiche was ones brokin and schedd for us, whiche now is in the
heavin, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yit,
notwithstanding the far distance of place, whiche is betwix his bodye now
glorifeid in the heavin, and us now mortall in this earth, yit we most assuredlie
beleve, that the bread which we break is the communioun of Christis body, and
the cupp which we bliss, is the communion of his bloode. So that we confesse,
and undowttedlye beleve, that the faithfull, in the rycht use of the Lordis Table,
so do eatt the body, and drynk the bloode of the Lord Jesus, that he remaneth in
thame and thai in him: yea, that thai ar so maid flesche of his flesche, and bone
of his bones, that as the Eternall Godheid hath gevin to the flesche of Christ
Jesus (whiche of the awin conditioun and nature was mortall and corruptible)
lyfe and immortalitie, so doeth Christ Jesus his flesche and bloode eatten and
drunken by us, give to us the same prerogatives: Whiche albeit we confesse, are
neather gevin unto us at that onlie tyme, neather yit by the propir power and
vertew of the Sacramentis onlie; yit we affirme, that the faithfull in the rycht use
of the Lordis Table hes sick conjunctioun with Christ Jesus, as the naturall man
can not comprehend: yea, and farther we affirme, that albeit the faithfull
oppressed be negligence, and manlie infirmitie, doeth not proffeitt so mekill as
thei wold att the verray instant actioun of the Supper, yit shall it after bring furth
frute, as livelie seid sawin in good ground; for the Holy Spreit, whiche can never
be devided frome the rycht institutioun of the Lord Jesus, will not frustrat the
faythfull of the frute of that misticall actioun. But all this, we say, cumis by trew
fayth, whiche apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who onlie maikis his Sacramentis
effectuall unto us; and, thairfoir, whosoever sclandereth us, as that we affirmed
or beleved Sacramentis to be onlie naiked and bair signes, do injurie unto us, and
speak against a manifest treuth. But this liberallie and francklie we most confess,
that we maik ane distinctioun betwix Christ Jesus, in his naturall substance,[249]
and betwix the elementis in the Sacramentall signes; so that we will neather
wirschip the signes in place of that which is signifeid by thame; neather yit do
we dispyse and interprete thame as unprofitable and vane; but do use thame with
all reverence, examyning our selfis diligentlie befoir that so we do, becaus we ar
assured by the mouth of the Apostle, "That sick as eat of that bread, and drynk of
that cupp, unworthelie, ar guyltie of the body and bloode[250] of the Lord Jesus."
OFF THE RYCHT ADMINISTRATIOUN OF THE SACRAMENTIS.—CAP. XXII.

Christians may not participate with the Papists in their Sacraments.

Women may not Baptise.

The Papists commit sacriledge.

Such as think not rightly of the Lords Supper receive it not worthely.

That Sacramentis be rychtlie ministred, we judge twa thingis requisit: the one,
That thei be ministred be lauchfull ministeris, whome we affirme to be onlie thei
that ar appointed to the preaching of the worde, or into whose mouthis God hes
putt some sermoun of exhortatioun, thei being men lauchfullie chosin thairto by
some Kirk. The other, That thei be ministred in sic elementis, and in sic sorte as
God hath appointed. Ellis we affirme, that thei cease to be rycht Sacramentis of
Christ Jesus. And, thairfoir, it is, that we flye the societie with the Papisticall
Kirk, in participatioun of thair Sacramentis; first, becaus thair ministeris ar no
ministeris of Christ Jesus; yea, (whiche is more horrible) thei suffer wemen,
whome the Holy Ghost will not suffer to teache in the congregatioun, to Baptise.
And, secoundlie, Becaus thei have so adulterat, both the one sacrament and the
other, with thair awin inventionis, that na pairte of Christis actioun abydeth in
the originall puritie; for oyle, salt, spattle,[251] and siclyk in baptisme, are but
menis inventionis; adoratioun, veneratioun, bearing throcht streittis and townes,
and keaping of bread in boxes or buistis, are prophanatioun of Christis
Sacramentis, and no use of the same: For Christ Jesus said, "Tak, eat, &c.; Do ye
this in remembrance of me." By which wordis and charge he sanctifeid bread
and wyne to be the sacrament of his body[252] and blude; to the end, that the one
should be eatten, and that all should drink of the other; and not that thei should
be keapt to be wirschiped and honoured as God, as the blynd Papistis have done
heirtofoir, who also have committed sacriledge, stealling frome the people the
one parte of the Sacrament, to witt, the blissed cupp. Moreover, that the
Sacramentis be rychtlie used, it is requyred, that the end and caus why the
Sacramentis war institut, be understand and observed, alsweall of the minister as
of the receaveris; for yf the opinioun be changed in the receavare, the rycht use
ceasseth; whiche is most evident by the rejectioun of the sacrifices, (as also yf
the teachar teache[253] fals doctrin,) whiche war odiouse and abominable unto
God (albeit thei war his awin ordinances,) becaus that wicked men use thame to
ane other end than God hath ordeaned. The same affirme we of the sacramentis
in the Papisticall Kirk, in whiche we affirme the haill actioun of the Lord Jesus
to be adulterat, alsweill in the externall forme, as in the end and opinioun. What
Christ Jesus did, and commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelistis
[quho speak of the Sacrament,[254]] and by Sanct Paule: What the preast does at
his altare we neid not to rehearse. The end and caus of Christis institutioun, and
why the self same should be used, is expressed in these wordis,—"Do this in
remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eatt off this bread and drynk of this cupp,
ye shall schaw furth, (that is, extoll, preache, and magnifie,[255]) the Lordis death
till he come." But to what end, and in what opinioun the preastis say thair
masses, lett the wordis of the same, thair awin doctouris and writtingis witness,
to witt, that thei, as mediatouris betwix Christ and his Kirk, do offerr unto God
the Father ane sacrifice propitiatorie for the synnes of the quick and the dead.
Which doctrine, as blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and macking derogatioun to the
sufficiencie of his onlie sacrifice, ones offered for purgatioun of all those that
shalbe sanctified, we utterlie abhorr, detest, and renunce.
TO WHOME SACRAMENTIS APPERTEANE.—CAP. XXIII.
We Confesse and acknawledge that Baptisme apperteaneth alsweall to the
infantis of the faithfull, as to those that be of age and discretioun. And so we
dampne the errour of [the] Anabaptistes, who deny baptisme to apperteane to
children, befoir that thei have faith and understanding. But the Supper of the
Lord, we confesse to apperteane onlie to sick as[256] have bene of the houshold
of faith, [and] can try and examyn thame selfis, asweill in thair faith, as in thair
dewtie towardis thair nychtbouris. Such as eat [and drink] at that holy table
without fayth, or being at dissentioun and divisioun with thare brethren, do eat
unworthelye: and thairfoir it is, that in our Kirkis our Ministeris tackis publict
and particulare examinatioun of the knowledge and conversatioun of suche as
are to be admitted to the table of the Lord Jesus.
OF THE CIVILE MAGISTRAT.—CAP. XXIV.
We Confesse and acknawledge impyres, kyngdomes, dominiounis, and cities to
be distincted and ordaned by God: the powers and authorities in the same (be it
of Emperouris in thair impyris, of Kingis in thair realmes, Dukis and Princes in
thair dominiounis, or of otheris Magistratis in free cities,) to be Godis holy
ordinance, ordeaned for manifestatioun of his awin glorie, and for the singulare
proffeit and commodite of mankynd. So that whosoever goes about to tack away
or to confound the haill state of civile policies, now lang establisched, we
affirme the same men not onlie to be ennemyes to mankynd, but also wickedlie
to feght against Godis expressed will. We farther Confesse and acknawledge,
that sic personis as are placed in authoritie are to be loved, honoured, feared, and
holdin in most reverent estimatioun; becaus [that] thei are the lieutennentis of
God, in whose sessioun God him self doeth sitt and judge, (yea evin the Judges
and Princes thame selfis,) to whome by God is gevin the sweard, to the praise
and defence of good men, and to revenge and puniss all open malefactouris.
Moreover, to Kingis, Princes, Reullaris, and Magistratis, we affirme that cheiflie
and maist principallie the reformatioun[257] and purgatioun of the Religioun
apperteanes; so that not onlie thei are appointed for civile policey, bot also for
mantenance of the trew Religioun, and for suppressing of idolatrie and
superstitioun whatsomever, as in David, Josaphat, Ezechias, Josias, and otheris,
heychtlie commended for thair zeall in that caise, may be espyed. And thairfoir
we confesse and avow, that sick as resist the Supreme power, (doing that thing
which apperteanis to his charge,) do resist Goddis ordinance, and thairfoir can
not be guyltless. And farther, we affirme, that whosoever deny unto thame thair
aid, counsall, and conforte, while the Princes and Reullaris vigilantlie travaill in
the executing[258] of thair office, that the same men deny thair help, supporte,
and counsall to God, who by the presence of his lieutennent craveth it of thame.
THE GIFTIS FRELIE GEVIN TO THE KIRK.—CAP. XXV.
Albeit that the word of God trewlie preached, [and] the Sacramentis rychtlie
ministred, and discipline executed according to the word of God, be the certane
and infallible signes of the trew Kirk; yit do we nott so meane, that everie[259]
particulare persone joyned with sick ane cumpany, be ane elect member of Christ
Jesus. For we acknawledge and confesse, that darnell, cokle, and chaff, may be
sawin, grow, and in great abundance lye in the myddis of the wheat; that is, the
reprobat may be joyned in the societie of the elect, and may externallie use with
thame the benefites of the word and sacramentis; but sic being butt temporall
professouris in mouth, but not in heart, do fall back and continew not to the end:
and thairfoir haif thei no fruit of Christis death, resurrectioun, nor assentioun.
But sick as with heart unfeanedlie beleve, and with mouth boldlie confesse the
Lord Jesus, (as befoir we have said,) shall most assuredly resave these giftis;
first, In this lyfe, remissoun of synnes, and that by faith onlie in Christis blude,
insamekle, that albeit syne remane and continuallie abyd in these our mortall
bodyes, yit it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and covered with Christis
justice. Secondlie, In the generall judgement thair shalbe gevin to everie man
and woman resurrectioun of the flesche; for the sea shall geve hir dead, the earth
those that thairin be inclosed; yea, the Eternall, our God, shall stretche out his
hand upoun the dust, and the dead shall aryse incorruptible, and that in the
substance of the [self] same flesche that everie man now bearis, to resave,
according to thair warkis, glorie or punishment: for sik as now delyte in vanitie,
creueltye, filthynes, superstitioun, or idolatrie, shalbe adjudged to the fyre
inextinguishable, in the whiche thei shalbe tormented for ever, alsweall in thair
awin bodyes, as in thair saullis, whiche now thei give to serve the devill in all
abominatioun. Butt sik as continew in weall doing to the end, boldlie professing
the Lord Jesus, [we constantly beleve, that they sall receive glorie, honour, and
immortalitie, to reigne for ever in life everlasting with Christ Jesus,[260]] to
whose glorifeid body all his Elect shalbe [made] lyke, when he shall appeir
agane to judgement, and shall render up the kingdome to God his Father, who
then shalbe, and ever shall remane all in all thingis, God blessed for evir: To
whome, with the Sone, and with the Holy Ghost, be all honour and glorie, now
and ever. AMEN.
Aryse, O Lord, and lett thy ennemyes be confounded: Lett thame flye frome thy
presence that hait thy godlie name: Give thy Servandis strenth to speak thy word
in boldnes; and lett all Nationis atteane to[261] thy trew knowledge.

THIE ACTIS AND ARTICLES WAR RED[262] IN FACE OF PARLIAMENT, AND RATIFIED BE
THE THRE ESTAITIS OF THIS REALME, AT EDINBURGH, THE SEVINTENE DAY OF
AUGUST,[263] THE YEAR OF GOD JM VC. AND THRESCOIR YEARIS.

THE ERLE MERSCHELLIS VOTE IN PARLIAMENT

THIS oure CONFESSIOUN was publictlie red, first in audience of the Lordis of
Articles, and after in audience of the haill Parliament; whair war present, not
onlie suche as professed Christ Jesus, but also a great number of the adversaries
of our religioun, suche as the foirnamed Bishoppis, and some others of the
Temporall Estate, who war commanded in Goddis name to object, yf thei could,
any thing against that doctrine. Some of our Ministeris war present, standing
upoun thair feit, reddye to have ansuered, in caise any wald haif defended the
Papistrie, and impugned oure affirmatives: but whill that no objectioun was
maid, thair was a day appointed to voting in that and other headis. Oure
Confessioun was redd, everie article by itself, over agane, as thei war wryttin in
ordour, and the vottis of everie man war requyred accordinglie. Of the Temporall
Estate onlie voted in the contrair, the Erle of Atholl,[264] the Lordis
Somervaill[265] and Borthwik;[266] and yit for thair disassenting thei produced no
bettir reassone, but, "We will beleve as oure fatheris beleved." The Bischoppis,
(Papisticall, we meane,) spack nothing. The rest of the haill thre Estaittis, by
thair publict votes, affirmed the doctrine; and many, the rather, becaus that the
Bischoppis wold nor durst say nothing in the contrair; for this was the vote of the
Erle Merschell,[267]—"It is long since I have had some favour unto the trewth,
and since that I have had a suspitioun of the Papisticall religioun; but, I praise
my God, this day hes fully resolved me in the one and the other. For seing that
my Lordis Bischoppis, who for thair learing can, and for the zeall that thei
should bear to the veritie, wold, as I suppose, ganesay any thing that directlie
repugnes to the veritie of God; seing, I say, my Lordis Bischoppis heir present
speakis nothing in the contrair of the doctrine proponed, I can nott but hold it to
be the verie trewth of God, and the contrarie to be deceavable doctrine. And
thairfoir, so far as in me lyeth, I approve the one and dampne the other: And do
farther ask of God, that not onlie I, but also all my posteritie, may enjoy the
comforte of the doctrin that this day our earis have hearde. And yitt more, I man
vote, as it war by way of protestatioun, that yf any persones ecclesiasticall shall
after this oppone thame selfis to this our Confessioun, that thei have no place nor
credite, considdering that thei having long advisement, and full knawledge of
this oure Confessioun, none is now found in lauchfull, free, and quyete
Parliament to oppone thame selfis to that whiche we professe: And thairfoir, yf
any of this gencratioun pretend to do it after this, I protest he be repute rather
one that loveth his awin commoditie and the glorie of the world, than the trewth
of God, and the salvatioun of menis saullis."
After the voting and ratificatioun of this oure Confessioun, by the haill body of
the Parliament, thair war also pronunced two Actis, the one against the Masse
and the abuse of the Sacramentis, and the other against the Supreamacye of the
Pape;[268] the tenouris whairof followis:—

THE ACT AGAINST THE MESSE.[269]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent of Julij, the year of God Jm fyve
hundreth threscoir yearis, the said Parliament being continewed to the first of
August nixt thairafter following, with continewatioun of dayis, upoun the
twenty-four day of the said moneth of August, the Thre Estaitis then being
present: The whiche day, forsamekle as Almychtie God be his maist trew and
blessed worde, hes declaired the reverence and honour quhilk should be gevin to
him: and, be his Sone Jesus Christ, has declaired the trew use of the Sacramentis,
willing the same to be used according to his will and worde: Be the quhilk it is
notour and perfitlie knawin that the Sacramentis of Baptisme and of the body
and bloode of Jesus Christ, hes bene in all tymes bygane corrupted be the
Papisticall Kirk, and be thair usurpit ministeris; and presentlie, notwithstanding
the Reformatioun allreaddy maide according to Goddis worde, yit nottheless
thair is some of the same Papis Kirk that stubburnelie perseveris in thair wicked
idolatrie, sayand Messe, and Baptizand conforme to the Papis Kirk, prophanand
thairthrow the Sacramentis foirsaidis, in quyett and secreatt places, regardand
thairthrow nowther God nor his worde: Thairfoir it is statut and ordeaned in this
present Parliament, that na maner of persone nor personis, in ony tyme cuming,
administrat ony of the Sacramentis foirsaidis secreatlie, or ony other maner of
way, but thei that ar admitted and havand power to that effect; nor say Messe,
nor yit hear Messe, nor he present thairat, under the paine of confiscatioun of all
thair goodis, [movabill and unmovabill,] and punisheing of thair bodyis at the
discretioun of the Magistrattis, within whais jurisdiction sick personis happynnis
to be apprehended, for the first fault; banisching of the Realme, for the secound
fault; and justifieing to the dead, for the thrid falt: And ordainis all Schireffis,
Stewartis, Bailleis, and thair deputtis, Provestis, and Bailleis of Burrowis, and
otheris judges whatsumever, within this Realme, to taik diligent suyt and
inquisitioun within thair boundis, whair ony sick usurped ministerie is used;
Messe saying, or thei that beis present at the doing thairof, ratifeand and
apprevand the samyn, and tack and apprehend thame, to the effect that the panis
above wrettin may be execut upon thame.
Extractum de libro Parliamenti, per me, etc.
(Sic subscribitur,)
JACOBUS MCGILL.[270]
 THE ACT FOR ABOLISHING THE JURISDICTIOUN OF THE PAPE.[271]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent day of Julij, the year of God Jm
Vc lx yearis, and thairefter continewit to the first day of August nixt thairefter
following, with continewatioun of dayes, upoun the xxiiij of the said moneth of
August:[272] The thre Estaitis, then being present, understanding that the
jurisdictioun and authoritie of the Bischope of Rome, callit the Pape, usit
[with]in this Realme in tymes bypast, hes [not onlie bene contumelious to the
Eternall God, but also] verry hurtsome and prejudiciall to our Soveranis
authoritie, and commoun weall of this Realme: Thairfoir hes statut and ordainit,
that the Bischope of Rome, [callit the Paip,] have na jurisdictioun nor authoritie
[with]in this Realme in tymes cuming; and that nane of oure said Soveranis
subjectis sute or desyre, in ony tyme heirefter, tytill or rycht, be the said
Bischope of Rome or his sect, to ony thing within this Realme, under the panis
of Barratrie; that is to say, proscriptioun, banishment, and never to bruik honour,
office, nor dignitie within this Realme: And the contraveaneris heirof, to be callit
befoir the Justice or his deputtis, or befoir the Lordis of the Sessioun, and punist
thairfoir according to the lawis of this Realme: And the furnessaris of thame
with fynance of money, and purchessaris of thair tytle of rycht, or manteaneris
and defenderis of thame, sall incurr the samyn panis: And that na Bischope, nor
uther Prelatt of this Realme, use ony jurisdictioun in tymes to cum, be the said
Bischope of Rome's authoritie, under the paine foirsaid.
Extractum, etc.

These and other thingis ordourlie done in lauchfull and free Parliament,[273] we
direct to France, to our Soveranis, Sir James Sandelandis, Lord of Sanct Johne,
[274] with the Actes of the said Parliament, that by thame thei mycht be ratifeid

according to the promeisse of thair Heyghness Commissionaris maid to us, as by

the Contract of Peace most evidentlie may appear. Bot how the said Lord of
Sanct Johne was entreated we list nott reherse; but alwyis no Ratificatioun
brought he unto us.[275] But that we litill regarded, or yit do regarde; for all that
we did was rather to schaw our debtfull obedience, then to bege of thame any
strenth to our Religioun, whiche from God hes full powar, and neideth nott the
suffrage of man, but in so far as man hath neid to beleve it, yf that ever he shall
have participatioun of the lyfe everlesting. But somewhat most we answer to
suche as since hes whispered, that it was but a pretended Parliament and a privye
conventioun, and no lauchfull Parliament. Thair reassonis ar, the King and
Quene war in France; thair was neather sceptour, sweard, nor croune borne, &c.,
and some principall Lordis war absent. We answer, That we rather wishe the
Papistis to be quyett, nor too curiouslie to travell in that head; for it may be, that
whill thei think to hurte us, thei tack the Quene and hir authoritie a great blawe,
and yitt amend thame selffis nothing. For in whose defalt, we pray yow, was the
Quene absent frome this Realme? We think thei will not be so schameless as that
thei will blame the Protestantis thairof. Her persone was absent, and [that] to no
small greaff of our hartis. But war nott the Estaitis of hir Realme assembled in
hir name? Yea, had thei nott hir full power and commissioun, yea, the
commissioun and commandiment of hir head the King of France, to convocat
that Parliament, and to do all thingis that may be done in lauchfull Parliament,
evin as yf oure Soveranis had bene thair in proper personis? Yf thei will limitat
the power of princes to the places onlie whair thair bodelye presence is, it will be
thocht strange; for so not onlie shall Kingis be compellit to content thame with
one Realme, but also with one citie; for the bodilie presence of Kingis can no
more be in diverse cities in one instant, then that thei can be in diverse Realmes.
Hitherto we haif understand, that whairsoever the Counsallouris of the King,
with his power and commissioun, ar assembled to do any thing at his
commandiment, that thair is the Kingis sufficient presence and authoritie,
whairsoever his awin body be leving at fredome and libertie. Which, yf the
Papistis deny, we will find faultis with thame, and with the princes whome thei
have abused, that more will annoy thame then anything that we can lose by the
insufficiencie of that Parliament; whiche not the less we ar bold to affirme, to
have bene more lauchfull, and more free then any Parliament that thei ar able to
produce this hundreth year befoir it, or yitt any that hath ensewed since it was;
for in it, the votes of men war free, and gevin of conscience: in otheris thei war
bought or gevin at the devotioun of the prince. All thingis in it concluded ar able
to abyde the tryall, and nott to be consumed at the prufe of the fyre. Off otheris
the godly may justly call in dowbt thingis determined.
To the sweard and sceptour, nor yitt to the absence of some Lordis, we ansuere
nothing; for oure adversaries know weall yneuche that the one is rather a pompe
and gloriouse vane ceremonye, than a substantiall point of necessitie, requyred
to a lauchfull Parliament; and the absence of some prejudges nott the poweris of
the present, providing that dew advertisement be made unto thame. But now we
returne to oure Historye.
THE Parliament dissolved, consultatioun was had, how the Kirk mycht be
establissed in a good and godlie Policy, whiche by the Papistes was altogether
defaced. Commissioun and charge was gevin to Mr. Johne Winram[276]
Suppriour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne Spottiswoode, Johne Willok, Mr. John
Douglas Rectour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne Row, and Johne Knox, to draw
in a volume the Polecey and Disciplyn of the Kirk, as weill as thei had done the
Doctrin; whiche thei did and presented to the Nobilitie, who did peruse it many
dayis. Some approved it, and willed the samyn have bene sett furth be a law.
Otheris, perceaving thair carnall libertie and worldlie commoditie somewhat to
be impaired thairby grudged, insomuche that the name of the Book of Discipline
became odious unto thame. Everie thing that repugned to thair corrupt
affectionis, was termed in thair mockage, "devote imaginationis." The caus we
have befoir declaired; some war licentious; some had greadelie gripped to the
possessionis of the Kirk; and otheris thought that thei wald nott lack thair parte
of Christis coat; yea, and that befoir that ever he was hanged, as by the
Preachearis thei war oft rebuked. The cheaf great man that had professed Christ
Jesus, and refuissed to subscrive the Book of Discipline, was the Lord Erskyn;
[277] and no wonder, for besydis that he has a verray Jesabell to his wyffe, yf the
poore, the schooles, and the ministerie of the Kirk had thair awin, his keching
wald lack two parttis and more, of that whiche he injustlie now possesses.
Assuredlye some of us have woundered how men that professe godlynes could
of so long continewance hear the threatnyngis of God against theavis and against
thair housses, and knowing thame selfis guyltie in suche thingis, as war openlie
rebucked, and that thei never had remorse of conscience, neather yitt intended to
restore any thingis of that, whiche long thei had stollen and reft. Thair was none
within the Realme more unmercyfull to the poore Ministeris then war thei
whiche had greatest rentis of the Churches. But in that we have perceaved the
old proverbe to be trew, "Nothing can suffice a wreche;" and agane, "The bellie
hes none earis." Yitt the same Book of Discipline was subscrived by a great parte
of the Nobilitie: to witt, the Duckis Grace, the Erle of Arrane, the Erles Ergyle,
Glencarne, Merschall, Menteth, Mortoun, Rothes, Lord James, now Erle of
Murray; Lordis Yester, Boyd, Vchiltree; Maister of Maxwell,[278] Lord Lyndesay
elder, and the Maister now Lord;[279] Baronis Drumlanryg, Lochinwar, Garleise,
Bargany; Mr. Alexander Gordoun Byschop of Galloway, Alexander Campbell
Deane of Murray, with a great number mo, subscrived and approved the said
Book of Discipline,[280] in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the twenty-sevin day of
Januare, the year of God Jm Vc threscoir yearis, by thair approbatioun, in these
wordis:—
"WE quhilk have subscrivit thir presentis, havand advised with the Articles
herein specified, and as is above mentionat, from the begyning of this Book,
thinkis the samyn goode, and conforme to Goddis word in all poyntis, conforme
to the notes and additionis thairto eikked; and promittis to sett the same
fordwarte at the uttermost of oure poweris, providing that the Bischoppis,
Abbottis, Priouris, and utheris Prelattis and beneficed men, quhilkis ellis have
adjoyned thameselfis to us, bruik the revenues of thair benefices during thair
lyfetymes, thei susteanyng and upholding the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is
heirin specified, for preaching of the worde, and ministring of the sacramentis."
What be the contentis of the haill Book, and how that this promeise was illuded
frome tyme to tyme, we will after hear.

Schort after the said Parliament, war send from the counsall Ambassadouris to
England, the Erles Mortoun and Glencarne, togidder with William Maitland of
Lethingtoun youngare. The cheaf poynt of thair commissioun was earnestlie to
crave the constant assistance of the Quenis Majestie of England, against all
forane invasioun, and to propone the Earle of Arrane (who then was in no small
estimatioun with us) to the Quene of England in mariage.[281]

That same tyme was the Castell of Sempill[282] besieged and tane, because the
Lord thairof disobeyed the lawes and ordinances of the Counsall in many
thingis, and especiallie in that, that he wold manteane the idolatrie of the Messe,
and also that he besett the way to the Erle of Arrane, with a great gathering, as
he was ryding with his accustumed companye.
The Papistis war proude, for thei looked for ane new armye from France at the
nixt spring, and thairof was thair no small appearance, yf God had not otherwyse
provided. For France utterlie refused the confirmatioun of the peace contracted
at Leyth, wald ratifie no parte of oure Parliament, dismissed the Lord of Sanct
Johne without any resolute ansure,[283] begane to gather new bandis of throte-
cuttaris, and to maik great preparatioun for schippes. Thei farther send befoir
thame certane practisaris (amonges whome the Lord Seatoun,[284] who had
departed with the Frenche out of Leyth was one) to rouse up new trubles within
this Realme. And all this came partlie of the malice of the house of Gwise, who
had avowed to revenge the displeasour of thair sister, boyth upoun England and
Scotland, and partlie by instigatioun of proud Beatoun, falslie called Bischope of
Glasgu, of Dury, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Saulles Seatoun,[285] and Mr. John
Sinklar, Dene of Restarick,[286] with suche utheris of the Frenche factioun,[287]
who had openlie spokin, that thei had refused all portioun of Scotland, onless
that it war under the government of a Frenche man. "Recompense thame, O
Lord, as thou knowest maist expedient for thy awin glorie, and for the perpetuall
schame of all tratouris to thair commoun-wealth."
 THE DEATH OF THE YONG KING OF FRANCE, HUSBAND TO OUR JESABELL.

The certane knowledge of all these thingis came to our earis, whairat many war
effrayed; for diverse suspected that England wald nott be so fordwarde in tymes
to cum, considering that thair formar expensses war so great. The principall
conforte remaned with the preacheouris; for thei assured us in Goddis name, that
God should performe in all perfectioun that worke in our handis, the begyning
whairof he had so mychtelie mainteaned, becaus it was not ouris, but his awin;
and thairfoir exhorted us that we should constantlie proceid to reforme all
abuses, and to plant the ministerie of the Churche, as by Goddis word we mycht
justifie it, and then committ the successe of all to our God, in whose power the
dispositioun of kingdomes standis. And so we begane to do, for troubles
appearing, maid us give ear to the admonitionis of Goddis servandis. And whill
that we had skarslie begune agane to implore the helpe of our God, and to schaw
some signes of our obedience unto his messingeris, and holy worde, lo! the
potent hand of God from above send unto us a wonderfull and most joyfull
deliverance: For unhappy Francis, husband to our Soverane, suddandlie
perissheth of a rottin ear. But becaus the death of that child was nott onlie the
cause of joy to us in Scotland, but also by it war the faythfull in France
delivered, as it ware, from the present death, we think expedient to entreat the
same somewhat more largelie.

CORRECTED BE MR. GEORGE.[288]

These cruell and conjured ennemyes of God, and of all godlynes, the Duck of
Gwyse, the Cardinall of Lorane, and thair factioun, who then at thair awin
appetite plaide the tyrantis in France, had determined the destructioun[289] of all
that professed the trew knowledge of Jesus Christ within that Realme. What
tyranny laite befoir thei had used at Amboyse, the historie of France doth
witness. Now, in Orleance, in the moneth of November, conveyned the King,
unhappie Francis, the Quene oure Soverane, and the Quene Mother, the Duck of
Gweise, with all his factioun, the King of Navar, and the Prince his brother.[290]
So that great was the confluence of the Nobilitie; but greater was the assemblie
of the murtheraris; for thair was nott a hangman in all France whiche was nott
thair. The preasonis ware full of the trew servandis of God: the King of Navar
and the Prince war constitut preasonaris. The Schereff of Orleance, a man
fearing God, was tackin, and so war many otheris of the toune. Breiflie, thair
was none that professed God or godlyness within that toune, that looked nott for
the extreamitie; for the walles and yettis war nycht and day keapt with tha
garnysonis of the Gwysianes: miserable men war dalie browght in to suffer
judgement, but none was suffered to departe furth butt at the devotioun of the
tyrantis. And so thei proceided till the tent or twelft[291] of December, when that
thei thowght tyme to putt thair bloody counsall in executioun, and for that
purpoise conclusioun was tackin that the King should departe of the toune, and
lye at a certane place; whiche was done to this intent, that thair should no suyte
be maid to the King for the saiftie of any manis lyfe, whome thei thowght
worthy of death. And so was the Kingis house in Orleance broken up, his beddis,
cofferis, and tapistree sent away; his awin buttis putt on, he sitting at the Messe,
immediatlie thairafter to have departed, and so thair tyrannie to have begune,—
when all thingis, we say, war into this readdyness to sched the bloode of
innocentis, the Eternall, our God, who ever watches for the preservatioun of his
awin, begane to work, and suddandlie did put his awin werk in executioun. For
as the said King satt at Messe, he was suddandlie strikkin with ane aposthume, in
that deaf eare that never wald hear the treuth of God; and so was he caryed to
ane void house, layd upoun a palliase unto suche tyme as a cannabie was sett up
unto him; whair he lay till the fyftene day of December, in the year of God Jm Vc
threscoir yearis,[292] when his glorie perished, and the pryde of the stubburne
heart evanished in smok. And so was the snare brokin, the tyrantis disappoynted
of thair crueltye; those that war appointed to death rased, as it war out of thair
graves; and we, who by our foolischnes had maid our selves slaves to
strangearis, war restored agane to freedome and libertie of a free Realme.
"Oh! that we had heartis deaplie to considder what ar thy wonderouse workis, O
Lord, that we mycht praise Thee in the myddest of this most obstinat and wicked
generatioun, and leave the memoriall of the same to oure posterities, whiche,
allace, we fear, shall forget thy inestimable benefites." The godlie in France,
upoun this suddane death, sett furth in these verses ane admonitioun to Kingis:—

AD HUJUS TEMPORIS MONARCHAS PROTREPTICON CARMEN.[293]

Consiliis Christum oppugnans et fraudibus, ingens

Regum ille terror Carolus:
Ipsis ridiculis pueris, furiosus, et excors,
Totus repente corruit.
Tuque Henrice, malis dum consultoribus utens,
Sitis piorum sanguinem:
Ipse tuo vecors, inopina, cæde peremptus
 Terram imbuisti sanguine.
Henrici deinceps, sectans vestigia patris
Franciscus infœlix puer,
Clamantem Christum surda dum negligit aure,
Aure putrefacta corruit.
Versuti, fatui, surdi, hæc spectacula, Reges,
Vos sapere vel mori jubent.

THE MEANYNG WHAIROF IS, THAT CHARLES—

KYNGE CHARLES that tyrane terrible,
Withstanding Christ with witt and craft,
As mocking stock most miserable,
Endit at ones ragine and daft.[294]
Then Henrie through evill cumpany,
Thristing the blood of godlie men,
With his awin blood, schedd suddantlie,
Was maid to wait the end ye ken.[295]
Last, Francis, that unhappie child,
His Father's footsteps following plane,
To Christ crying, deafe eares did yeild,
Ane rotten eare then was his baine.
O craftie, deif, and foolische Kyngs,
These fearfull judgments gone befoir you,
Biddeth you be wyser in your reignes,
Or schamefull death will sone devoir you.
The death of this King maid great alteratioun in Fraunce, England, and Scotland.
France was erected in some esperance, that the tyranny of the Gwysianis should
no longar ring above thame, becaus that God at unwares had brokin the staff
whairupoun thei leaned. But, allace, thei war deceaved: for the simplicitie of
some was so abused, that, against the lawes of the Realme, to the Quene Mother
was committed regiment: which lifted up asweill the Duck of Gwyse, as the
cruell Cardinall for a seassone.
The Quene of England and the Counsall, remitted our Ambassadouris with
answer, "That sche wald nott marye hastelye, and, thairfoir, willed the Counsall
of Scotland, and the Erle of Arrane, foirsaid, nott to depend upoun any hope
thairof."[296] What motives she had, we omitt.
The pryde of the Papists of Scotland begane to be abated, and some that ever had
schawin thame selfis ennemyes unto us, begane to think, and planelie to speak,
(amanges whom the auld Schiref of Ayr[297] was one,) that thei perceaved God to
feght for us. The Erle of Arrane him self did more patientlie abyd the repulse of
the Quene of England, becaus that he was nott altogitther without hope that the
Quene of Scotland bare unto him some favour. And so he wrait unto her, and
send for credite a ryng, whiche the said Quene our Soverane knew well yneuch.
The letter and ring war baith presented to the Quene, and of her receaved.
Answer was returned to the said Erle, after the whiche he maid no farther
persuyte in that mater: and yitt, not the less, he bare it heavelie in harte,[298] and
more heavelie then many wold have wissed.

The certaintie of the death foirsaid was signified unto us both by sea and land.
By sea receaved Johnne Knox (who then had great intelligence both with the
churches,[299] and some of the Courte of France) letteris, that the King was
mortallye seak, and could nott weall eschap the death. Which letteris receaved,
that same day at afternoon, he passed to the Duckis Grace, to his awin ludging at
the Kirk of Feild,[300] [with] whome he fand the Lord James in conference
togitther, (the Erle of Arrane was in Jedburgh,) to whome he opened such newis
as he had receaved, and willed thame to be of good conforte; for, said he, the
advertissare never hes yitt abused me: it is the same gentilman that first gave us
knawledge of the slauchter of Hary King of France; and shew unto thame the
letter, but wold nott expresse the manis name. Whill thei war reassonying in
diverse purposes; and he upoun the one parte conforting thame, and thei upoun
the other parte conforting him, (for he was in no small heaviness be reassone of
the late death of his dear bedfellow, Marjorie Bowis,)[301] whill (we say) thei
three war familiarlie commonyng togetther, thair came a messinger from the
Lord Grey,[302] furth of Berwick, with letteris, assuring him of the death of the
King of France. Which devulgat and noysed abrode, a generall Conventioun of
the haill Nobilitie was appointed to be holdin at Edinburgh the fyvetene[303] day
of Januare following, in the whiche the Booke of Discipline was perused newlie
oure agane, for some pretended ignorance, be reassone thei had not heard it.

AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE OF ROSS.

In that assemblie was Maister Alexander Andersone, sub-principall of Abirdene,
[304] a man more subtill and craftye then ather learned or godlie, called, who
refused to dispute in his fayth, abusing a place of Tertulliane to cloik his
ignorance. It was ansuered unto him, That Tertulliane should nott prejudge the
authoritie of the Holy Ghost, who, by the mouth of Peter, commandis us to geve
reassone for our faith to everie one that requires the same of us. It was farther
answered, That we neather required him neather yitt any man to dispute in any
pointe concernyng our fayth, whiche was grounded upoun Godis word, and fully
expressed within his holy Scriptures; for all that we belevit without contraversie.
But we required of him, as of the rest of Papistis, that thei wald suffer thair
doctrin, constitutionis, and ceremonies to come to tryall; and principallie, that
the Messe, and the opinioun thairof by thame taught unto the people, mycht be
laid to the squair-reull of Goddis worde, and unto the rycht institutioun of Jesus
Christ, that thei mycht understand whither that thair Preacheris offended or nott,
in that, that thei affirmed, "The actioun of the Messe to be expressedlye
repugnyng unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus; the sayar of it to committ
horrible blasphemye, in usurping upoun him the office of Christ; the hearars to
committ damnable idolatrie, and the opinioun of it conceaved to be derogatioun,
and as it war, disanulling of Christis death." Whill that the said Maister
Alexander denyed that the preast took upoun him Christis office, to offer for
syne, as was alledged, a Messe book was produced, and in the begyning of the
Canon war these wordis redd: Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam
ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro peccatis meis, pro
peccatis totius Ecclesiæ vivorum et mortuorum, &c.[305] "Now, (said the
reasonare,) yf to offer for the synnes of the haill Kirk was nott the office of
Christ Jesus, yea, that office that to him onlie mycht, and may apparteane, lett
the Scripture judge. And yf a vyle knave, whome ye call the preast, proudlie
tackis the same upoun him, lett your awin hook witnesse." The said Maister
Alexander ansuered, "Christ offered the propitiatorie, and that could nane do but
he; but we offer the remembrance." Whairto it was ansuered, "We praise God,
that ye have denyed a sacrifice propitiatorie to be in the Masse; and yet we offer
to prove, that in mo then a hundreth places of your Papisticall Doctouris, this
propositioun is affirmed, 'The Messe is a sacrifice propitiatorie.' But, to the
secound parte, whair ye allege that ye offer Christ in remembrance, we ask, first,
Unto whome do ye offer him? and nixt, By what authoritie are ye assured of
weall-doing? In God the Father, thair fallis no oblivioun: and yf ye will yitt
schift and say, That ye offer it nott as God war forgetfull, but as willing to apply
Christis merittis to his Churche; we demand of you, What power and
commandiment ye have so to do? We know that our Maister, Christ Jesus,
commanded his Apostles to do that whiche he did 'in remembrance of him;' but
plane it is, that Christ took bread, gave thankis, braik bread, and gave it to his
disciples, saying, 'Tak ye, eat ye; this is my body whiche is broken for you. Do
this in remembrance of me,' &c. Here we fynd a commandiment to tak, to eat, to
tak and to drink; but to offer Christis body eather for remembrance or
applicatioun, we fynd not: and thairfoir, we say, to tack upoun you ane office
which is nott gevin unto you, is injust usurpatioun, and no lauchfull power." The
said Maister Alexander being more then astonished, wold have schifted; but then
the Lordis willed him to ansuer directlie. Whairto he ansured, "That he was
better seane in philosophie, then in theologie." Then was commanded Maister
Johne Leslie, (who then was Parsone of Une, and now Lord Abbote of
Londoris,)[306] to ansuer to the formare argument: and he with grait gravitie
begane to answer, "Yf our Maister have nothing to say to it, I have nothing; for I
knaw nothing but the Cannoun Law: and the greatest reassone that ever I could
fynd thair, is Nolumus and Volumus." And yitt we understand that now he is the
onlie patrone of the Messe. But it is no mervall, for he understoode that he is a
Preastis gett; and thairfoir we should nott wonder albeit that the auld trowane
verse be trew, Patrem sequitur sua proles. The Nobilitie hearing that neather the
one nor the other wold ansure directlie, said, "We have bene miserable deceaved
heirtofoir; for yf the Messe may not obteane remissioun of synnes to the quick
and to the dead, whairfoir war all the Abacyes so richelie doted with oure
temporall landis?"

THE LYEING DEANE OF RESTALRIG CALLED SYNCLARE.[307]

Thus much we thocht good to insert here, becaus that some Papistis ar nott
eschamed now to affirme, That thei with thair reassonis could never be hearde;
but that all that we did, we did by fyn force; when that the haill Realme knawis,
that we ever requyred thame to speak thair judgmentis freelie, not onlie
promissing unto thame protectioun and defense, but also that we should
subscrive with thame, yf thei by Goddis Scriptures could confute us, and by the
same word establisse thair assertionis. "But who can correct the leasingis of such
as in all thingis schaw thame selves the sones of the Father of all lyes. Preserve
us, Lord, from that perverst and malitious generatioun. AMEN."
AT this same Assemblie was the Lord James appoynted to go to France to the
Quene oure Soverane;[308] and a Parliament was appointed to begyn the twenty
of Maij nixt following; for at that tyme was the returne of the said Lord James
looked for. And so was that Conventioun dissolved without any other thing of
importance concluded. The said Lord James prepared him for his jornay; (for
albeit he past in the publict effairis, he susteaned the charge of his awin
expensses; and yit thair never past fra this Realme in the cumpanye of one man
so many, and so honest, throwght England to France.) Befoir he departed, he was
foirwarned asweill of the danger in France, as of the Quenis craft, (not that we
then suspected her nature, but that we understoode the malice of hir freindis:) he
was planelie premonisshed, that yf ever he condiscended that sche should have
Messe publictlie or privatlie within the Realme of Scotland, that then betrayed
he the caus of God, and exponed the religioun evin to the uttermoist danger that
he could do. That sche should have Messe publictlie, he affirmed that he should
never consent: but to have it secreatlie in hir chalmer, who could stopp hir? The
danger was schawin; and so he departed.

The Electioun of the Superintendentis heirefter followed in this maner:[309]—

. . . . . .
THE FORME AND ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF THE SUPERINTENDENTS, QUHILK MAY
SERVE ALSO IN ELECTIOUN OF ALL UTHER MINISTERS. AT EDINBURGHE THE 9TH OF
MERCHE 1560[310] YEIRIS, JOHNE KNOX BEING MINISTER.[311]
FIRST was made a Sermone, in the quhilk thir Heids war intreated. First, The
necessity of Ministers and Superintendents. 2. The crymes and vyces that micht
unable thame [of the ministrie]. 3. The vertues required in thame. And last,
Quhidder sick as by publict consent of the Kyrk wer callit to sick Office, micht
refuis the same.
The Sermone finisched, it was declared be the same Minister, (maker thareof,)
that the Lords of Secrete Councell had given charge and power to the Kirkis of
Lauthiane, to chuse MR. JOHNE SPOTTISWODE[312] Superintendent; and that
sufficient warning was made be publict edict to the Kirks of Edinburghe,
Linlythgow, Striveling, Tranent, Hadingtoun, and Dunbar; as also to Earles,
Lords, Barones, Gentilmen, and uthers, having, or quho micht clame to have
voite in Electioun, to be present that day, at that same hour; And, tharefore,
inquisitioun was made, Quho wer present, and quho wer absent.
Efter was called the said Mr. Johne, quho answering; the Minister demanded, Gif
ony man knew ony cryme or offence to the said Mr. Johne, that mycht unabill
him to be called to that office? And this he demanded thryis. Secundlie,
Questioun was moved to the haill multitude, If thair was ony uther quhome they
wald put in Electioun with the said Mr. Johne. The pepill wer asked, If they wald
have the said Mr. Johne Superintendent? If they wald honour and obey him as
Christis Minister? and comfort and assist him in every thing perteining to his
Charge? They Answerit.—We will; and we do promeis unto him sick obedience
as becumethe the scheip to give unto thair Pastour, sa lang as he remains
faythfull in his office.
The Answers of the Pepill, and thair consents receaved, thir Questiouns wer
proponit unto him that was to be elected.
Questioun.—Seing that ye hear the thrist and desyre of this people, do ye not
think yourself bound in conscience befoir God to support thame that so earnestly
call for your comfort, and for the fruit of your labours?
Answer.—If anie thing wer in me abill to satisfie thair desyir, I acknowledge
myself bound to obey God calling by thame.
Questioun.—Do ye seik to be promoted to this Office and charge, for ony
respect of warldly commoditie, riches or glory?
Answer.—God knawes the contrarie.
Questioun.—Beleve ye not that the doctrine of the Propheits and Apostles,
conteined in the buiks of the Auld and New Testaments, is the onely trew and
most absolute foundatioun of the universall Kirk of Christ Jesus, insamekill that
in the same Scriptures ar conteined all things necessary to be beleved for the
salvatioun of Mankind?
Answer.—I verely beleve the same, and do abhorre and utterly refuis all
Doctrine alleged necessary to Salvatioun, that is not expressedly conteined in the
same.
Questioun.—Is not Christ Jesus Man of Man, according to the flesche, to wit, the
Sone of David, the Seid of Abrahame, conceaved by the Holy Ghost, borne of
the Virgin Marie his mother, the onely Head and Mediatour of his Kirk?
Answer.—He is, and without him thair is nouther salvatioun to man, nor lyfe to
angell.
Questioun.—Is not the same Lord Jesus, [the] onely trew God, the Eternall Sone
of the Eternall Father, in quhome all that sall be saved wer elected befoir the
foundatioun of the world was layd?
Answer.—I confes and acknawlege him in the unitie of his Godheid, to be God
above all thingis, blessit for evir.
Questioun.—Sall not they quhome God in his eternall councell hes electit, be
callit to the knawlege of his Sone, our Lord Jesus? And sall not they, quho of
purpoise are elected in this lyfe, be justified? And is not justificatioun and free
remissioun of sinnes obtained in this lyfe by free grace? Sall not this glorie of
the sonnes of God follow in the generall resurrectioun, quhen the Sone of God
sall appeir in his glorious majesty?
Answer.—I acknawlege this to be the doctrine of the Apostles, and the most
singular comfort of God's childrein.
Questioun.—Will ye not contein yourself in all doctrine within the boundes of
this foundatioun? Will ye not study to promote the same, alsweill by your lyfe as
by your doctrine? Will ye not, according to the graces and utterance that God sall
grant unto yow, profes, instructe, and mantene the purity of the doctrine,
conteined in the sacred Word of God? And, to the uttermost of your power, will
ye not ganestand and convince the gaynsayers and teichers of mennis
inventiouns?
Answer.—That I do promeis in the presence of God, and of his congregatioun
heir assembled.
Questioun.—Knaw ye not, that the excellency of this office, to the quhilk God
hes called yow, requires that your conversatioun and behaviour be sick, as that
ye may be irreprehensible; yea, even in the eyis of the ungodly?
Answer.—I unfaynedly acknawlege, and humilly desyre the Kirk of God to pray
with me, that my lyfe be not scandalous to the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ.
Questioun.—Becaus ye are a man compassed with infirmities, will ye not
charitably, and with lawlines of spirit, receave admonitioun of your Brethrein?
And if ye sall happin to slyde, or offend in ony point, will ye not be subject to
the Discipline of the Kirk, as the rest of your Brethrein?
The Answer of the Superintendent, or Minister to be elected.—I acknawlege
myself to be a man subject to infirmity, and ane that hes neid of correctioun and
admonitioun; and tharefoir I maist willingly submit and subject my self to the
hailsume disciplin of the Kirk; yea, to the discipline of the same Kirk by the
quhilk I ame now called to this office and chairge; and heir in God's presens and
youris do promeis obedience to all admonitiones, secretly or publickly gevin;
unto the quhilk, if I be found inobedient, I confes myself most worthie to be
ejected not onely from this honour, bot also frome the society of the Faythfull, in
cais of my stubburnnes: For the vocatioun of God to bear charge within his Kirk,
makethe not men tyrantes, nor lordis, but appoynteth thame Servandis,
Watchemen, and Pastoris of the Flock.
This ended, Questioun man be asked agane of the Multitude.
Questioun.—Require ye ony farther of this your Superintendent?
If no man answer, let the Minister proceid. Will ye not acknawlege this your
Brother, for the Minister of Christ Jesus? Will ye not reverence the word of God
that proceids fra his mouthe? Will ye not receave of him the sermone of
exhortatioun with patience, not refuising the hailsome medicine of your saules,
althocht it be bitter and unpleising to the flesche? Will ye not finally, mantene
and comforte him in his ministry, against all sick as wickedly wald rebell against
God and his holy ordinance?
The Peple answereth.—We will, as we will answer to the Lord Jesus, quho hes
commandit his Ministeris to be had in reverence, as his ambassadours, and as
men that cairfully watche for the salvatioun of our saullis.
Let the Nobility also be urged with this.—Ye have heard the dewty and
professioun of this your Brother, by your consentis appointit to this charge; as
also the dewty and obedience, quhilk God requireth of us towards him heir in his
ministry: Bot becaus that neyther of bothe are abill to performe ony thing
without the especiall grace of our God in Christ Jesus, quho hes promeised to be
with us present, even to the consummatioun of the world; with unfayned hairtis,
let us crave of him his benedictioun and assistance in this work begun to his
glory, and for the comfort of his Kirk.
 THE PRAYER.
O LORD, to quhome all power is gevin in heavin and in eirthe, thow that art the
Eternall Sone of the Eternall Father, quho hes not onely so luifit thy Kirk, that
for the redemptioun and purgatioun of the same, thow hes humilled thyself to the
deyth of the Croce; and thareupoun hes sched thy most innocent bluid, to prepair
to thyself a Spous without spott; bot also, to retein this thy most excellent
benefite in memory, hes appointed in thy Kirk, Teichears, Pastores, and
Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and admonische the same: Luk upoun us
mercifully, O Lord, thow that onely art King, Teicher, and Hie Priest to thy awin
flock; and send unto this our Brother, quhome in thy name we have chairged
with the cheif cair of thy Kirk, within the boundis of Louthiane, sick portioun of
thy Holy Spreit, as thareby he may rychtly devyde thy word to the instructioun
of thy flocke, and to the confutatioun of pernitious erroures, and damnable
superstitiones. Give unto him, gude Lord, a mouthe and wisdome, quhareby the
enemies of thy truthe may be confounded, the wolfis expellit, and driven from
thy fauld, thy scheip may be fed in the wholsum pastures of thy most holy word,
the blind and ignorant may be illuminated with thy trew knawlege: Finally, That
the dregis of superstitioun and idolatry quhilk yit restis within this Realme, being
purged and removed, we may all not only have occasioun to glorifie thee our
onely Lord and Saviour, but also dayly to grow in godlines and obedience of thy
most holy will, to the destructioun of the body of synne, and to the restitutioun
of that image to the quhilk we wer anes created, and to the quhilk, efter our fall
and defectioun, we ar renewed by participatioun of thy Holy Spirit, quhilk by
trew fayth in thee, we do profes as the blissit of thy Father, of quhome the
perpetuall incres of thy graces we crave, as by thee our Lord and King, and
onely Bischope, we are taucht to pray, saying, "Our Father that art in hevin, &c."

The prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if ony be, and Elders of that Kirk
present, in signe of thair consents, sall tak the elected by the hand, and then the
cheif Minister sall gif the benedictioun, as follows:—
GOD, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho hes comanded his Evangell to be
preiched, to the comfort of his Elect, and hes called thee to the office of a
Watchman over his peple, multiply his graces with thee, illuminat thee with his
Holy Spirit, comfort and strenthen thee in all vertewe, governe and guyde thy
ministry, to the prayse of his holy Name, to the propagatioun of Christis
kingdome, to the comforte of his Kirk, and finally, to the plain dischairge and
assurance of thy awin conscience in the day of the Lord Jesus; to quhome, with
the Father, and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, prayse, and glory, now and ever.
So be it.
THE LAST EXHORTATIOUN TO THE ELECTED.
Take heid to thy self, and unto the Flock comitted to thy chairge; feid the same
cairfully, not as it wer of compulsioun, bot of very love, quhilk thow bearest to
the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and purenes of lyfe, as it becumethe the trew
servand and ambassadour of the Lord Jesus. Usurpe not dominioun nor
tyrranicall impyre over thy brethrein. Be not discouraged in adversity, bot lay
befoir thyself the example of Propheits, Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, quho in
thair ministry susteaned contradictioun, contempt, persecutioun and deyth. Feir
not to rebuik the warld of sinne, justice, and jugement. If ony thing succeid
prosperously in thy vocatioun, be not puft upe with pryde; nether yit flatter thy
self as that the gude succes proceided from thy vertew, industry, or cair: Bot let
ever that sentence of the Apostle remane in thy hairt; "Quhat hes thou, quhilk
thou hes not receavit? If thou hes receivit, quhy gloriest thou?" Comfort the
afflicted, support the puir, and exhort utheris to support thame. Be not solist for
things of this lyfe, bot be fervent in prayer to God for incress of his Holy Spirit.
And finally, behave thyself in this holy vocatioun, with sick sobriety, as God
may be glorified in thy ministry: And so sall thow schortly obtein the victory,
and shall receave the crown promeised, quhen the Lord Jesus sall appeir in his
glory, quhois Omnipotent Spirit assist thee and us unto the end. AMEN.
Then sing the 23d Psalme.
THE ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS IN THE PRIVIE KIRK OF
EDINBURGH, IN THE BEGYNNING, QUHEN AS YET THAIR WAS NO PUBLICT FACE OF A
KIRK, NOR OPEN ASSEMBLIES, BOT SECREIT AND PRIVIE CONVENTIOUNIS IN
HOUSES, OR IN THE FEILDS.[313]
BEFOIR that thare wes ony publict face of a trew Religioun within this Realme, it
pleised God of his grit mercie, to illuminat the hairts of mony privat persones, so
that they did perceave and understand the abusses that wer in the Papisticall
Kirk, and thareupoun withdrew thameselfis from participatioun of thare
idolatrie. And becaus the Spirit of God will never suffer his awne to be idle and
voyde of all religioun, men began to exercise thameselfis in reading of the
Scriptures secreitly within thair awne houses; and varietie of persones culd not
be keipt in gud obedience and honest fame, without Oversiers, Elders, and
Deacones: And so begane that small flocke to put thameselfis in sick ordour, as
if Christ Jesus had planely triumphed in the middes of thame by the power of his
Evangell. And thay did elect sum to occupie the supreame place of exhortatioun
and reading, som to be Elderis and helperis unto thame, for the oversight of the
flocke: And some to be Deacones for the collectioun of almes to be distributed to
the poore of thair awne bodie. Of this small begyning is that Ordour, quhilk now
God of his grit mercie hes gevin unto us publictlie within this Realme. Of the
principalls of thame that wer knowne to be men of gude conversatioun and
honest fame in the privy Kirk, wer chosen Elders and Deacones to reull with the
Minister in the publike Kirk; quhilk burdene thay patiently susteaned a yeir and
mair: And then, becaus they could not (without neglecting of thair awen private
houses) langer wait upoun the publict charge, they desyred that they micht be
releaved, and that uthers micht be burdeined in thair roume: Quhilk was thocht a
petitioun ressonabill of the haill Kirk. And tharefore it was granted unto thame,
that thay sould nominat and gif up in electioun sick personages as thay in thair
consciences thocht maist apte and abill to serve in that charge; provyding that
they sould nominate double moe personis then war sufficient to serve in that
charge, to the end that the haill Congregatioun micht have thair free vote in thair
Electioun.
And this Ordour hes bene ever observed sen that tyme in the Kirk of Edinburgh;
that is, that the auld Sessioun befor thair departure, nominat twenty-four in
Electioun for Elders, of quhom twelve ar to be chosen, and thirty-two for
Deacounes, of quhome sixteen ar to be elected; quhilk persones ar publictly
proclaimed in the audience of the haill Kirk, upoun a Sonday befoir none, efter
sermone; with admonitioun to the Kirk, that if ony man knaw ony notorious
cryme or caus that micht unabill ony of these persones to enter in sick vocatioun,
that they sould notifie the same unto the Sessioun the next Thursday: Or if ony
knaw any persones mair abill for that charge, they sould notifie the same unto
the Sessioun, to the end that na man eyther present or absent (being ane of the
Kirk) suld complayne that he was spoyled of his liberty in electioun.
The Sonday following befoir none, in the end of the Sermone, the hole
Communicants ar commandit to be present efternone, to gif thair votes, as they
will answer befoir God, to sick as they esteme most abill to beir the charge of the
Kirk with the ministers. The votes of all being receaved, the scroles of all ar
delyvered to any of the ministers, quho keips the same secreit fra the sicht of all
men till the next Thursday; and then in the Sessioun he produces thame, that the
voites may be counted, quhare the moniest voites, without respect of persones,
have the first place in the Eldership, and so proceiding till the number of twelve
be compleit; so that if a puir man exceid the riche man in votes, he preceids him
in place; and it is called the first, secound, and thrid Elder, even as the votes
answereth. And this same is observed in the electioun of Deaconis.
The Fryday efter the jugement is tane quhat persones ar elected for Elders and
Deacones to serve for that yeir; the minister efter his sermone, reids the same
names publictly, and gives commandment openly, that sick persones be present
the next Sonday at sermone befoir none, in the place to be appointed for thame,
to accept of that charge that God by plurality of votes had layd upoun thame.
Quho being conveined, the Minister efter sermone reids the names publictly, the
absents (if ony be) ar noted, and these quho ar present ar admonisched to
consider the dignity of that vocatioun, quhareunto God hes called thame; the
dewty that they aucht to the pepill; the danger that lyes upoun thame, if they be
found negligent in thair vocatioun: And finally, the dewty of the people towards
the persons elected. Quhilk being done, this Prayer is red:—
THE PRAYER IN THE ELECTIOUN OF THE ELDERIS.
O Eternall and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho, of thy
infinite gudeness and mercy, hes chosin to thy self a Kirk of the lost seid of
Adame, quhilk thow hes ever reulled by the inspiratioun of thy Holie Spirit; and
yet not the less, hes always usit the ministry of men, alswell in preiching of thy
word, and administratioun of thy sacraments, as in gyding of thy flock, and
provyding for the puir within the same, as in the Law, Propheits, and in thy
glorious Evangell we have witnesses: Quhilk ordour, O Lord, thow of thy mercie
hes now restoired unto us agane efter that the publict face of the Kirk hes bene
deformed by the tyrany of that Romane Antichrist. Grant unto us, O hevinly
Father, hairts thankfull for the benefites quhilks we have receaved, and give unto
these our brethrein, elected unto thir charges within thy Kirk, sick abundance of
thy Holie Spirit, that they may be found vigilant and faythfull in that vocatioun,
quharunto thow of thy mercy hes callit thame. And albeit, O Lord, these small
begynings ar contemned of the proude world, yet, O Lord, do thow for thy awne
mercies sake, bless the same in sick sorte that thy godlie name may be glorified,
superstitioun and idolatry may be ruited out, and vertue may be planted, not
onely in this generatioun, bot also in the posterity to cum. AMEN. Grant us this,
mercifull Father, for Christ Jesus thy Sones saik, in quhose name we call unto
thee, as he hes taucht us, saying, Our Father, &c.

And so efter the rehersall of the beleif, efter the quhilk sall be sung this portioun
of the 103 Psalme, ver. 19. The hevins hie ar maid the seat,[314] and so forth to
the end of that Psalme. Efter the quhilk sall this schort Admonitioun be given to
the elected:—
Magnifie God, quho hes of his mercy callit yow to ruill within his Kirk: Be
thankfull in your vocatioun: Schaw yourselfis zealous to promote verity: Feir not
the faces of the wicked, bot rebuik thair wickitnes: Be mercifull to the puir, and
support thame to the uttermost of your power; and so sall ye receave the
benedictioun of God, present and everlasting. God save the Kingis Majestie, and
gif unto him the Spirit of sanctificatioun in his young age: Blesse his Regent,
and sick as assist him in upricht counsaill, and eyther fruitfully convert, or
suddanely confound the enemies of trew religioun, and of this afflicted Comoun-
welthe. AMEN.
As the servandis of God uprychtlie travellit to haif vice punissit and verteu
plantit, so did the Devill ever steir up some in the contrair of baith. Thair was a
law maid aganis fornicatouris and adulteraris,[315] that the ane and the uther suld
be cartit throcht the townis, and so banissit, till that thair repentance wes offerit
and receavit. And albeit this wes nott the severitie of Goddis law, especiallie
aganis adulteraris, yet wes it a greit brydill to malefactouris; quhairat the wickit
did wonderouslie storme. It chancit that ane Sandersoun, a fleschour, wes
deprehendit to haif put away his lauchfull wyffe, (under cullour that he was
lauchfullie partit efter the maner of the Papisticall religioun,) and haid takin to
him ane uther in [his] housse. The complaynt and sclander proponit to the Kirk,
and tryall takin that he wes nott maryit with the secund woman, nather that he
wes able to prove that he wes devorcit by any ordour of law from the first, he
wes committit in the handis of the Magistratis, quha, according to the lawis,
commandit him to be cartit. Bot the raschall multitude, enflambit be some
ungodlie craftismen, maid insurrectioun, brake the carte, boistit the officiaris,
and tuke away the malefactour. This wes the begyning of farther evillis, as we
will efter heir.
 AMBASSADOUR FRA FRANCE, AND HIS DEMANDIS.

In the meantyme, quhill Lord James (we say) wes in France, thair came ane
Ambassadour frome France,[316] subornit, na doubt, with all craft that mycht
truble the Estait of the Religioun. His demandis wes 1. That the league betwix us
and Ingland suld be broken: 2. That the ancient league betwix France and
Scotland suld be renewit: And, 3. That the Bischops and Kirkmen suld be
reponit in thair formair places, and be sufferit to intromet with thair levingis. The
Counsall delayit answer to the Parliament appoyntit in May. In the meantyme the
Papistis of Scotland practisit with him. The Erlis of Huntlie, Atholl, Bothwell,
and utheris, intendit to haiff takin Edinburgh befoir the said Parliament. The haill
Bischoppis assemblit, and held counsall in Striveling. Some quhispering thair
wes, that the Duke and the Bischop of Sanctandrois were too familiare; and
some feared that the auctoritie of the Quene suld haif bene usurpit, be ressone of
her absence, and that the Duke wes secound persone, for thairat haid some of his
preissit immediatlie efter the death of the King of France. The Protestantis
thairof advertised, preventit thame, and came to Edinburgh. The Erle of Arrane
stude constant with his brethrene. Thair war some that cairfullie and panefullie
travellit that nathing prejudiciall to the Quenis auctoritie, suld be done in
absence of the Lord James; to quhom the Quene hes recompensit evill for gude
service. Maister James Makgill,[317] in that poynt did baith stoutlie and treulie;
for Johne Knox and he war than fallin in familiaritie, in quhilk thay yet contineu,
20 Octobris 1567,[318] be ressone that the said Maister James haid embrasit the
Religioun, and professit it publiclie.

SOME SAYIS HIS NAME IS KYLLONE

The Papistis and Bischoppis, dissapoyntit of thair principall purpose and

interpryse did yet mak broillie for trouble; for the raschall multitude war stirred
up to mak a Robene Hude,[319] quhilk enormitie wes of mony yeiris left and
dampnit by statute and act of Parliament. Yit wald thay nott be forbiddin, bot
wald disobey and truble the Towne, especiallie upone the nycht. Quhairat the
Baillies offendit, tuke fra thame some swerdis and an enseynze, quhilk wes
occasioun that thay that same nycht maid a mutinye, keippit the portis of the
towne, and intendit to have persewit some men within thair awin housses; bot
that, upoun the restitutioun of thair swerdis and enseynze, wes stayit. Bot yit
thay ceassit nott to molest, alsweill the inhabitantes of Edinburgh as diverse
countrey men, taking frome thame money, and threitnyng some with farder
injureis. Quhairwith the Magistratis of the towne, heychtlie offendit, tuke mair
diligent heid to suche as resortit to the towne, and so apprehendit ane of the
principall of that misordour, namit Gillone,[320] a cordinare, quhome thai put to
ane assisse; [and being convicted, for he could not be absolved,][321] (for he wes
the cheif man that spoillit Johnne Mowbray of ten crownis of the Sone,) thai
thocht to have execute jugement upone him, and so erected a jebbete beneath the
Croce. But, quhidder it came by pactioun with the Provest and some uther, or by
instigatioun of the Craftismen, quha ever haif bene bent too muche to mayntene
suche vanitie and ryotousnes, we fullie knaw nott, but suddandlie thair did ryse a
tumult; the Tolbuyth wes brokin up, and not onlie the said Gillone, quho befoir
wes dampnit, wes violentlie takin furth, bot also all uther malefactouris wer set
at fredome; the jebbete wes pullit downe, and dispitfullie brokin; and thairefter,
as the Provest and some of the Counsall assemblit to the Clerkis[322] chalmer for
consultatioun, the haill rascall [multitude] bandit togidder, with some knawin
unhonest[323] craftismen, and intendit invasioun of the said chalmer. Quhilk
perceavit, the Provest, and such as wer in his cumpany, past to the Tolbuyth,
suspecting nothing that thai wald haif bene sa enragit that thai wald mak new
persute, efter that thai had obtenit thair intent: Bot thai wer suddandlie deceavit,
for from the Castelhill thai come with violence, and with stanis, gunnis, and such
uther weaponis as thei had, began to assault the said Tolbuyth, ran at the dure of
it, quhilk that parte by stanis cast from above, and partlie by a pystoll schott by
Robert Norwell, quhilk hurt ane Twedy, thai wer repulsit [fra the door]; bot yit
ceassit not thai to cast and schute in at the wyndowis, threitnyng deith to all that
war within. And in verray deid the malice of the craftismen, quho wer suspectit
to be the occasioun of that tumult, bare na gude will to dyvers of thame that wes
with the Provost.
The argumentis that the Craftis wer the caus of that uproire, besydis thair first
misordour that thai haid usit befoir, in tackin Sandersoun from the exectioun of
punishment, are twa. The formar, Archibald Dewar, Patrik Schange, with uther
five deaconis [of the craftis] come to Johnne Knox, and willit him to solist the
Provest and the towne to delay the executioun: quho did answer, "That he haid sa
oft solistit in thair favouris, that his awin conscience accusit him, that thai usit
his labouris for na uther end, bot to be a patrone to thair impietie." For he haid
befoir maid intercessioun for William Harlaw, James Frissall, and utheris, that
wer convict of the formare tumult. Thai proudlie said, "That gif it was not stayit,
bayth he and the Baillies suld repent it." Quhairto he answerit, "He wald not hurt
his conscience for ony feir of man." And sa thai departit; and the tumult (as said
is) immediatlie thairefter did aryse. The secund argument is, the tumult
continewit fra twa at efter none till efter aucht at nycht. The Craftismen wer
requyrit to assemble them selfis togidder for deliverance of thair Provest [and
Baillies]; bot thai past to thair foure houris penny, and in thair jesting said, "Thai
will be Magistratis allone, latt thame reule the multitude allone." And sa, contrair
to the ayth that thai haid maid, thai denyit thair assistance, counsall, and conforte
to thair Provest and Baillies; quhilk ar argumentis verray probable, that the said
tumult raise by thair procurement. The end heirof was, that the Provest[324] and
Baillies wer compellit to gif thair handwrittis, that thai suld never perseu ony of
thame that war of that tumult, for ony cryme that wes done in that behalf. And
this wes proclamet at the Croce efter nyne houris at nycht; and sa that truble
quyetted. Bot the Nobilitie avowit, that thai suld not spare it; and sa a greit
nomber of that factioun war absent frome the towne, till the arryvall of the
Quene. The haill multitude wer haldin excomunicat, and war admittit to no
participatioun of the sacramentis, unto suche tyme as thai satisfied the
Magistratis, and maid humble sute unto the Kirk.
 OF THE QUENE REGENTIS BURIALL.

Off the deith of the Quene Regent, we haif befoir spokin,[325] but of hir buriall
wes nothing herd; and it may appeir that suche matteris are unworthy of
remembrance. Bot and gif all thingis salbe rychtlie weyit, we sall perceave
Goddis just jugementis, how secreit that ever thai be. Befoir, we herd[326] the
barbarous inhumanitie that wes usit at Leyth by the Frenche, quha exponed the
naked carcasis of the slane, as it war in a spectacle, dispiting God. We herd, that
this Quene Regent rejosit at the sycht; bot hir joy was suddandlie turned in
sorrow, as we haif herd. The questioun wes moved of hir buriall. The
Precheouris boldlie ganestude, that ony superstitious rytes suld be usit within
that Realme, quhilk God of his mercy had begun to purge. And sa conclusioun
wes takin, that hir buriall suld be deferred till farther advisement; and sa scho
wes lappit in a cope of leid, and keipit in the Castell, fra the nynt of Junij,[327]
unto the nyntene of October, quhen scho by pynouris wes caryed to a schip, and
sa caryed to France. Quhat pompe wes usit thair, we nather herd nor yit regard.
Bot in it we se, that scho that delited that utheris lay without buryall, gat it nether
sa sone, as scho hir self (gif scho haid bene on the counsall in hir lyff) wald have
requyred it, nather yit sa honorable in this realme, as sometymes scho lukit for. It
may chance be a prognostication that the Guisians blude can nocht haif lang rest
within this Realme.

NOTA.

The Papistis, a little befoir the Parliament, resorted in diverse bandis to the
towne, and began to brag, as that thai wald haif defaced the Protestantes. Quhilk
thing perceaved, the brethrein assemblit togidder, and yeid[328] in such
cumpanyes, and that in peciable maner, that the Bischoppis and thair bandis
forsuyk the calsay. The brethrene understanding quhat the Papistis meant,
convenit in counsall in the Tolbuyth of Edinburght, the xxvij of May, the yeir of
God Jm Vc thre scoir and ane yeir; and efter consultatioun, concludit, that ane
humble Supplicatioun suld be presentit unto the Lordis of Secreit Counsall, and
unto the haill assemblie, that then wes convenit, in the quhilk suld thir
subsequent heidis be required, and a law to pas thairupoun.
First, That Idolatrie, and all monumentis thairof, suld be suppressit throwout the
haill realme; that the sayaris, heiraris, mayntenaris, and usaris of the Messe, suld
be punischit according to the Act of Parliament, as said is.
2. That speciall and certane provisioun be maid for the sustentatioun of the
Superintendentes, Ministeris, Exhorters, and Readers. That Superintendentes and
Ministeris suld be planted quhair nane war. That punyschment suld be appointed
for suche as dissobeyid or contemned the Superintendentes in thair functioun.
3. That punischment may be appoynted for the abusaris of the sacramentis, and
for the contempnaris of the same.
4. That na letteris of the Sessioun be gevin to answer or pay to ony persoun thair
teyndis, without especiall provisioun, that the parrochinaris retene sa mekle in
thair awin handis, as is appoynted to the ministrey; and that all suche as ar ellis
gevin be called in, and dischargit; and lykewise that na Schireffis gif preceptis to
that effect.
5. That nather the Lordis of Sessioun, nor ony uther Jugis, proceid upone suche
preceptis or warnyngis, past at the instance of thame that of lait haif obtenit
fewis of vicaragis, and personagis,[329] manses, and kirkyardis; and that sex
aikkeris (gif so muche thairbe) of the gleib, be alwayis reserved to the minister,
according to the appointment of the Buke of Disciplyne; and that everie minister
may haif letteris thairupoun.
6. That na letteris of the Sessioun, nor [any] utheris tak place, quhill the stipendis
contened in the Buke of Disciplyne, for sustentatioun of the ministeris, be first
consignat in the handis, at the leist, of the principallis of the parochinaris.
7. That punischement be appoyntit aganis sik as purchess, bringis hame, or
executis within this Realme, the Paipis Bullis.

The tennour of the Supplicatioun wes this:—

PLEIS your Honouris, and the wisdomes of suche as ar heir presentlie

convenit with yow in Counsall, to understand, that by mony argumentis we
perceave quhat the pestilent generatioun of that Romane Antichrist within
 this Realme pretendis; to wit, that thai wald of new erect thair idolatrie, tak
upone thame to impyre abufe our conscience, and so to command us, the
trew subjectis of this Realme, and suche as God of his mercy hes (under our
Soverane) subjected unto us, in all thingis to obey thair appetitis. Honestie
cravis, and conscience movis us, to mak the verray secreittis of oure hertis
patent to youre Honouris in that behalf; quhilk is this, "That befoir that ever
thai tyrantis and dumb doggis impyre abufe us, and abufe suche as God hes
subjected unto us, that we the Barronis and Gentilmen professing Christ
Jesus within this Realme, ar fullie determined to hasard lyffe, and
quhatsoever we haif received of our God in temporall thingis." Most
humblie thairfoir beseiking your Honouris, that suche ordour may be takin,
that we haif nott occasioun to tak agane the swerd of just defence into oure
handis, quhilk we haif willinglie (efter that God hes gevin victorie, bayth to
your Honouris and us) resignit ovir in your handis; to the end, that Goddis
Evangell may be publiklie within this Realme preached; the trew Ministeris
thairof resonabillie sustened; Idolatrie suppressed, and the committaris
thairof punissit, according to the lawes of God and man. In doing whairof,
your Honouris sall find us, nott onlie obedient unto yow in all thingis
lauchfull, but also reddy at all tymes to bring under ordour and obedience,
suche as wald rebell aganis your just authoritie, quhilk, in absence of our
Soverane, we acknawlege to be in your handis. Beseiking your Honouris,
with uprycht jugement and indifferencie, to luyk upone thir oure few
Articles, and, by thir oure brethrein, to signifie unto us suche answer agane,
as may declair your Honouris worthy of that place, quhairunto God (efter
some dangeris sustened) in his mercy hes called yow. And lett thir ennemeis
of God assure thameselfis, that gif your Honouris put nocht ordour unto
thame, that we sall schortlie tak suche ordour, that thai salbe nather abill to
do quhat thai list, nather yit to leif upone the sweit of the browis of suche as
ar na debteris unto thame. Lett your Honouris conceave na thing of us, bot
all humble obedience in God. Bott let the Papistis be yitt anys agane
assured that thair pryid and idolatrie we will not suffer.
(Directed fra the Assemblie of the Kirk, the 28th[330] of Maij 1561, and
send by thir brethrein,[331] the Maister of Lindesay, the Laird of Lochinvar,
[332] the Laird of Pharnyhirst, the Laird of Quhittingham, Thomas Menzies

Provest of Abirdene, and George Lowell burges of Dundee.)

Upone the quhilk requeist and Articles, the Lordis of Counsall foirsaid maid ane
act and ordinance answering to everie heid of the foirsaid Articles,[333] and
commandit letteris to be answerit thairupon, quhilk diverse ministeris raysit, as
in the buykis of Secreit Counsall is yit to be found. And thus gat Sathan the
secund fall, efter that he haid begun to truble the estait of the religioun, ones
establissit by law. His first assault wes by the raschall multitude, opponying
thame selfis to the punischement of vice: The secound wes, by the Bischoppis
and thair bandis, in quhilk he thocht uterly to haif triumphit; and yit he in the end
prospered wer[334] then ye haif herd.

For in this meyntyme, returnit fra France the Lord James,[335] quha, besyid his
greit expensis, and the lose of ane box quhairin wes his secreit poise, eschapit a
desparit danger in Pareise: for, his returning from our Soverane (quha then lay
with the Cardinall of Lorane at Reims) understood[336] of the Papistis at Pareise,
thai haid conspired some tresonable act aganis him; for thai intendit ather to
besett his hous by nycht, or ellis to have assaulted him and his company as thai
walkit upoun the streittis. Quhairof the said Lord James advertist by the
Ryngrave,[337] by ressone of auld familiaritie quhilk wes betwix thame in
Scotland, he tuke purpoise suddenlie and in gude ordour to depart from Pareise;
as that he did, the secund day efter that he arrived thair. And yit culd he not
depart sa secreitlie, bot that the Papistis haid thair prevy ambusches; for upone
the Pont of Change[338] thai haid prepared ane processioun, quhilk met the said
Lord and his cumpany evin in the teith; and knawing that thai wald not do the
accustumat reverence unto thame and thair idolis, thai thocht thairupone to haif
picked a quarrell; and sa as ane part passed by, without moving of hatt to ony
thing that wes thair, thai haid suborned some to crye "Hugenottis," and to cast
stanis. Bot God disapoynted thair interpryse; for the said Ryngraife, with other
gentilmen, being with the Lord James, rebuykit the fulische multitude, and over
raid some of the formaist; and sa the rest war dispersit; and he and his cumpany
saiflie eschapit, and come with expeditioun to Edinburgh, quhill that yit the
Lordis and assemblie wer togither, to the greit comfort of many godlie hertis,
and to na litile astonischement of the wicked: for, fra the Quene oure Soverane
he brocht letteris to the Lordis, praying thame to intertenye quyetnes, and to
suffer na thing to be attemptit aganis the Contract of peace quhilk wes maid at
Leyth, till her awin hame-cuming, and to suffer the religioun publictlie establissit
to go fordward, &c. Quhairupone the saidis Lordis gaif answer to the Frenche
Ambassadour, a negatyve to everie ane of his petitiouns.[339]
And First, That France haid not deserved at thair handis, that ather thai or thair
posteritie, suld enter with thame agane in ony league or confideracie, offensive
or defensive, seying that sa tratrouslie and crewallie, thai haid persecuted thame,
thair Realme and liberteis, under pretense of amitie and mariage.
Secundlie, That besydis thair conscience, thai culd not tak suche a warldlie
scheme, as without offence committit, to breke the league, quhilk in Goddis
name thai haid maid with thame, quhom he haid maid instrumentis to set
Scotland at fredome from the tyranny of the Frenche, at the leist of the Guisians
and thair factioun.
And last, That suche as thai callit Bischoppis and Kirkmen, thai knew nather for
pastouris of the Kirk, nather yit for ony just possessouris of the patrimonye
thairof; bot understude thame perfitlie to be wolves, theaves, murtheraris, and
idill-belleis: And thairfoir, as Scotland haid forsakin the Pape and Papistrie, sa
culd thai not be debttouris to his fore-sworne vassallis.

With thir answeris departit the said Ambassadour.[340] And the Lordis of Secreit
Counsall maid ane act, that all places and monumentis of ydolatrie suld be
destroyit.[341] And for that purpose wes directed to the West, the Erle of Arrane,
having joyned with him the Erlis of Argyle and Glencarne, togidder with the
Protestantes of the West: quha burnt Paislay,[342] (the Bischope [of Sanctandrois,
quha was Abbot thareof,[343]] narrowlie eschapit,) kest doun Failfurd,[344]
Kilwynnyng,[345] and a part of Corsragwell.[346] The Lord James wes appointed
to the North, quhair he maid sick reformatioun, as nathing contentit the Erie of
Huntlie, and yet seemed he to approve all thingis. And thus God sa potentlie
wrocht with us, sa lang as we dependit upone him, that all the warld mycht se his
potent hand to mayntene us, and to feght aganis oure ennemeis; yea, most to
confound thame, quhen that thay promest to thame selfis victory without
resistance. "Oh! that we suld rychtlie considder the wonderouse werkis of the
Lord oure God."

In the Treatye of Peace contracted at Leyth, thair war contened certane heidis
that requyred the ratificatioun of baith the Quenis. The Quene of Ingland,
according to hir promese, subscriptioun, and seill, without ony delay performit
the same,[347] and sent it to oure Soverane by hir appoynted officiaris. Bot our
Soverane (quhidder because hir awin craftie nature thairto moved hir, or that hir
Uncles cheiff counsallouris sa wald, we knaw not) with mony delatouris frustrat
the expectatioun of the Quene of Ingland; as by the copy of a Letter, sent from
the Ambassadour of Ingland to his Soverane,[348] we may understand.
At Pareis, the xxiij of Junij 1561.

"THE xviij of this present Junij, I send Sommer[349] to the Quene of Scottis
for audience, quha appoyntit me to come to hir the same day efter denner;
quhilk I did. To hir I did [remember] youre Majesteis hertlie
recommendations, and declarit unto hir your Majesteis lyik glaidsomnes of
hir recoverye of hir lait seikness, quhais want of helth, as it wes grevouse
unto youre Majestie, so did yow congratulat and greitlie rejoise of the gude
termes of helth scho wes presentlie in. After these offices, I put hir in
remembrance agane quhat haid passed from the begynning, in the mater of
youre Majesteis demand of hir ratificatioun, according to the proporte[350]
of the said Treatie, alsweill by me at the first, as efterwart by my Lord of
Bedfurd at his being heir, and alsua followed sensyne agane be me in
audience, and by my letter to hir being in Lorane: adding heirto youre
Majesteis farther commandiment; and recharge to me agane, presentlie to
renew the same demand, as befoir haid bene done."

ANSURE.

CRAFTIE DEALLAR; THOU NEVER RESPECTED THEM FARTHER THEN THAI MYCHT
SERVE TO THY CORRUPT AFFECTIONS.

THIS WES A SECREIT LARDON.

SCHO MENT SCHO WALD SEIK A SAIF CONDUCT.

* EVER QUHILL THAT SCHO MAY SCHAW HIR EVILL WILL[351]

GIF FRANCE WALD HAIF SUSTENIT THAM, THAI HAID NOT YIT DEPARTIT.

THE SECUND SECREIT LARDON.

The said Quene maid answer: "Monsieur l'Ambassadour, I thank the Quene, my
gude-sister, for this gentle visitatioun and congratulatioun of this my recoverye;
and thocht I be not yit in perfite helth, yit I thank God I feill my self in verray
gude[352] in the cuming to. And for ansuer to youre demand, (quod sche,) of my
ratificatioun, I do remember all thai thingis that yow haif recited unto me; and I
wald the Quene, my gude-sister, suld think that I do respect the resolute ansuer
in this mater, and performyng thairof, untill suche tyme as I may have the
advyses of the Noblis and Estaitis of my awin Realme, quhilk I trust sall not be
lang a doing; for I intend to mak my voyage thither schortlie. And thocht this
mater (quod scho) dois twiche me principallie, yit dois it also twiche the Noblis
and Estaitis of my Realme too; and thairfoir it salbe meit, that I use thair advyses
thairin. Heirtofoir, thai haif semed to be greved that I suld do ony thing without
thame; and now thai wald be mair offendit gif I suld proceid in this mater of my
self, without thair advyses. I do intend (quod scho) to send Monsieur Dosell[353]
to the Quene youre Maistres, my gude-sister, quho sall declair that unto hir from
me, that, I trust, sall satisfie hir; by quhom I will gif hir to understand of my
jurnay into Scotland. I meyne to embarque at Calice. The King hes lent me
certane galeis and schippis, to convoy me hame; and I intend to requyre of my
gude-sister those favouris that princes usis to do in those cases. And thocht the
termes quhairin we haif heirtofoir [been], hes bene some quhat hard,* yet, I trust
that from hensfurth we sall accord togidder as cousignes and gude nychtbouris. I
meyne (quod scho) to reteir all the Frenche men furth of Scotland, quho hes
gevin jelose to the Quene, my gude-sister, and miscontentment to my subiectis;
so as I will leve nathing undone to satisfie all parties, trusting the Quene, my
gude-sister, will do the lyke, and that from hensfurth none of my disobedient
subjectis (gif thair be ony suche) sall fynd ayd or supporte at hir handis."

THE ARMYS OF INGLAND WER USURPIT.

I answered, "That I was nocht desyrous to fall in the discours how those hard
termes first beganne, nor by quhat meanys thai wer nurischit; becaus thairin I
most charge some partie with injurie, and perrel offered to the Quene my
maistres, quhilk wes the verray ground of those materis: Bot I wes weill assured
thair culd be no better occasioun offered to put the formar unkyndnes in
forgetfulnes, than by ratifyeing the Treatie of Peace, for that suld repay all
injureis past. And Madame, (quod I,) quhair it plesis yow to suspend the
Ratificatioun, untill yow haif the advyses of the Nobles and Estatis of youre
Realme, the Quene my maistres dois nothing doubt of thair conformitie in this
mater, becaus the Treatie wes maid by thair consentis."

YOUR PAPISTIS AND OURIS HAIF PRACTISIT, AND STILL PRACTISIS DEVISIOUN.

SA THAT SCHO MYCHT HAIF INGLAND AND THE PAIPIS RELIGIOUN, I THINK SCHO
LYET NOT.

The Quene answered, "Yea, by some of thame, but not by all. It will appeir,
quhen I cum amangis thame, quhidder thai be of the same mynd that yow say
thai wer than of, [or no:] Bot of this I assure yow, Monsieur l'Ambassadour,
(quod scho,) I, for my parte, am verray desyrouse to haif the perfite and the
assured amitie of the Quene, my gude-sister, and will use all the meanis I can to
geve hir occasioun to think that I meane it in deid."
I answered, "Madame, the Quene my maistres, yow may be assurit, will use the
lyik towardis yow, to move yow to be of the same opinioun towardis hir."

THE FEIR OF GOD IN THE HERT OF HELIAS WAS DISOBEDIENCE TO CURSIT JESABELL.

"Than (said scho) I traist the Quene your maistres, will not support nor encurage
none of my subjectis to continew in thair disobedience, nor to tak upone thame
thingis that appertene not to subjectis."—[This we mon answer heir: It appertenis
to subjectis to wirschip God as he hes commandit, and to suppres idolatrie, by
quhomsoevir it be erected or mayntened.][354]

GOD GEVIS HIS LAW ALSWEILL TO THE PRINCE AS TO THE SUBJECT.

"Yow knaw, (quod scho,) thair is moche ado in my Realme about materis of
religioun; and thocht thair be a greittar nomber of a contrarie religioun unto me
then I wald thair war, yit thair is na ressone that subjectis suld gif a law to thair
Soverane, and speciallie in materis of religioun, quhilk, I feare, (quod scho,) my
subjectis sall tak in hand."—[Answer for the parte of Scotland: and gif sa thai
haid done, thai haid eschapit Goddis indignatioun, quhilk hes bene felt, and still
hingis over this Realme, for the idolatrie and other abominationis committit in
the same, quhilk sall not ceise till that it be suppressit.][355]

THE CONSECRATIOUN OF THE CARDINALL WILL NOT SUFFER YOW.

THE THRID LARDON, ACCUSING INGLAND OF INCONSTANCIE IN RELIGIOUN.

I answerit, "Madame, youre realme is in na uther caise at this day, than all uther
realmes of Christiandome ar; the prufe quhairof you see verefied in this realme:
and you see quhat grit difficultie it is to gif ordour in this mater, thocht the King
and all his Counsall be verray desyrouse thairunto. Religioun is of the grittest
force that may be. You haif bene lang out of your awin realme, so as the
contrarie religioun to youris hes wone the upper hand, and the grittest parte of
youre realme. Youre Mother wes a woman of greit experience, of deip
dissimulatioun, and keipit that Realme in quyetness, till scho begane to
constraine[356] menis consciences; and as you think it unmeit to be constranit by
your subjectis, so it may lyk you to considder, the mater is also intollerabill to
thame to be constraynit by you in materis of conscience; for the dewtie deu to
God can not be gevin to ony uther without offence of his Majestie." "Quhy, (said
scho,) God dois command subjectis to be obedient to thair Princes, and
commandis Princes to reid his law, and governe thairby thame selfis and the
peple committit to thair chargis." Answer, "Yea, Madame, (quod I,) in those
thingis that be not aganis his commandimentis." "Weill, (quod scho,) I will be
plane with you: the Religioun that I profess, I tak to be maist acceptable to God:
and, in deid, neither do I knaw nor desire to knaw any uther. Constancie dois
become all folkis weill; but none better than Princes, and suche as have reull
over Realmes, and speciallie in materis of Religioun." [The Turk is als constant
in his Alcoram, as the Paip and his sect ar in his constitutionis.][357] "I haif bene
brocht up, (quod scho,) in this Religioun; and quho mycht creditt me in ony
thing gif I suld schaw my self lycht in this case; and thocht I be young and nott
weill learned, yitt haif I herd this mater oft disputed by my Uncle my Lord
Cardinall, with some that thocht thai could say somquhat in the mater; and I fand
thairin na grit ressone to change my opinioun." [Neather yitt did Caiaphas, quhen
Christ Jesus did reassone in his presence: Bot quhat wes the Cardinall compelled
to confesse at Poysie?][357]

BOT THE DEVILL WALD PUT ORDOUR TO HIM SELF.

"Madame, (quod I,) gif you will juge weill in that mater, you mon be conversant
in the Scriptures, quhilk ar the tuichstone to try the rycht from the wrang.
Paradventure, you ar so partiallie affected to your Uncle's argument, that you
culd not indifferentlie considder the uther partie. Yit this I assure you, Madame,
(quod I,) your Uncle my Lord Cardinall, in conference with me about these
materis, hes confessed, that thair be grit errouris and abuses come into the Kirk,
and grit disordour in the Ministeris and Clargye; insomuche that he desyred and
wisched that thair mycht be a reformatioun of the ane and of the uther." "I have
oftyne tymes hard him say the lyik," (quod scho.) Than I said, "Weill, I trust God
will inspyre all you that be Princes, that thair be some gude ordour tackin in this
mater, so as thair may be one unitie in Religioun throcht all Christiandome."

CHANGE IT NOT BEFOIR YOW HAVE IT; FOR DANSING AND HIR SISTER IS THE GROUND
OF THAT QUHILK YIT YE HAIF PROFESSIT.

"God grant, (quod scho,) bot for my parte, you may perceave I am none of those
that will change my Religioun, everie yeir. And, as I tauld you in the begynnyng,
I meyne to constrane none of my subjectis, bot wald wische that thai wer all as I
am; and I trust thai suld haif na supporte to constrane me. I will send Monsieur
Dosell, (quod scho,) to you befoir he go, to knaw quhether you will ony thing
into Ingland. I pray you, so ordour yourself in this mater, betwix the Quene my
gud sister and me, that thair may be perfite and sure amitie betwix us; for I knaw,
(quod scho,) Ministeris may do muche gude and harme."
I tauld hir, "I wald faithfullie and treulie mak declaratioun, of all that scho haid
said unto me, unto your Majestie; and trusted that scho wald so satisfie your
Majestie by Monsieur Dosell in all thingis, as I suld heirefter have no moir
occasionis to treatie with hir of ony thingis bot of the encrease of amitie." Scho
said, "Thair suld be no want thairin on hir behalf."
"This is the effect of the Quene of Scotlandis answer to youre Majesteis demand
of hir said Ratificatioun, and of my negotiatioun with hir at this tyme."

These advertisementis somewhat exasperated the Quene of Ingland, and nott

altogither without cause; for the armys of Ingland wer befoir usurpit by oure
Soverane, and by hir husband Francis; and Elizabeth, Quene of Ingland, wes of
the Gwysians reputed litill better then a bastard. It was appointed that this titill
suld be renuncit. Bot heirof haid oure proude and vane glorious Quene no
plesour, and especiallie efter that hir husband was deid; for, thocht scho, the
toluyke of Ingland[358] sall allure mony wowaris to me. The Gwysians and the
Paipistis of baith the Realmes did not a litill animat hir in that persute; the effect
quhairof will sonar appeir then the godlie of Ingland wald desyre: And yit is
scho that now reigneth ovir thame, neather gude Protestant, nor yit resolute
Papist: Lat the warld juge quhilk is the thrid.
Queyn Elizabeth,[359] we say, offendit with the former ansueris, wrait unto the
Nobilitie and Estaittis of Scotland, in forme as followis:—
THE QUENE OF INGLANDIS LETTER TO THE ESTAITTIS OF SCOTLAND.

THE PEACE CONTRACTIT AT LEYTH.

PRINCES LITILL REGARD THAT.

I THINK THIS SENTENCE MANCK,[360] BUT I WILL ALTER NO WORD.

RYCHT trusty and rycht enteirlie belovit Cousingis, we greit yow. We doubt
not, bot as oure menyng is, and hes bene alwayis sithence oure regne, in the
sycht of Almichty God, streycht and direct towart the advancement of his
honour and trewth in religioun, and consequentlie to procure peace and
mayntene concord betwix baith thir Realmes of Ingland and Scotland; so
also our outwarde actis have weill declared the same to the warld, and
speciallie to yow, being oure nychtbouris, quho have taisted and proved in
these oure friendschip and ernest gude will, mair then we think any of youre
antecessouris have ever receaved from hence; yea, moir then a greit nomber
of youre selfis culd weill houpe of us, all former examples being weill
weyit and considered. And this we haif to rejoise of, and so may ye be
glaid, that quhair, in the begynnyng of the trublis in that cuntrey, and of our
succours ment for yow, the jelosie, or rather the malice of diverse, boith in
that Realme and in uther cuntreis, wes suche, boith to deprave boith us in
the yielding, and yow in requyring our aide, that we were noted to have
meant the surprise of that Realme, by depryving of your Soverane the
Quene of hir croune, and yow or the greittar parte of yow to haif intendit by
our succour the lyik; and ather to prefer some other to the croune, or ellis to
mak of that monarchie a commonweill: materis verray sclanderouse and
false. Bot the end and determinatioun, yea, the haill course and process of
the actioun on boith oure partis have manifested, boith to the sclanderaris,
and to all utheris, that no thing wes more meant and prosecuted, then to
establish youre Soverane the Quene, our cousigne and sister, in hir estait
and crowne, the possessioun quhairof wes in the handis of strangearis. And
althocht no wordis culd then weill satisfie the malitious, yit our deids do
declair, that no uther thing wes soucht, but the restitutioun of that Realme to
the auncient libertie, and, as it wer, to redeme it frome captivitie. Off these
oure purposes and deidis, thair remanis, amongis uther argumentis, gude
testimonye by a solempne treatie and accord, maid the last yeir at
Edinburgh, by Commissionaris sent boith from us and from your Quene,
with full auctoritie in wryting, under boith our handis, and the Greit Seills
of boith oure Realmes, in suche maner as uther Princes, oure progenitouris,
have alwayes used. By quhilk treatie and accord, eather of us have fullie
accordit with uther, to keip gude peace and amitie betwix oure selfis, oure
countreis, and subjectis. And in the same also ane gude accord is maid, nott
onlie of certane quarrellis happened betwix us, bot also of some differences
betwix the Ministeris of the lait Frenche King, your Soveranis husband, and
yow the Estaittis of that Realme, for the alteratioun of lawis and customes
of that countrey attemptit by thame. Upone quhilk accord thair maid and
concludit, hes hitherto followit, as yow knaw, suyrtie to your Soveranis
estait, quyetnes to your selfis, and a better peace betwix boyth Realmes,
then ever wes herd of in any tyme past. Nevertheless, how it happeneth we
knaw not, [—We can: for scho in hir consait thinkis hir self Quene of
boyth,][361] that your Soverane eather not knawing in this parte hir awin
felicitie, or ellis dangerouslie seduced by perverse counsall, quhairof we
wald be most sorye; being of lait at sundry tymes requyred by us, according
to hir Band remanying with us, signed with hir awin hand, and sealled with
the Greit Seall of that Realme, and allowed by yow being the Estaittis of the
same, to ratifie hir said Treatie, in like maner as we by wryting have done,
and ar reddy to deliver[362] it to hir, [yet she] makketh suche delatorie
answeris thairinto, as quhat we sall juge thairof, we perseave by hir answer,
that it is meit to requyre of yow. For althocht scho hes alwayis answerit,
since the deith of hir Husband, that in this mater scho wald first understand
the myndis of certane of yow, befoir scho wald mak answer; and so having
now of long tyme suspendit oure expectatioun, in the end,
nochtwithstanding that scho hes haid conference boyth by messingeris, and
by some of your selfis being with hir, yit scho still delayis it, alledgeing to
oure Ambassadour in France (quho said that this Treatie wes maid by your
consentis) it was not by consent of yow all; and so wald have us forbeir,
unto scho sall returne in that hir countrey. And now seing that hir ansuer
dependis, as it suld seme, by hir wordis, upone your opinionis, we can nott
bot planelie latt yow all understand, that this maner of ansuer, without some
moir frute, can nott long content us. We have meant weill to our sister your
Quene in tyme of offence gevin to us by hir. We did planelie, without
dissimulatioun, charge hir in hir awin dowbtfull estait: quhylest strangearis
possessit hir Realme, we stayed it from danger. And now, having promissed
 to keip gude peace with hir, and you hir subjectis, we have hitherto
observed it; and salbe sorye gif eather scho or yow sall geve us contrary
cause. In a mater so profitable to boyth the Realmes, we think it strange that
your Quene hes no better advise: and thairfoir we do requyre yow all, being
the Estaittis of that Realme, upone quhom the burthen resteth, to considder
this mater deiplie, and to mak us ansuer quhairunto we may trust. And gif
yow sall think meit scho sall thus leif the peace imperfite, by breking of hir
solempned promeis, contrary to the ordour of all princes, we salbe weill
content to accept your ansuer, and salbe als cairless to see the peace kepit,
as ye sall gif us cause; and doubt nott, by the grace of God, bot quhosoever
of yow sall first inclyne thairto sall soonest repent. Yow must be content
with oure plane writing. And, on the uther syid, gif yow continew all of one
mynd to have the peace inviolablie keipit, and sall so by your advise
procure the Quene to ratifie it, we also planelie promisse yow, that we will
also continew oure gude dispositioun to keip the same in such gude termes
as now it is: and in so doing, the honour of Almychty God sall be dewly
soucht and promoted in boyth Realmes; the Quene your Soverane sall enjoy
hir stait with suyrtie; and your selfis possesse that quhilk yow have with
tranquillitie, to the encreas of your families and posterities quhilk by the
frequent warris heirtofoir your ancestouris never haid long in one estaite.
To conclude, We requyre yow to advertise us of quhat mynd yow be,
speciallie gif yow all continew in that mynd, that yow meane to have the
peace betwix boith the Realmes perpetuallie keipit. And gif yow sall forbeir
ony long tyme to advertise us, ye sall geve to us some occasioun of doubt,
quhairof moir hurt may grow than gude.
From, &c.

These letteris receaved and perused, albeit the Estatis culd nott be convened, yit
did the Counsall, and some utheris also in particulare, returne ansures with
resonable diligence. The tennour of oure Letteris was this:—

PLEIS YOUR MAJESTIE,

That with jugement, we have advysed your Majesteis letteris; and albeit the
haill Estaittis culd not suddandlie be assemblit, yit we thocht expedient to
signifie somquhat of oure myndis unto your Majestie. Far be it frome us,
that eather we tak upone us, that infamye befoir the warld, or grudge of
conscience befoir oure God, that we suld lychtlie esteme the observatioun
 of that peace laitlie contractit betwix these two Realmes. By quhat motives
oure Soverane delayeth the ratificatioun thairof, we can nott tell: but of us,
(of us, we say, Madame, that have in Goddis presence protested fidelitie in
oure promeisses,) hir Grace hes none. Your Majestie can not be ignorant,
that in this Realme thair ar mony ennemeis; and, farther, that oure Soverane
hes Counsalouris, quhois jugementis scho in all suche cases preferreth to
ouris. Oure allegeance bindeth us, nott onlie reverentlie to speik and write
of oure Soverane, but also so to juge and think: and yit your Majestie may
be weill assured, that in us salbe noted no blame, gif that peace be nott
ratifiet to your Majesteis contentment: for God is witness, that oure cheiff
cair in this earth, nyxt the glorie of oure God, is, that constant peace may
remane betwix these two Realmes; quhairof your Majestie and realme sall
have suyre experience sa lang as oure counsall or votes may stay the
contrarie. The benefite that we haif receaved is so recent, that we can nott
suddandlie bury it in forgetfulnes. We wald desyre your Majestie rather to
be perswaded of us, that we to oure powaris will studye to leave it in
remembrance to oure posteritie. And thus, with lauchfull and humble
commendatioun of oure service, we committ youre Majestie to the
protectioun of the Omnipotent.
Of Edinburgh, the 16 of Julij 1561.

Thair war some utheris that answered some of the ministeris of Ingland
somequhat more scharplie, and willed thame nott to accuse nor threatten sa
scharplie, till that thai war able to convict suche as haid promised fidelitie of
some evident cryme; quhilk, althocht thai war able to lay to the charge of some,
yit respect wald be haid to suche as long haid declared thame selfis constant
procureris of quyetnes and peace.
The suddane arryvall of the Quene maid grite alteratioun evin in the Counsall, as
efter we will heir. In this meantyme, the Papistis by surmising, trublit quhat thai
mycht: thair postis, letteris, and complaintis wer from day to day direct, some to
the Paipe, some to the Cardinall of Lorane, and some to oure Quene. The
principall of these curriouris war, Maister Stevin Wilsoun,[363] Maister Johnne
Leslie, called Nolumus and Volumus,[364] Maister James Thorntoun,[365] and
utheris, suche as leved, and still leve, by the trafique of that Romane harlott.
The Preachearis vehementlie exhorted us to establische THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE,
by ane Act and publict Law; affirmyng, that and gif thay suffered thingis to hing
in suspence, quhen God haid gevin unto thame sufficient power in thair handis,
thai suld efter sobb for it, bot suld nott get it.

And now,[366] because that diverse tymes heirtofoir we haif maid mentioun of
the said Buke, we have thocht expedient to insert the haill in this parte of oure
HISTORIE,[367] to the end that the Posteriteis to come may juge alsweill quhat the
warldlingis refused, as quhat Policie the godlie Ministeris requyred; that thai (gif
God grant unto thame occasioun and libertie) may eather establishe a more
perfite, or ellis imitat that quhilk avaritiousnes wald nott suffer this corrupt
generatioun to approve.
 THE PREFACE

TO THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE.[368]

TO THE GREAT COUNSALL OF SCOTLAND NOW ADMITTED TO [THE] REGIMENT, BY

THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, AND BY THE COMMOUN CONSENT OF THE ESTAITTIS
THAIROF, YOUR HONOURIS HUMBLE SERVITOURIS AND MINISTERIS OF CHRIST
JESUS WITHIN THE SAME, WISHE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE FROM GOD THE
FATHER OF OURE LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL ENCREASE OF
THE HOLYE SPIRITE.

FROME youre Honouris we receaved a charge, daittit at Edinburgh, xxix of

Aprile, in the yeir of God Jm Vc thre scoir yeiris, requyring and commanding us,
in the name of the Eternall God, as we will ansuer in his presence, to committ to
writing, and in a Buke to deliver unto your Wisdomes oure jugementis tuiching
the Reformatioun of Religioun, quhilk heirtofore in this Realme, (as in utheris,)
hes bene utterlie corrupted. Upone the recept quhairof, sa mony of us as wer in
this Toune, did convene, and in unitie of mynd do offer unto your Wisdomes
these Headis subsequent for commoun ordour and uniformitie to be observed in
this Realme, concernyng Doctryne, administratioun of Sacramentis, [election of
Ministers, Provision for their sustentation,[369]] Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and
Policye of the Kirk:[370] Most humilie requyring your Honouris, that as ye luke
for participatioun with Christ Jesus, that nather ye admitt ony thing quhilk
Goddis plane word sall not approve, nather yit that ye sall reject suche
ordinances as equitie, justice, and Goddis word do specifie: For as we will nott
bynd your Wisdomes to oure jugementis, farther then we be able to prove the
same by Goddis plane Scripturis; so must we most humblie crave of yow, evin as
ye will ansuer in Goddis presence, (befoir quhom boyth ye and we must appeir
to rander accomptis of all oure factis,) that ye repudiat na thing for pleasour
nor[371] affectioun of men, quhilk ye be not abill to improve by Goddis writtin
and revealled Word.
 THE FIRST HEAD, OF DOCTRINE.[372]
SEEING that Christ Jesus is he quhom God the Father hes commandit onlie to be
herd, and followed of his scheip, we urge it necessarie, that his Evangell[373] be
trewlie and openlie preached in everie Kirk and Assemblie of this Realme; and
that all doctrine repugnyng[374] to the same be utterlie suppressed[375] as
damnabill to mannis salvatioun.
The Explicatioun of the First Head.
Least upone this our[376] generalitie ungodlie men tak occasioun to cavill, this
we adde for explicatioun. By preching of the Evangell, we understand nott onlie
the Scripturis of the New Testament, bot also of the Auld; to wit, the Law,
Propheittis, and Histories, in quhilk Christ Jesus is no les conteaned in figure,
then we have him now expressed in veritie: And, thairfoir, with the Appostill we
affirme, that "All Scripture inspired of God is profitable to instruct, to reprove,
and to exhorte." In quhilk buykis of Auld and New Testamentis we affirme, that
all thingis necessarie for the instructioun of the Kirk, and to mak the man of God
perfite, is conteaned and sufficientlie expressed.
By the contrarie Doctrine, we understand quhatsoever men, by Lawis,
Counsallis, or Constitutionis have imposed upone the consciences of men,
without the expressed commandiment of Goddis word; suche as be [the] vowis
of chastitie, foirswering of marriage, bindyng of men and wemen to severall and
disagysed apparrellis, to the superstitious observatioun of fasting dayis,
difference of meit for conscience saik, prayer for the deid; and keping of holy
dayis of certane Sanctis commandit by man, suche as be all those that the
Papistis have invented, as the Feistis (as thai terme thame) of Appostillis,
Martyres, Virgenis, of Christmess, Circumcisioun, Epiphany, Purification, and
uther found[377] feistis of our Lady: Quhilk thingis, becaus in Goddis Scripturis
thai nather have commandiment nor assurance, we juge thame utterlie to be
abolischet from this Realme; affirmyng farther, that the obstinat mayntenaris and
teachearis of suche abhominationis aucht not to eschaip the punyschement of the
Civile Magistrat.

THE SECOUND HEAD, OF SACRAMENTIS.[378]

 THE NOMBER OF SACRAMENTIS.

To Christ Jesus his holie Evangell trewlie preached, of necessitie it is, that his
holie Sacramentis be annexit, and trewlie ministred, as seallis and visible
confirmationis of the spirituall promisses contened in the wourd: And thai be
two, to wit, Baptisme, and the Holie Supper of the Lord Jesus: quhilk ar then
rychtlie ministred, quhen by a lauchfull Minister the pepill, befoir the
administratioun of the same, ar planelie instructed, and put in mynd of Goddis
free grace and mercy, offered unto the penitent in Christ Jesus; quhen Goddis
promisses ar rehersit, the end and use of the Sacramentis declared,[379] and that
in suche a toung as the pepill dois understand; quhen farther to thame is nothing
added, from thame no thing diminissit, and in thair practise nathing changit
besydis the institutioun of the Lord Jesus, and practise of his holie Apostles.

And albeit the Ordour of Geneva,[380] quhilk now is used in some of oure kirks,
is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader, how that boyth these Sacramentis may
be rychtlie ministred; yit for ane uniformitie to be keipit, we have thocht gude to
adde this as superaboundand.
In Baptisme, we acknawlege nothing to be used except the element of wattir
onlie, (that the wourd and declaratioun of the promisses aucht to preceid we haif
said befoir.) Quhairfoir, quhosoevir presumeth in baptisme to use oyle, salt, wax,
spattill,[381] conjuratioun, or croceing, accuseth the perfyte institutioun of Christ
Jesus of imperfectioun; for it wes void of all suche inventionis devysed by men:
And suche as wald presume to alter Christis perfite ordinance yow aucht
seveirlie to punische.
The Tabill of the Lord is then most rychtlie ministred, quhen it approacheth most
ney to Christis awin actioun: But plane it is, that at that Supper, Christ Jesus sat
with his discipillis, and thairfoir do we juge, that sitting at a table is most
convenient to that holie actioun: that breid and wyne aucht to be thair; that
thankis aucht to be gevin; distributioun of the same maid; and commandiment
gevin that the breid suld be tackin and eittin; and that all suld likewise drink of
the cowp of wyne, with declaratioun quhat boyth the one and the other is, we
suppoise no godlie man will doubt. For as tuiching the dampnabill erroure of the
Papistis, quho can[382] defraude the commoun pepill of the one parte of that holie
Sacrament, to wit, of the coupe of the Lordis blude, we suppois thair errour to be
so manifest, that it needeth no confutatioun; nather yit intend we to confute any
thing in this oure simple confessioun; but to offer publict disputatioun to all that
list oppung any thing affirmed by us.
That the Minister break the breid, and distribute the same to those that be nyxt
unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence and sobrietie, to
breake with other, we think it nyest to Christis actioun, and to the perfite practise
[of the Apostles,] as we reid it in Sanct Paull. During the quhilk actioun, we
think it necessarie, that some comfortable places of [the] Scripturis be red,
quhilk may bring in mynd the deith of Christ Jesus, and the benefite of the same;
for seing that in that actioun we aucht chieflie to remember the Lordis deith, we
juge the Scripturis macking mentioun of the same most apt to stear up our dull
myndis then, and at all tymes. Lett the discretioun of the ministeris appoint the
places to be red as thai think gude. Quhat tymes we think most convenient for
the administratioun of the one and of the other of these Sacramentis, salbe
declared in the Policie of the Kirk.

THE THRID HEAD, TUICHING THE ABOLISSING OF IDOLATRIE.[383]

As we require Christ Jesus to be trewlie preached, and his holie Sacramentis to
be rychtlie ministerit; so can we not cease to requyre Idolatrie, with all
monumentis and places of the same, as Abbayis, monkeries,[384] freireis, nunreis,
chapellis, chantreis, cathedrall kirkis, channounreis, colledges, uthers then
presentlie are paroche Kirkis or Sculis, to be utterlie suppressed in all boundis
and places of this Realme (except onlie the Palacies, mansionis, and dwelling
places adjacent thairto, with orchartis and yardis of the samyn): As also that
Idolatrie may be removed from the presence of all personis of quhat estait or
conditioun that ever thai be, within this Realme.
For latt your Honouris be assuredlie persuaded, that quhair Idolatrie is
mayntened or permitted quhair it may be suppressed, that thair sall Goddis
wraith reigne, not onlie upone the blind and obstinat idolater, but also upone the
negligent sufferaris [of the same;] especiallie gif God have armed thair handis
with power to suppress suche abhominatioun.
By Idolatrie we understand, the Messe, Invocatioun of Sanctis, Adoratioun of
Ymagis, and the keping and retenying of the same: and finallie all honoring of
God, not conteaned in his holie Word.
THE FOURT HEAD, CONCERNYNG MINISTERIS AND THAIR LAUCHFULL ELECTIOUN.[385]
IN a Kirk reformed or tending to reformatioun, none aucht [to] presume eather to
preache, eather yit to minister the Sacramentis, till that ordourlie thai be callit to
the same. Ordinarie vocatioun consisteth in Electioun, Examinatioun, and
Admissioun. And becaus that Electioun of Ministeris in this cursed Papistrie hes
altogither bene abused, we think expedient to intreat it moir largelie.
It apperteneth to the Pepill, and to everie severall Congregatioun, to Elect thair
Minister: And in caise that thai be fundin negligent thairin the space of fourty
dayis, the best reformed kirk, to wit, the churche of the Superintendent with his
Counsall, may present unto thame a man quhom thai juge apt to feade the flock
of Christ Jesus, who must be examinated alsweill in lyiff and maneris, as in
doctryne and knawlege.
And that this may be done with moir exact diligence, the personis that ar to be
examinated must be commanded to compeir[386] befoir men of soundest
jugement, remanying in some principall towne nyxt adjacent unto thame; as thai
that be in Fyffe, Anguss, Mernyss, or Straytherne, to present thame selfis in
Sanctandrois; those that be in Lowthiane, Merse, or Teviotdaill, to Edinburgh;
and likewise those that be in other countreis mon resorte to the best reformed
citeis or townis, that is, to the citie[387] of the Superintendent; quhair first in the
scoillis, or failling thairof in open assemblie, and befoir the congregatioun, thai
most geve declaratioun of thair giftis, utterance, and knawlege, by interpreting
some place of Scripture to be appointed be the ministerie. Quhilk being ended,
the persone that is presented, or that offered him self to the administratioun of
the kirk, must be examined by the ministeris and elderis of the kirk, and that
opinlie and befoir all that list to hear, in all the cheif pointes that now lie in
contraversie betwix us and the Papistis, Anabaptistis, Arrians, or other suche
ennemies to the Christiane religioun. In quhilk gif he be found sound, abill to
persuade by hailsome doctryne, and to convince the gaynsayaris, then must he be
directed to the Kirk and Congregatioun quhair he suld serve, that thair, in oppin
audience of his flock, in diverse publict sermonis, he may gif confession of his
faith in the articles of Justificatioun, of the office of Christ Jesus, of the nomber,
effect, and use of the Sacraments; and, finallie, of the hoill religioun, quhilk
heirtofoir hath bene corrupted by the Papistis.
Gif his doctrine be found holesome, and able to instruct the simple, and if the
Kirk justlye can reprehend nothing in his lyiff, doctryne, nor utterance, then we
juge the Kirk, quhilk befoir wes destitute, unreasonabill if thai refuse him quhom
the Kirk did offer; and that thai suld be compelled, by the censure of the
Counsall and Kirk, to receive the persone appoynted and approvin by the
jugement of the godlie and lerned; unless that the same Kirk have presented a
man better or alsweill qualifeid to the examinatioun, befoir that this foirsaid
tryell wes takin of the persone presented by the counsall of the hoile Kirk. As,
for example, the Counsall of the Kirk presentis to any kirk a man to be thair
minister, not knawing that thai ar utherwayis provided: in the meyntyme, the
Kirk is provided of ane uther, sufficient in thair jugement for that charge, quhom
thai present to the lerned Ministeris and next reformed Kirk to be examinated. In
this case the presentatioun of the Pepill, to quhom he suld be appointed pastour,
must be preferred to the presentatioun of the Counsall or greater Kirk; unless the
persone presented by the inferiour Kirk be juged unabill for the regiment by the
lerned. For altogither this is to be avoided, that any man be violentlie
intrused[388] or thrust in upoun any Congregatioun. But this libertie with all cair
must be reserved till everie severall Kirk, to have thair votis and suffragis in
electioun of thair Ministeris. But violent intrusioun we call nott, quhen the
Counsall of the Kirk, in the feare of God, and for the salvatioun of the pepill,
offereth unto thame a sufficient man to instruct thame; quhom thai sall not be
forced to admitt befoir just examinatioun, as befoir is said.
II. QUHAT MAY UNABLE ONY PERSOUN, THAT HE MAY NOTT BE ADMITTED TO THE
MINISTERIE OF THE KIRK.
IT is to be observed that na persone, noted with publict infamye, or being unabill
to edifie the Kirk by hailsome doctrine, or being knawin of corrupt jugement, be
eather promoted to the regiment of the Kirk, or yit receaved[389] in
Ecclesiasticall administratioun.
Explicatioun.
By publict Infamye we understand, nott the commoun synnes and offences
quhilk any hes committit in tyme of blindnes, by fragilite; (gif of the same, by a
better and more sober conversatioun, he hath declared him self verielie penitent;)
but suche capitall crymes as the civile swerd aucht and may punishe with deith
by the wourd of God. For besydis that the Apostill requyreth the lyif of
Ministeris to be so irreprehensible, that thai have a gude testimonye from those
that be without; we juge it a thing unseimlie and dangerouse, that he sall have
publict authoritie, to preiche to utheris the lyiff everlasting, from quhom the
civile Magistrat may tak the lyiff temporall for a cryrme publictlie committed:
And gif ony object, That the Prince hes pardoned his offence, and that he hes
publictlie repented, and so is not onlie his lyiff[390] in assurance, but also that he
may be receaved to the Ministerie of the Kirk; we answer, That repentance dois
nott tak away the temporall punishment of the law, neither doth the pardon of the
Prince remove his infamye befoir man.
That the lyiff and conversatioun of the persone presented, or to be elected, may
be the more cleirlie knawin, publict Edictis must be[391] directed to all partis of
this Realme, or at the leist to those partis quhair the persone hath bene most
conversant: as quhair he wes nurischit in letteris, or quhair he contineuit from the
yeiris of infancie and childhood war passed. Strait commandiment wald be
gevin, that if any capital crymes wer committit by him, that thai suld be notified;
as, gif he hath committit wilfull murther, adulterie, a commoun fornicatour, gif
he war[392] a theiff, a druncard, a feychtar, brawlar, or contentious persone.
These Edictis audit to be notified in the cheiff cities, with the lyik charge and
commandiment, with declaratioun that suche as concealled his synnes knawin,
did deceave and betray (so far as in them lay) the Kirk, quhilk is the spous of
Jesus Christ, and did communicate with the synnes of that wicked man.
III. ADMISSIOUN [OF MINISTERS.]
The admissioun of Ministeris to thair offices, must consist in consent of the
pepill and Kirk quhairto thai salbe appointed, and in approbation of the learned
Ministeris appointed for thair examinatioun.
We juge it expedient, that the admissioun of Ministeris be in opin audience; that
some especiall Minister mak a sermon tuiching the deutie and office of
Ministeris, tuiching thair maneris, conversatioun, and lyif; as also tuiching the
obedience quhilk the Kirk aw[393] to thair Ministeris. Commandiment suld be
gevin alsweill to the Minister as unto the peple, boyth being present, to witt, that
he with all cairfull diligence attend upone the flock of Christ Jesus, over the
quhilk he is appointed preacher:[394] that he [will] walk in the presence of God so
synceirlie, that the graces of the Holie Spreit may be multiplyed into him; and in
the presence of men so sobirlie and uprychtlie, that his lyiff may confirme, in the
eyis of men, that quhilk by toung and wourd he persuaded unto utheris. The
people wald be exhorted to reverence and honour thair Ministers chosin, as the
servandis and ambassadouris of the Lord Jesus, obeying the commandiments
quhilk thai pronunce from Goddis mouth and buyk,[395] evin as thai wald obey
God him self; for quhosoevir heareth Christis Ministeris heareth him self, and
quhosoevir rejecteth thame, [and] dispyseth thair ministerie and exhortatioun,
rejecteth and dispyseth Christ Jesus.
Other ceremonie then the publict approbatioun of the peple, and declaratioun of
the cheiff minister, that the persone thair presented is appoynted to serve that
Kirk, we can nott approve; for albeit the Apostillis used the impositioun of
handis, yet seing the mirakle is ceassed, the using of the ceremonie we juge is
nott necessarie.

The Minister elected or presented, examinated,[396] and, as said is, publictlie

admitted, man neather leave the floke at his plesour, to the quhilk he hes
promissit his fidelitie and lawbouris; neather yit may the floke reject nor change
him at thair appetite, unless thai be abill to convict him of suche crymes as
deserve depositioun; quhairof we sall after speik. We meane nott bot that the
hole Kirk, or the most parte thairof, for just considerationis, may transfer a
Minister frome one kirk to another; neather yit meane we, that men quho now do
serve as it wer of benevolence may nott be appointed and elected to serve in
other places; but onis being solemndlie elected and admitted, we can not approve
that thai suld change at thair awin plesour.
We are not ignorant, that the raritie of godlie and learned men sall seme to some
a just reassone quhy that so strait and scharpe examinatioun suld not be takin
universallie; for so it sall appeir, that the most parte of [the] Kirkis sall haif no
Minister at all: But let these men understand, that the lack of able men sall nott
excuse us befoir God, gif by oure consent unable men be placed over the floke of
Christ Jesus; as also that amangis the Gentilles, godlie, learned men war als
rare[397] as thai be now amangis us, quhen the Apostill gave the same reul to try
and examyne Ministeris, quhilk we now follow: And last, lat thame understand
that it is alike to have no minister at all, and to have an idole in the place of a
treu minister, yea and in some case, it is worse; for those that be utterlie destitute
of ministeris wilbe diligent to search for them; but those that have a vane
schaddow, do commonlie without farther cair content thame selfis with the same,
and so remane thai continewallie deceaved, thinking that thai have a Minister,
quhen in verray deid thai have none. For we can nott juge him a dispensatour of
Goddis mysteries, that in no wyise can breke the breid of lyif to the faynting and
hungrie saulis; neather juge we that the Sacramentis can be rychtlie ministred by
him, in quhais mouth God hes put no sermon of exhortatioun.
The cheiffest remedy left till your Honouris and to us, in all this raritie of trew
ministeris, is fervent prayer unto God, that it will pleis his mercye to thrust out
faithfull warkmen in this his harvest;[398] and nyxt, that your Honouris, with
consent of the Kirk, are bound by your authoritie to compell suche men as have
giftis and graces able to edifie the Kirk of God, that thai bestow thame quhair
greittest necessitie salbe knawin; for no man may be permittit to leve idill, or as
thame self list, but must be appointed to travell quhair your Wisdomes and the
Kirk sall think expedient.
We can nott prescryve unto your Honouris certane reull how that ye sall
distribute the ministeris and lerned men, quhom God hes alreddy send unto you.
But heirof we ar assured, that it greitlie hindereth the progress of Christis
Evangell within this poore Realme, that some altogither abstract thair lawbouris
from the Kirk, and utheris remane togither[399] in one place, the most parte of
thame being idill. And thairfoir of your Honouris we requyre in Goddis name,
that by your auctoritie quhilk ye have of God, ye compell all men to quhom God
hes gevin ony talent to persuade, by holsome doctrine, to bestow the same, gif
thai be called be the Kirk to the advancement of Christis glorie, and to the
conforte of his trublit flock; and that ye, with the consent of the Kirk, assigne
unto your cheiffest workmen, not onlie townis to remane into, but also
provinces, that be thair faithfull lawbouris kirkis may be erected, and ordour
established, quhair none is now. And gif on this maner ye will use your power
and auctoritie, cheiflie seiking Goddis glorie, and the conforte of your brethrein,
we doubt not but God sall bliss you and your interprisses.
IV. FOR READARIS.

To the Kirkis[400] quhair no ministeris can be haid presentlie, must be appointed

the most apt men, that distinctlie can read the Commoune Prayeris[401] and the
Scripturis, to exercise boyth thame selfis and the kirk, till thai growe to greattar
perfectioun; and in process of tyme he that is but ane Readar may atteane to the
further gree,[402] and by consent of the kirk and discreit ministeris, may be
permittit to minister the sacramentis; but not befoir that he be able somequhat to
persuade by holsome doctrine, besydis his reading, and be admitted to the
ministerie, as before is said. Some we knaw that of long tyme have professed
Christ Jesus, quhose honest conversatioun deserved praise of all godlie men, and
quhose knawledge also mycht greatlie help the simple, and yit thai onlie content
thame selfis with reading. These must be animated, and by gentle admonitioun
incuraged, by some exhortatioun to conforte thair brethrein, and so thai may be
admitted to administratioun of the sacramentis. But suche Readeris as neather
have haid exercise, nor continuance in Christis trew religioun, must abstene from
ministratioun of the sacramentis, till thai geve declaratioun and witnessing of
thair honestie and farther knawlege.

* ADDITIO.

* For The Lordis thinkis, That nane be admitted to preche,[403] but thai that ar
qualifiet thairfoir, but rather be reteaned readaris; and sick as ar prechearis
alreaddy, not fundin qualifiet thairfoir be the Superintendent, be placed to be
readaris.

THE FYFT HEID, CONCERNYING THE PROVISIOUN FOR THE MINISTERIS, AND FOR
THE DISTRIBUTIOUN OF THE RENTIS AND POSSESSIONIS JUSTLIE APPERTENYNG
TO THE KIRK.[404]

Seing that of our Maister Christ Jesus and his Apostle Paule, we have, "That the
warkman is worthy of his reward," and that, "The mouth of the lawboring oxe
aucht nott to be muzilled," of necessitie it is, that honest provisioun be maid for
the Ministeris, quhilk we requyre to be suche, that thai haif neather occasioun of
sollicitude, neather yit of insolencie and wantoness. And this provisioun must be
maid not onlie for thair awin sustentatioun, during thair lyiffes, but also for thair
wiffis and childrene efter thame. For we juge it a thing most contrariouse to
reassone, godlines, and equitie, that the wedow and childrene of him, quho
in[405] his lyiff did faithfullie serve[406] the Kirk of God, and for that caus did not
cairfullie mak provisioun for his familie, suld, efter his deith, be left confortles
of all provisioun.

* ADDITIO.

* Provisioun for the Wyffis of Ministeris efter thair deceise, to be remittit to the
discretioun of the Kirk.[407]
Difficill it is to appoint a severall stipend to everie Minister, be reassoun that the
chargis and necessitie of all will not be licke; for some wilbe contenewaris in
one place, some wilbe compellit to travell, and oft to change dwelling place, (gif
thai sall have charge of diverse kirkis.) Amangis these, some wilbe burdened
with wyiff and childrein, and one with mo then ane other; and some perchance
wilbe single men: Gif equall stipendis suld be appointed to all those that in
charge ar so inequall, eather suld the one suffer penurie, or ellis suld the uther
have superfluitie and too muche.

* ADDITIO.

* We juge, thairfor, that everie Minister have sufficient quhairupoun to keip ane
house, and be sustened honestlie in all thingis necessarie, alsweill for keiping of
his house, as claithis, flesche, fische, buykis, [fewell,] and other thingis
necessarie, [furth] of the rentis and thesaurie[408] of the kirk, [where he serveth,]
at the discretioun of the congregatioun, conforme to the qualitie of the persone
and necessitie of the tyme. Quhairin it is thocht [good] that everie Minister sall
have at leist fourtie bollis meill, and twenty-six bollis malt, to find his house
breid and drink; and mair, sa mekill[409] as the discretioun of the Kirk findis
necessarie; besydes money for buying of uther provisioun to his house, and other
necessaries, the modificatioun quhairof is referred to the jugement of the kirk, to
be maid everie yeir at the chosing of the eldaris and deaconis of the kirk.
Providing alwayis, that thair be advanced to everie minister sufficient provisioun
for ane quarter of ane yeir befoir hand of all thingis.

To him[410] that travelleth from place to place, quhom we call Superintendentis,

quho remane as it war a moneth or less in one place, for the establishing of the
kirk, and for the same purpoise changeing to ane uther place, must farther[411]
consideratioun be haid. And, thairfoir, to suche we think sax chalder beir, nyne
chalder meill, thre chalder aittis for his horse, vc markis[412] money, to be eikkit
and pared at the discretioun of the Prince and Counsall of the Realme; to be
payit to him yeirlie, in maner foirsaid.
The children of the Ministeris must have the liberties of the citeis next adjacent,
quhair thair fatheris lawbored, frelie granted. Thai must[413] have the privileges
in sculis, and bursis[414] in collegis; that is, that thai salbe susteaned at learnyng,
gif thai be found apt therto; and failing thairof that thai be put to some
handycraft, or exercised in some verteouse industrie, quhairby thai may be
profitable membres in a commoun wealth.

* ADDITIO

* And the same we requyre for thair douchteris; to wit, that thai be verteouslie
brocht up, and honestlie doted quhen thai come to maturitie of yeiris, at the
discretioun of the Kirk.
And this in Goddis presence we witness, we requyre nott so muche for oure
selfis, or for any that till us apperteneth, as that we do for the encrease of vertew
and learnyng, and for the proffeit of the posteritie to come. It is nott to be
supposed that all man[415] will dedicat him self and childrene so to God, and to
serve his kirk, that thai luyke for no warldlie commoditie. But this cankered
nature quhilk we beare, is provokit to follow vertew quhen it seith honour and
profeit annexit to the same;[416] as, contrairlie, then is vertew of mony despised,
quhen verteouse and godlie men leve without honour. And sorye wuld we be that
povertie suld discourage men from studye, and from following the way of
vertew, by the quhilk thai mycht edifie the kirk and flock of Christ Jesus.
Nothing have we spokin of the stipend of Readaris, becaus, gif thai can do
nothing but reade, thai neather can be called nor jugit trew ministeris: And yit
regard must be haid to thair lawbouris; but so that thai may be spurred fordwart
to vertew, and nott by a stipend appointed for thair reading, to be reteaned still in
that estait. To a Readare thairfor that is laitlie enterit, we think fourty markis, or
mair or less, as the Parochenaris and Readaris can agree, sufficient: providing
that he teiche the childrene of the parische, quhilk he must do, besydis the
reading of the Commoun Prayeris,[417] and buykis of the New and Auld
Testamentis. Gif frome Reading he begin to Exhorte[418] and explane the
Scriptures, then aucht his stipend to be augmented; till finallie he come to the
honour of a Minister: But and gif he be found unable efter two yeiris, then must
he be removed from that office, and dischargit of all stipend, that another may be
provin als lang. For this alwayis is to be avoyded, that none quho is jugit unabill
to come at ony tyme to some reasonable knawlege, quhairby he may edifie the
Kirk, sall perpetuallie be nurisshed[419] upone the charge of the kirk. Farther, it
must be avoided, that no child or persone within aige, that is, within xxj yeir of
aige, be admitted to the office of a Readare; but Readaris aucht to be endewed
with gravitie, witt, and discretioun, lest be thair lychtness the Prayeris or
Scripturis read be of less price and estimatioun. It is to be noted, that the
Readaris be putt in by the Kirk, and admissioun of the Superintendent.
 NOTA
The other sorte of Readaris, quho have long continewed in godliness, and have
some gift of Exhortatioun, quho are in hope to atteane to the degree of a
minister, and teche the childrene; we think ane hundreth markis, or mair[420] at
the discretioun of the Kirk, may be appointed; so that difference, as said is, be
betwix thame and the ministeris that openlie preche the Word, and minister the
Sacramentis.
Restis yit other two sortis of peple to be provided for, of that quhilk is called the
patrimonye of the Kirk; to wit, the Poore, and Teachearis of the youtheid. Every
severall Kirk must provide for the poore within the self; for fearful and horrible
it is, that the poore, quhom nott onlie God the Father in his law, but Christ Jesus
in his evangell, and the Holie Spreit speaking by Sanct Paule, hath so earnestlie
commended to oure cayre, ar universallie so contempned and dispysed. We ar
nott patronis for stubburne and idill beggaris, quho, rynning from place to place,
mak a craft of thair beggyng, quhom the Civile Magistrat aucht to punyshe;[421]
but for the wedow and fatherless, the aiged, impotent, or laymed, quho neather
can nor may travell for thair sustentatioun, we say, that God commandeth his
pepill to be cairfull; and thairfor, for suche, as also for personis of honestie fallin
in[to] decay and penuritie,[422] audit suche provisioun[423] be maid, that [of] oure
aboundance should thair indigence be releaved. How this most convenientlie and
most easilie may be done in everie citie, and uthir partis of this Realme, God
shall schaw you wisdome and the meanis, so that youre myndis be godlie thairto
inclyned. All must not be suffered to beg that gladlie so wald do; neather yit
most beggeris remane whare thei chuse;[424] but the stout and strong beggar must
be compelled to wirk, and everie persoun that may nocht wirk, must be
compelled to repair to the place whare he or scho was born, (unles of long
continuance thai have remaned in one place,) and thair reassonable provisioun
must be maid for thair sustentatioun, as the Churche shall appoint. The ordour
nor soumes, in oure judgementis, can nott be particularlie appointed, unto suche
tyme as the poore of everie citie, toun, or parrishe, be compelled to repair to the
places whaire thei war borne, or of thair residences, whaire thair names and
nomber must be tackin and put in roll; and then may the wisdome of the Kirk
appoint stipendis accordinglye.
 I. OFF THE SUPERINTENDENTIS.[425]
Becaus we have appointed ane largear stipend to these that shalbe
Superintendentis then to the rest of the Ministeris, we have thocht goode to
signifie unto your Honouris, suche reassonis as moved us to mak difference
betwix preachearis at this tyme; as also how many Superintendentis we think
necessarie, with thair boundis, office, [the manner of their] electioun, and
causses that may deserve depositioun frome that charge.
We considder that yf the Ministeris whome God hath endewed with his
[singular] graces amangis us, should be appointed to severall and certane placis,
thair to mak thair continuall residence, that then the greatest part off this Realme
should be destitute of all doctrine; whiche should not onlie be occasioun of
greate murmure, but also should be dangerus to the salvatioun of manye. And
thairfore we have thocht it a thing most expedient for this tyme, that frome the
whole nomber of godlie and learned [men], now presentlie in this Realme, be
selected twelf or ten, (for in sa mony Provincis have we divideit the hoill,) to
whome charge and commandiment shalbe gevin[426] to plant and erect churches,
to set ordour and appoint ministeris (as the formar Ordour prescribeth) to the
contreis that sall be appointed to thair cayre whaire none ar now; and by these
meannis [your] luff and common caire ower all the inhabitantis of this Realme
(to quhome ye ar equall debttouris) shall evidentlie appeare; as also the simpill
and ignorant (who perchance have never heard Christ Jesus trewlie preached)
shall come to some knawlege, by the which manye that now be deid in
superstitioun and ignorance shall atteane to some fealling of godlynes, by the
whiche thei may be provocked to searche and seik farther knawledge of God,
and his trew religioun and wirschipping. Whaire be the contrarie, yf thei shalbe
neglected, thei shall not onlie grudge, but also thei shall seik the meanis whairby
thei may continew in thair blindnes, or returne to thair accustumed idolatrie. And
thairfore no thing desire we more earnistlie, then that Christ Jesus be universallie
once preached throuchout this Realme; whiche shall not suddanlie be unles that
by you, men be appointed and compelled faithfullie to travell in suche Provinces
as to thame shall be assignit.
II. THE NAMES OF THE PLACIS OF RESIDENCE, AND SEVERALL DIOCESES OF THE
SUPERINTENDENTIS.
Imprimis, the Superintendent of Orknay: whose Diocesye shalbe to the Ylis of
Orknay, Sheitland, Caithnes,[427] and Straythnaver. His residence to be in the
Toun of Kirkwall.
2. The Superintendent of Ross; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Ross,
Suthirland, Murray, with the North Ylis of the Sky, and the Lewis, with thair
adjacentis. His residence to be in Channonrie of Ross.
3. The Superintendent of Ergile; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Argile,
[Kyntyre,] Lorne, the South Ylis, Arrane [and] Bute, with thair adjacents, with
Lochquhaber. His residence to be in [Argyle.]
4. The Superintendent of Abirdene; whose Diocesye is betwix Dee and Spay,
conteanand the schirefdome of Abirdene and Bamff. His residence to be in Auld
Abirdene.
5. The Superintendent of Brechin; whose Diocesye shalbe the hole schirefdomes
of Mearnis and Anguss, and the Bray of Mar to Dee. His residence to be in
Brechin.
6. The Superintendent of Sanctandrois; whose Diocesye shall comprehend the
hoill schirefdome of Fyffe[428] and Fotheringhame, to Striveling; and the hoill
schirefdome of Perth. His residence to be in Sanctandrois.
7. The Superintendent of Edinburght; whose Diocesye shall comprehend the
hoill schirefdomes of Lowthiane, and Striveling on the south syde of the Watter
of Forth;[429] and thairto is added, by consent of the hoill Churche, Mersse,
Lauderdaill, and Weddell. His residence to be in [Edinburgh.]
8. The Superintendent of Jedburgh; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
Thevedaill, Tweddell, Liddisdaill,[430] with the Forrest of Ethrick. His residence
to be [Jedburgh.]
9. The Superintendent of Glasgow; whose Diocesye shall comprehend
Cliddisdale, Renfrew, Menteith, Levinax, Kyle, and Cunynghame. His residence
to be in Glasgow.
10. The Superintendent of Dumfriese; whose Diocesye sall comprehend
Galloway, Carrik, Niddisdaill, Annanderdaill, with the rest of the Daillis in the
West. His residence to be in Drumfreise.
Those men must not be sufferred to leave as your idill Bischopis have done
heirtofore; neather most thei remane whaire gladlie thei wald: But thei must be
preachearis thame selves, and suche as may mak no long residence in ony one
place, till thair Churches be[431] planted and provided of Ministers, or at the leist
of Reidaris.
Charge must be gevin to thame that thei remane in no one place above twenty or
threttye[432] dayis in thair visitatioun, till thei have passed throucht thair hoill
boundis. Thei must thryise everie weake at the least preache; and when thei
returne to thair principall town and residence, thei must be likewise exercisit in
preacheing and in edificatioun of the Churche thaire; and yet thei must not be
suffered to continew thair so long, as thei may seame to neglect thaire uthir
Churches: but efter that thei have remaned in thair cheif toun thre or four
monethis at most, thei shall be compelled (onles be seiknes onlie thei be
reteaned,) to re-enter in visitatioun, in which thei shall not onlie preache, but also
examyn the life, diligence, and behaviour of the Ministeris; as also the ordour of
thaire Churches, [and] the maneris of the people. Thei must farther consider how
the poore be provided: how the youth be instructed: thei must admonische
whaire admonitioun neidith, dresse suche thingis as by goode counsall thei be
able to appease: and, finalie, thei must note suche crymes as be haynouse, that
by the censure of the Church the same may be corrected.
Yf the Superintendent be fund negligent in any of these cheaf pointis of his
office, and especiallie yf he be noted negligent in preacheing of the word, and in
visitatioun of his Churches; or yf he be convict of ony of those crymis, which in
the common Ministeris ar dampned, he must be deposit, without respect of his
persoun or office.
III. OFF THE ELECTIOUN OF SUPERINTENDENTIS.
In this present necessitie, the nominatioun, examinatioun, and admissioun of
Superintendentis, can not be so strait as we require, and as afterward it must be.
For this present, thairfore, we think sufficient that eather your Honouris, by your
selves, nominat sa mony as may serve the fore-written provincis; or that ye gyff
commissioun to suche men, as in whome ye suppoise the feir of God [to be] to
do the same; and that the same men being called in your presence shalbe by you,
and by suche as your Honouris please call unto you for consultatioun in that
case, appointed to thair provinces. We think it expedient and necessarie, that als
weill the gentilmen, as burgesses of everie diocese, be maid privie at the same
tyme to the electioun of the Superintendent, alsweill to bring the Churche in sum
practise of hir libertie, as to mak the pastor better favorit of the flocke whome
thame selves have chosin. Yff your Honouris can not find for this present sa
many able men as the necessitie requireth, then, in our judgementis, more
profitable it is that those provincis vaik till God provide better, than that men
unabill to edifie and governe the Churche be suddanlie placit in that charge. For
experience hath taught us,[433] what pestilence hath bene engendred in the
Church by men unabill to discharge thair offices.
When, thairfore, after thre yeiris any Superintendent shall departe, or chance to
be deposed, the cheaf town within that province, to wit, the Ministeris, Elders,
and Deaconis, with the Magistrat and Counsall of the same town, shall nominat,
and by publict edictis proclame, alsweill to the Superintendent, as to twa or thre
provinces nixt adjacent, two or thre of the most learned and most godlie
Ministeris within the hole realme, that frome amangis thame, one with publict
consent may be electit and appointed to the office then vaiking: and this the
cheaf Town shall be bound to do within the terme of twenty dayis. Whiche being
expired and no man presented, then shall thre of the nixt adjacent provincis, with
consent of thair Superintendentis, Ministeris, and Elderis, enter in into the rycht
and priviledgeis of the cheaf town, and shall present everie one of thame one, or
two yf thei list, to the cheaf town, to be examinated as the Ordour requireth. As
also, it shalbe lauchfull for all the churches of the Diocesye to nominat within
the same tyme suche personis as thei think worthye to stand in electioun; which
man be put in edict.[434]
After the nominationis be maid, publict edictis must be send, first warnyng all
men that have any objectioun[435] againis the personis nominatit, or against ony
ane of thame, to be present in the cheaf toun at day and place affixit, to object
what thei can against the electioun of any one of thame. Threttye dayis we think
sufficient to be assigned thairto; thretty dayis, we meane, after that the
nominatioun be maid.
Whiche day of electioun being come, the hoill Ministeris of that Province, with
thre or mo[436] of the Superintendentis nixt adjacent, or that sall thairto be
named,[437] shall examyn not onlie the learnying, but also the maneris, prudence,
and habilitie to governe the Churche, of all those that ar nominat; that he who
shallbe fund most worthye, may be burdened with the charge. Yff the Ministeris
of the whole Province should bring with them the voitis of those that war
committit to thair caire, the electioun should be the more fre; bot alwayis, the
voitis of all those that convene must be requirit.[438] The examinationis must be
publictlie maid; those that stand in electioun must publictlie preache; and men
must be chargeit in the name of God, to voit according to conscience, and not
efter affectioun. Yf ony thing be objectit against any that stand[439] in electioun,
the Superintendentis and Ministeris must considder whether the objectioun be
maid of conscience or of malice, and thei must ansueir accordinglie. Other
ceremonies then scharp examinatioun, approbatioun of the Ministeris and
Superintendentis, with the publict consent of the Elderis and People, then
present,[440] we can not allow.
The Superintendent being electit, and appointed to his charge, must be subjected
to the censur and correctioun of the Ministeris and Elderis, not onlie of his cheaf
Toun, but also of the hoill Province over the whiche he is appointed oversear.
Yf his offencis[441] be knawin, and the Ministeris and Elderis of his Province[442]
be negligent in correcting him, then the nixt one or two Superintendentis, with
thair Ministeris and Elderis, may convene him, and the Ministeris and Elderis of
his cheaf toun, (provideit that it be within his awin Province or cheaf toun,) and
may accuse and correct alsweale the Superintendent in those thingis that ar
worthy of correctioun, as the Ministeris and Elderis for thair negligence and
ungodlie tollerance of his offencis.
Whatsoever cryme deserve correctioun or depositioun of any other minister,
deserveth the samin in the Superintendent, without exceptioun of persoun.

After that the Churche he establischeit,[443] and thre yeiris be passed, we require
that na man be callit to the office of a Superintendent, who hath not tuo yeiris at
the leist gevin declaratioun of his faithfull lawbouris in the ministerie of some
churche.[444]
No Superintendent may be transferrit at the plesour or requeist of ony one
Province; no, not without the consent of the whole counsall of the Churche, and
that for grave causses and considderationis.
Off one thing, in the end, we must admonische your Honouris, to wit, that in
appointing Superintendentis for this present, ye disappoint not your cheaf
Tounis, and whair learning is exercised, of suche ministeris as more may proffit
be residence in one place, than be continewall travell frome place to place: For if
ye so do, the youth in those placis shall lacke the profound interpretatioun of the
Scripturis; and so shall it be long before that your gardenis send furth many
plantis; whair by the contrarie, yf one or tuo tounis be continewallie exercised as
thei may, the Commoun-wealth shall schortlie taist of thair fruct,[445] to the
confort of the godlie.
FOR THE SCHOLLIS.[446]
Seeing that the office and dewtie of the godlie Magistrat is nocht onlie to purge
the Churche of God from all superstitioun, and to set it at libertie from bondage
of tyrranis;[447] but also to provide, to the uttermost of his power, how it may
abide in the same puritie to the posteriteis[448] following; we can not but
frelie[449] communicat our judgementis with your Honouris in this behalf.

I. THE NECESSITIE OF SCHOLLIS.[450]

Seing that God hath determined that his Churche heir in earth, shallbe tawght not
be angellis but by men; and seing that men ar born ignorant of all godlynes; and
seing, also, now God ceassith[451] to illuminat men miraculuslie, suddanlie
changeing thame, as that he did his Apostlis and utheris in the Primitive
Churche: off necessitie it is that your Honouris be most cairfull for the virtuous
educatioun, and godlie upbringing of the youth of this Realme, yf eathir ye now
thirst unfeanedlie [for] the advancement of Christis glorie, or yit desire the
continewance of his benefits to the generatioun following. For as the youth must
succeed till us, so aucht we to be cairfull that thei have the knawlege and
eruditioun, to proffit and confort that whiche aucht to be most deare to us, to wit,
the Churche and Spouse of the Lord Jesus.
Off necessitie thairfore we judge it, that everie severall Churche have a
Scholmaister[452] appointed, suche a one as is able, at least, to teache Grammer
and the Latine toung, yf the Toun be of any reputatioun. Yf it be Upaland,
whaire the people convene to doctrine bot once in the weeke, then must eathir
the Reidar or the Minister thair appointed, take cayre over the children and youth
of the parische, to instruct them in thair first rudimentis, and especiallie in the
Catechisme,[453] as we have it now translaited in the Booke of our Common
Ordour, callit the Ordour of Geneva.[454] And farther, we think it expedient, that
in everie notable toun, and especiallie in the toun of the Superintendent, [there]
be erected a Colledge, in whiche the Artis, at least Logick and Rethorick,
togidder with the Tongues, be read be sufficient Maisteris, for whome honest
stipendis must be appointed: as also provisioun for those that be poore, and be
nocht able by them selfis, nor by thair freindis, to be sustened at letteris,
especiallie suche as come frome Landwart.
The frute and commoditie heirof shall suddanlie appeare. For, first, the youtheid
and tender children sall be nurischit and brocht up in virtue, in presence of thair
freindis; by whose good attendence many inconvenientis may be avoided, in the
which the youth commonlie fallis, eathir by too muche[455] libertie, whiche thei
have in strange and unknawin placis, whill thei can not rule them selfis; or ellis
for lacke of gude attendence, and of suche necessiteis as thair tender aige
requireth. Secoundarlie, The exercise of the children in everie Churche shall be
great instructioun to the aigeit.[456]
Last, The great Schollis callit Universiteis, shallbe repleanischit with those that
be apt to learnyng; for this must be cairfullie provideit, that no fader, of what
estait or conditioun that ever he be, use his children at his awin fantasie,
especiallie in thair youth-heade; but all must be compelled to bring up thair
children in learnyng and virtue.
The riche and potent may not be permitted to suffer thair children to spend thair
youth in vane idilnes, as heirtofore thei have done. But thei must be exhorted,
and by the censure of the Churche compelled to dedicat thair sones, by goode
exercise,[457] to the proffit of the Churche and to the Common-wealth; and that
thei must do of thair awin expensses, becaus thei ar able. The children of the
poore must be supported and sustenit on the charge of the Churche, till tryell be
tackin, whethir the spirit of docilitie be fund in them or not. Yf thei be fund apt
to letteris and learnyng, then may thei not (we meane, neathir the sonis of the
riche, nor yit the sonis of the poore,) be permittit to reject learnyng; but must be
chargeit to continew thair studie, sa that the Commoun-wealthe may have some
confort by them. And for this purpose must discreit, learned, and grave men be
appointit to visit all Schollis for the tryell of thair exercise, proffit, and
continewance; to wit, the Ministeris and Elderis, with the best learned in everie
toun, shall everie quarter tak examinatioun[458] how the youth hath proffitted.
A certane tyme must be appointed to Reiding, and to learning of the Catechisme;
ane certane tyme to the Grammar, and to the Latine toung; ane certane tyme to
the Artis, Philosophie, and to the [other] Toungis; and a certane to that studie in
which thei intend cheaflie to travell for the proffit of the Commoun-wealth.
Whiche tyme being expired, we meane in everie course, the children must eathir
proceid to farther knawledge, or ellis thei must be send to sum handie-craft, or to
sum othir profitable exercise; provideit alwayis, that first thei have the forme of
knawledge[459] of Christiane religioun, to wit, the knawledge of Goddis law and
commandimentis; the use and office of the same; the cheaf articulis of our
beleve; the richt forme to pray unto God; the nomber, use, and effect of the
sacramentis; the trew knawledge of Christ Jesus, of his office and natures, and
suche otheris,[460] as without the knawledge wheirof, neathir deservith [any] man
to be named a Christiane,[461] neather aught ony to be admittit to the
participatioun of the Lordis Tabill: And thairfore, these principallis aught and
must be learned in the youth-heid.
II. THE TYMES APPOINTED TO EVERIE COURSE.
Two yearis we think more then sufficient to learne to read perfitelie, to answer to
the Catechisme, and to have some entresse in the first rudimentis of Grammar; to
the full accomplischement whairof, (we meane of the Grammar,) we think other
thre or foure yearis at most, sufficient. To the Artis, to wit, Logick and
Rethorick, and to the Greik toung, foure yeiris; and the rest, till the aige of
twenty-foure yearis to be spent in that studye, whairin the learnar wald proffit
the Churche or Commoun-wealth, be it in the Lawis, or Physick or Divinitie:
Whiche tyme of twenty-foure yearis being spent in the schollis, the learnar most
be removed to serve the Churche or Commoun-wealth, unless he be fund a
necessarie Reidare in the same Colledge or Universitie. Yf God shall move your
heartis to establische and execut this Ordour, and put these thingis in practise,
your hole Realme, (we doubt nott,) within few yearis, shall serve the self of trew
preacharis, and of uther officiaris necessarie for your Common-wealth.
III. THE ERECTIOUN OF UNIVERSITEIS.
The Grammar Schollis and of the Toungis being erectit as we have said, nixt we
think it necessarie thair be three Universities in this whole Realme, establischeit
in the Tounis accustumed.[462] The first in Sanctandrois,[463] the secound in
Glasgow,[464] and the thrid in Abirdene.[465]
And in the first Universitie and principall, whiche is SANCTANDROIS, thair be thre
Colledgeis. And in the first Colledge, quhilk is the entre of the Universitie, thair
be four classes or saigeis: the first, to the new Suppostis, shalbe onlie
Dialectique; the nixt, onlie Mathematique;[466] the thrid, of Phisick onlie; the
fourt of Medicine. And in the secound Colledge, twa classes or seigeis: the first,
in[467] Morall Philosophie; the secound in[467] the Lawis. And in the thrid
College, twa classes or seigeis: the first, in[467] the Toungis, to wit, Greek and
Hebreu; the secound, in[467] Divinitie.
IV. OFF REIDARIS, AND OF THE GREIS, OFF TYME, AND STUDYE.[468]
 THE FIRST GRIE.

SECOND DEGRIE.

Item, In the first College, and in the first classe, shallbe ane Reidar of
Dealectique,[469] wha shall accomplische his course thairof in one yeare. In the
Mathematique,[469] whiche is the secound classe, shalbe ane Reidar who shall
compleit his course of Arithmetique,[469] Geometrie, Cosmographie, and
Astrologie, in ane yeare. In the third classe, shalbe are Reidar of Naturall
Philosophie, who shall compleit his course in a yeare. And wha efter thir thre
yearis, by tryell and examinatioun, shall be fund sufficientlie instructit in thir
aforesaid sciences, shall be Laureat and Graduat in Philosophie. In the fourt
classe, shall be ane Reidar of Medicine, who shall compleit his course in five
years: after the study of the whiche tyme, being by examinatioun fund sufficient,
thei shall be graduat in Medicine.
 THIRD DEGRIE
Item, In the Secound Colledge, in the first classe, one Reader onlie in the
Ethicques, Œconomicques, and Politiques, who shall compleit his course in the
space of one yeare. In the secound classe, shall be tuo Reidaris in the Municipall
and Romane Lawis, who sall compleit thair coursses in four yeares; after the
whiche tyme, being by examinatioun fund sufficient, thei shalbe graduat in the
Lawis.

FOURTH DEGRIE.

Item, In the third Colledge, in the first classe, ane Reidar of the Hebreu, and ane
uther of the Greek toung, wha sail compleit the grammeris thairof in half ane
yeare,[470] and the remanent of the yeare, the Reidar of the Hebreu shall
interpreit ane booke of Moses, the[471] Propheitis, or the Psalmes; sa that his
course and classe shall continew ane yeare. The Reidar of the Greek shall
interpreit some booke of Plato, togidder with some place of the New Testament.
And in the secound classe, shalbe tuo Reideris in Divinitie, that ane in the New
Testament, that uthir in the Auld, who sall compleit thair course in five yearis.
After whiche tyme, who sall be fund by examinatioun sufficient shall be graduat
in Divinitie.
Item, We think expedient that nane be admittit unto the first Colledge, and to be
Suppostis of the Universitie, onles he have frome the Maister of the Schole, and
the Minister of the toun whair he was instructed in the toungis, ane testimoniall
of his learnyng, docilitie, aige, and parentage; and likewayis triall to be tane[472]
be certan Examinatouris, deput be the Rectour and Principallis of the same, and
yf he be fund sufficientlie instructit in Dialectick,[473] he shall incontinent, that
same yeare, be promoted to the classe of Mathematicque.
Item, That nane be admittit to the classe of the Medicine bot he that shall have
his testimoniall of his tyme weall spent in Dialecticque, Mathematique, and
Phisicque, and of his docilitie in the last.
Item, That nane be admittit unto the classe of the Lawis, but he that shall have
sufficient testimoniallis of his tyme weill spent in Dialecticque, Mathematique,
Phisique, Ethick, Œconomiques, and Pollitiques, and of his docilitie in the last.
Item, That nane be admittit unto the classe and seige of Divines[474] bot he that
shall have sufficient testimonialles of his tyme weill spent in Dialecticque,
Mathematicque, Phisique, Ethique, Œconomique, Morall Philosophie,[475] and
the Hebreu toung, and of his docilitie in the Morall Philosophie and the Hebreu
toung. But neathir shall suche as will applye them to hear the Lawis, be
compelled to heir Medicine; neathir suche as applye them to hear Divinitie be
compellit to hear eathir Medicine or yit the Lawis.

SECUND UNIVERSITIE.

Item, In the Secound Universitie, whiche is GLASGU, shalbe twa Colledgeis

alanerlie. In the first shalbe ane classe of Dialecticque, ane uther in
Mathematicque, the thrid in Phisique, ordourit in all sortis as Sanctandrois.
Item, In the Secound Colledge, four classes; the first in Morall Philosophie,
Ethiques, Œconomiques, and Pollitiques; the secound of the Municipale and
Romane Lawis; the thrid of the Hebreu toung; the fourt in Divinitie: Which shall
be ordourit in all sortis, conforme to it we have writtin in the ordour of the
Universitie of Sanctandrois.[476]

THIRD UNIVERSITIE.

The Thrid Universitie of ABIRDENE shall be conforme to this Universitie of

Glasgou, in all sortis.
Item, We think neidfull, that thair be chosin of the body of the Universitie to
everie Colledge a man[477] of learnyng, discretioun, and diligence, who shall
resave the haill rentis of the Colledge, and distribute the same according to the
erectioun of the Colledge, and shall dalie hearkin the dyet comptis; adjoynyng to
him oulklie ane of the Readeris or Regentis, above whome he shall [take]
attendence upoun thair diligence, alsweill in thair reading, as exercitioun[478] of
the youth in the mater taught; upoun the polecye and uphold of the place; and for
punischement of crymes, shall hald ane oulklie[479] conventioun with the haill
memberis of the Colledge. He shall be comptabile yearlie to the Superintendent,
Rectour, and rest of the Principallis convened, about the first of November. His
electioun shalbe in this sort: Thair shalbe thre of the maist sufficient men of the
Universitie, (not Principallis alreaddie,) nominat by the memberis of the College,
sworne to follow thair conscience, whais Principall is departed, and publictlie
proponed throu the whole Universitie. Efter the whiche tyme eght dayis, the
Superintendent, by him self or his speciall Procuratour, with the Rectour and rest
of the Principallis, as are chaptour convened, shall conferme ane of the three thei
think maist sufficient, being afore sworne to do the same with singill ee,[480] but
respect to feid or favour.
Item, In everie Colledge, we think neidfull at the least ane Steward, ane Cooke,
ane Gardnar, ane Portar, wha shall be subject to discipline of the Principale, as
the rest.
Item, That everie Universitie have ane Beddale subject to serve at all tymes
throuchout the whole Universitie, as the Rectour and Principallis shall command.
Item, That everie Universitie have ane Rectour chosin from yeare to yeare as
shall follow. The Principallis being convened with the haill Regentis chaptourlie,
shall be sworne, that everie man in his roume shall nominat suche one as his
conscience shall testifie to be maist sufficient to beare suche charge and dignitie;
and thre of them that shalbe oftest nominat shalbe put in edict publictlie, fiftene
dayis afore Michaelmess; and then shall on Michaelmess Evin convene the hoill
Principallis, Regentis, and Suppostis that ar graduat, or at the least studyit thair
tyme in Ethiques, Œconomiques, and Pollitiques, and na utheris youngare; and
everie natioun, first protestand in[481] Goddis presence to follow the sinceir
ditement of thair consciences, shall nominat ane of the said thre; and he that hes
monyest votis shall be confermit be the Superintendent and Principall, and his
dewitie with ane exhortatioun proponed unto him: And this to be the 28 day of
September; and thairefter aithis to be takin,[482] hinc inde, off his just and godlie
governement, and of the remanentis lauchfull submissioun and obedience. He
shall be propyned[483] to the Universitie at his entre, with ane new garment,
bearing Insignia Magistratus; and be halden monethlie to visie everie Colledge,
[484] and with his presence decore and examyn the lectionis and exercitioun

thairof. His assessoris shalbe ane laweir and ane theolog, with whois advise he
shall decide all questionis civill, betwix the memberis of the Universitie. Yf ony
without the Universitie persew ane member thairof, or be persewit be ane
member of the samin, he shall assist the Provest and Baillies in thei casses, or
uthir judgeis competent, to see justice be ministred. In likewise, yf ony of the
Universitie be criminallie persewit, he shall assist the Judgeis competent, and se
that justice be ministred.

SUMMA OF BURSARIS IN THE THRE UNIVERSITEIS.

Item, We think it expedient, that in everie Colledge in everie Universitie, thair be

twenty-four bursaris,[485] divided equalie in all the classes and seigeis, as is
above exprimit: that is, in Sanctandrois, seventie-tua bursaris; in Glasgou,
fourtye-eyght bursaris; in Abirdene, fourty-eyght; to be sustened onlie in meit
upon the chargeis of the Colledge; and be admitted at the examinatioun of the
Ministerie and chaptour of Principallis in the Universitie, alsweill in docilitie of
the personis offerit, as of the habillitie of thair parentis to sustene thame thair
selvis, and nocht to burding the Common-wealth with thame.
V. OFF STIPENDIS AND EXPENSSES NECESSARIE.
Item, We think expedient, that the Universiteis be doted with temporall landis,
with rentis and revenewis of the Bischopriks temporalitie, and of the Kirkis
Collegiat, sa far as thair ordinarie chargeis shall require; and thairfore, that it
wald please your Honouris, be advise of your Honouris Counsall and voit of
Parliament, to do the samin. And to the effect the same may be schortlie
expediat, we have recollected the soumes we think necessarie for the samin.
Imprimis, For the ordinarie Stipend of the Dialecticiane Reidar, the
Mathematiciane, Phisitiane, and Morall Philosophie, we think sufficient ane
hundreth pundis for everie ane of thame.
Item, For the Stipend of everie Reader in Medicine and Lawis, ane hundreth
threttie thre pundis, vi s. viij d.
Item, To everie Reidar in Hebrew, Greik, and Divinitie, twa hundreth pundis.
Item, To everie Principall of a Colledge, ij lb.
Item, To everie Stewart, sextene pundis of fie.
Item, To everie Gardnar, to everie Cuke, and Portar, ilkane, ten markis.
Item, To the Burde of everie Bursar, without the Classes of
Theologie and Medicine,[486] twenty pundis.
Item, [To every Bursar] in the Classe of Theologie, whiche will be onlie twelf
personis in Sanctandrois, 24 lib.
Summa of yeirlie and ordinarie expensses in the Universitie
3796 lib.
of Sanctandrois, extendis to
Summa of yearlie and ordinarie expensis of Glasgow,[487] 2922 lib.
Abirdene, alsmekill, 2922 lib.
 blah ————
Summa of the Ordinarie Chargis of the hoill, 9640 lib.

Item, the Beddellis Stipend shalbe of everie entrant and suppost of the
Universitie, ii. schillingis; off everie ane graduat in Philosophie, thre schillingis;
off everie ane graduat in Medicine or Lawis, 4 schillingis; in Theologie, 5
schillingis; all Bursis being exceptit.
Item, We have thocht gude for building and uphald of the placis, ane general
collect be maid; and that everie Erlis sone, at his entre to the Universitie, shall
gif fourtye schillingis, and sicklike at everie graduatioun, 40 schillingis. Item,
Everie Lordis sone sicklike at ilk tyme, 30 schillingis; ilk fre halding Baronis
sone, twentye schillingis: everie Fewar and substantious Gentilmannis sone, ane
mark. Item, Everie substantious Husband and Burges sone, at ilk tyme, ten
schillingis: Item, Everie ane of the rest, (excepting[488] the Bursaris,) 5 schillingis
at ilk tyme.
And that this be gathered in ane commoun box, put in keiping to the Principall of
the Theologeanes, everie Principall havand ane key thairof, to be comptit ilk
yeare anis, with the relictis of the Principallis to be layed into the samin, about
the fivetene day of November, in presence of the Superintendent, Rectour, and
the hoill Principallis; and, at thair hoill consent, or at the least the most part
thairof, reservit and employit onlie upoun the building and uphalding of the
placis, and repairing of the same, as ever necessitie shall require. And thairfore,
the Rectour with his assistance shall be haldin to visite the placis ilk yeir anis,
incontinent efter he be promoted, upoun the last of October, or thairby.
VI. OFF THE PRIVILEGE OF THE UNIVERSITIE.
Seing we desire that Innocencie shall defend us rather than Privelege, we think
that ilk persoun of the Universitie shuld answeir before the Provest and Baillies
of ilk town whaire the Universities ar, of all crymes whairof thai ar accusit, onlie
that the Rectour be Assesour to thame in the saidis actionis. In civill materis yf
the questioun be betwix memberis of the Universitie on ilk side, making thair
residence and exercitioun thairin for the tyme, in that case the partie callit shall
not be haldin to answer, but onlie before the Rectour and his Assesouris
heirtofore expremit. In all uthir casses of civill persute, the generall reule of the
Law to be observit, Actor sequatur forum rei, &c.
Item, That the Rectour and all inferiour memberis of the Universitie be exempted
frome all taxationis, impostis, chargeis of weir, or ony othir charge that may
onerat or abstract him or thame from the cair of thair office; suche as Tutorie,
Curatorie, Deaconrie, or ony siclike, that ar establischeit, or heirefter shall be
established in our Common-wealth; to the effect, that but trubill, that ane may
wait upoun the upbringing of the youth in learnyng, that othir bestow his tyme
onlie in that most necessarie exercitioune.
All othir thingis tuiching the bookes to be red in ilk classe, and all suche
particular effaires, we refer to the discretioun of the Maisteris, Principallis, and
Regentis, with thair weill advisit Counsallis; not doubting but yf God sall grant
quietnes, and gif your Wisdomes grace to set fordward letteris in the sort
prescribed, ye shall leave wisdome and learnyng to your posteritie, ane treasure
more to be estemed nor ony earthlie treasure ye ar abill to provide[489] for thame;
whiche, without wisdome, ar more abill to be thair ruyne and confusioun, than
help or confort. And as this is most treu, so we leave it with the rest of the
commoditeis to be weyit by your Honouris wisdome, and set fordwart by your
authoritie to the most heigh advancement of this Common-wealth, committed to
your charge.

THE SEXT HEID, OF THE RENTIS AND PATRIMONY OF THE KIRK.[490]

These twa sortis of men, that is to say, the Ministers[491] and the Pure, togidder
with the Schollis, when ordour sall be takin thairanent, must be sustened upoun
the chargeis of the Churche: And thairfore provisioun must be maid, how and of
whome suche soumes must be lifted. But befoir we enter in this heid, we must
crave of your Honouris, in the name of the Eternall God and of his Sone Christ
Jesus, that ye have respect to your pure brethren, the lauboraris and manuraris of
the ground; who by these creuell beastis the Papistis have bene so oppressit,[492]
that thair life to thame have bene dolorus and bitter. Yf ye will have God author
and approver of youre reformatioun, ye must nott follow thair futesteppis; but ye
must have compassioun upoun your brethren, appointing thame to pay so
reasonabill teyndis, that thei may feill[493] sum benefit of Christ Jesus, now
precheit unto thame.
With the greaf of our hertis we heare, that sum Gentilmen are now als creuell
over thair tennentis as ever war the Papistis, requiring of thame whatsoever
before thay payit to the Churche;[494] so that the Papisticale tirrannye shall onlie
be changeit in the tirrannye of the lord or of the laird. We dar not flatter your
Honouris, neathir yit is it proffitabill for you that so we do: if you permit suche
creualtie[495] to be used, neather shall ye, who by your authoritie aucht to
ganestand suche oppressioun, neathir thei that use the same, escheip Goddis
hevy and feirfull judgementis. The Gentilmen, Baronis, Earlis, Lordis, and
utheris, must be content to live upon thair just rentis, and suffer the Churche to
be restorit to hir libertie, that, in hir restitutioun, the poore, who heirtofore by the
creuall Papistis have bene spoilled and oppressit, may now resave sum confort
and relaxatioun.

* ADDITIO.

* CONCLUDIT BE THE LORDIS:[496] That thir teyndis and uthairis exactionis, to be

clene discharged, and never to be tackin in tyme cuming; as, the uppermost
Claith, the Corps-present, the Clerk-maill, the Pasche offeringis, Teynd Aill, and
all handlingis Upaland, can neathir be required nor resavit of godlie conscience.

ADDITIO.

THE LORDIS AGGREIS WITH THIS HEID OF THE RESAVING OF THE DEACONIS.[497]

Neathir do we judge it to proceade frome justice, that one man sall possess the
teyndis of ane uther; but we think it ane thing most reasonabill, that everie man
have the use of his awin teyndis, provideit that he ansueir to the Deaconis and
Thesauraris of the Churche, off that whiche justlie sall be appointit unto him. We
require Deaconis and Thesauraris rathir to resave the rentis, nor the Ministeris
them selvis; becaus that of the teyndis must not onlie the Ministeris be sustened,
but also the Poore and Schollis. And thairfore we think it most expedient that
commoun Thesauraris, to wit, the Deaconis, be appointed frome yeare to yeare,
to resave the hoill rentis appertenyng to the Churche; and that commandiment be
given, that na man be permitted eather to resave, eather yit to intromet with, any
thing appertenyng to the sustentatioun of the personis foresaidis, but suche as by
commoun consent of the Churche ar thairto appointed.
Yf any thinkis this prejudiciall to the tackis and assedationis of those that now
possessis the teyndis, let them understand that ane injust possessioun is no
possessioun before God; for those of whome thei receaved thair titill and
presupposed richt, war and ar thevis[498] and murtheraris, and had no power so to
alienat the patrimonye and commoun-gude of the Churche. And yit we ar not so
extreme, but that we wische just recompence to be maid to suche as have
debursed soumes of money to those injust possessouris (so that it hes not bene of
lait dayis in prejudice of the Churche:) but suche as ar fund and knawin to be
done of plane collusioun in no wise aucht to be mantened of you. And for that
purpose, we think it most expedient that whosoever have assedatioun of teyndis
or churches be openlie warnit to produce thair assedatioun and assurance, that
cognitioun being tackin, the just tackisman may have ane just and reasonable
recompence for the yearis that ar to ryn, the proffit of the yearis passed being
considderit and deducted; and the injust and surmised may be servit
accordinglie: So that the Churche, in the end, may recover hir libertie and
fredome, and that onlie for releaf of the Poore.
Your Honouris may easilie understand, that we speake not now for our selvis,
but in favouris of the Poore and[499] the lawboraris defraudit and oppressed by
the Preastis, and by thair confederat pensionaris. For quhill that the Preistis
Pensionare his idill bellye is delicatlie fed, the Poore, to whome a portioun of
that appertenis, was pyned with hunger; and moirover the trew laboraris was
compelled to pay that whiche [he] aught not: for the lauborar is nouthir dettar to
the dum dog called the Bischop, neathir yit unto his hyred pensionare; but is
debtour onlie unto the Churche: And the Churche is onlie bund to sustene and
nourische off her chargeis, the personis before mentionat, to wit, the Ministeris
of the word, the Poore, and the Teacharis of the youth.
 AGGREIT ALSUA BE THE LORDIS
But now to returne to the formare Heade. The soumes abill to susteane thir
forenamit personis, and to furnische all thingis appertenyng to the preservatioun
of gude ordour and polecie within the Churche, must be lifted of the teyndis,[500]
to wit, the teynd cheaf, teynd hay, teynd hempt, teynd lint, teynd fischeis, teynd
calf, teynd fole, teynd lambe, teynd woll, teynd cheise, &c. And becaus that we
knaw that the tythes reasonabillie tackin, as is before expressed, will not suffice
to discharge the formar necessitie; we think that all thingis doted to Hospitalitie,
all annualrentis, both in burgh and land, perteanyng to Preastis, Chanterie,
Colledgeis, Chaplanryis, and to Freiris of all Ordouris, to the Sisteris of the
Seanis,[501] and to all utheris of that Ordour, and suche utheris within this
Realme, be receaved still to the use of the Churche or Churches within the tounis
or parrischeis whaire thai war doted. Furthermore to the uphald[ing] of the
Universiteis, and sustentatioun of the Superintendentis, the hoill revenew of the
temporalitie of the Bischopis, Deanes, and Archdeanes landis, and all rentis of
landis pertenyng to the Cathedrall Churcheis whatsoever. And farther,
merchandis and riche craftismen in fre Burghis, who have no thing to do with the
manuring of the ground, must mak sum provisioun in thair citeis, tounis, or
dwelling placis, for to support the neid of the Churche.

ADDITIO.

To the Ministeris, and failzeing thairof the Reideris, must be restorit thair manses
and thair gleibis; for ellis thei can not serve thair flock at all tymes as thair
dewtie is. Yf any gleibe exceid sex aikeris of land, the rest to remane in the
possessouris handis, quhill ordour be tackin thairin.
THE LORDIS CONDISCENDIS THAT THE MANSE AND YAIRDIS BE RESTORIT TO THE
MINISTERIS: AND ALL THE LORDIS CONSENTIS THAT THE MINISTERIS HAVE SEX AIKERIS OF
LANDIS, EXCEPT MERSCHEALL, MORTOUN, GLENCARNE, AND CASSILLIS, QUHAIR
MANSSES AR OF GRET QUANTITIE.[502]
The receaveris and collectouris of these rentis and dewiteis must be the Deaconis
or Thesauraris appointit from yeare to yeare in everie churche, and that by
common consent and fre electioun of the churche. The Deaconis may distribute
no part of that whiche is collected, but by commandiment of the Ministeris and
Elderis; and thei may command no thing to be deliverit, but as the Churche
before hath determined: to wit, the Deaconis shall of the first pay the soumes,
either quarterlie, or frome half yeare to half yeare, to the Ministeris whiche the
Kirk hath appointed. The same thei shall do to the Schoolmaisteris, Readeris,
and Hospitalis, (gif any be,) alwayis receaving acquettances for thair discharge.
Yf any extraordinar soumes lie to be delivered, then must the Ministeris, Elderis,
and Deaconis consult whethir the deliverance of thei soumes doeth stand with
the common utilitie of the Churche or not; and yf thei do universalie aggree and
condescend eathir upoun the affirmative or the negative, then becaus thei ar in
credit and office for the yeare, thei may do as best seameth unto thame: But yf
thair be contraversie amangis thame selfis, the whole Churche must be made
privie; and efter that the mater be exponed, and the reasonis hearde; the
judgement of the Churche with the Ministeris consent shall prevaill.
The Deaconis shall be bund and compelled to mak accomptis to the Ministeris
and Elderis of that which thei have receaved, als oft as the Polecie shall appoint;
and the Elderis whan thei ar changeit, (which must be everie yeare,) must clear
thair comptis before suche auditouris as the Churche shall appoint: And both the
Deaconis and Elderis being changeit, shall deliver to thame that shalbe now
elected, all soumes of money, cornis, and other proffits resting in thair handis;
the tickettis whairof must be delivered to the Superintendentis in thair
visitatioun, and by thame to the gret Counsall of the Churche, that alsweill the
aboundance as the indigence of everie churche may be evidentlie knawin, that a
reasonable equalitie may be had throuchout the hoill Realme. Yf this ordour be
preciselie keipit,[503] corruptioun can not suddanlie enter. For the frie and yearlie
electioun of Deaconis and Elderis shall suffer none to usurpe a perpetuall
dominioun[504] over the Churche; the knawledge of the rentall shall suffice[505]
thame to receave no more then whairof thei shall be bund to mak accomptis; the
deliverance of the money to the new officiaris shall not suffer privat men [to] use
in thair private besynes, that whiche apperteyneth to the publict effaires of the
Churche.
THE SEVINT HEID, OF ECCLESIASTICALL DISCIPLINE.[506]
As that no Commoun-wealth can flurische or long indure without gude lawis,
and scharp executioun of the same; so neathir can the Churche of God be brocht
to puritie, neathir yit be retained in the same, without the ordour of
Ecclesiasticall Discipline, whiche standis in reproving and correcting off these
faltis, which the civill sweard doeth eather neglect, eather may not punische:
Blasphemye, adulterie, murthour, perjurie, and uthir crymes capitall, worthie of
death, aucht not properlie to fall under censure of the Churche; becaus all suche
oppin transgressouris of Goddis lawis aucht to be tackin away be the civill
swearde. But drunkynnes, excesse, (be it in apparell, or be it in eating and
drinking,) fornicatioun, oppressioun of the poore by exactionis, deceaving of
thame in buying or selling be wrang met or measure, wantoun wordis and
licentious leving tending to sklander, do propirlie appertene to the Churche of
God, to punische the same as Goddis word commandeth.

CONSENTED ON BE THE COUNSALL.

But becaus this accursit Papistrie hath brocht in suche confusioun in the warld,
that neather was virtu richtlie praysit, neathir vice seveirlie punisched; the
Churche of God is compelled to draw the swearde whiche of God scho have
receaved, aganis suche oppin and manifest offendaris,[507] cursing and
excommunicating all suche, alsweall those whome the civill swearde aucht to
punische as the uthiris, frome all participatioun with hir in prayeris and
sacramentis, till oppin repentence manifestlie appeare in thame. As the ordour of
Excommunicatioun and proceiding to the same aucht to be grave and slow, so
being onis pronunced aganist any persoun, off what estait and conditioun that
ever thay be, it must be keipit with all severitie. For lawis maid and nocht keipit
engendereth contempt of virtu, and bringis in confusioun and libertie to syn: And
thairfore this ordour we think expedient to be observit before and efter
excommunicatioun.

First, yf the offence be secreit and knawin to few,[508] and rathir standis in
suspitioun than in manifest probatioun, the offender aucht to be privatlie
admonischeit to abstene frome all appearance of evill; whiche yf he promissis to
do, and to declair him self sober, honest, and one that feareth God, and feareth to
offend his brethren, than may the secreit admonitioun suffice for his correctioun.
But gif he athir contempn the admonitioun, or efter promis maid, do schaw him
self no more circumspect than he was before, than must the Minister admonische
him; to whome yf he be fund inobedient, thei must proceid according to the reule
of Christ, as efter sall be declairit.
Gif the cryme be publict, and suche as is haynouse, as fornicatioun, drunkynnes,
fechting, commoun sweiring, or execratioun, than aucht the offendar to be callit
in the presence of the Minister, Elderis, and Deaconis, whair his syn and
offence[509] aucht to be declared and aggredgeit, so that his conscience may feale
how far he hath offended God, and what sklander he hath rasit in the Churche.
[510] Yf signis of unfeinyeit repentence appeare into him, and gif he require to be
admitted to publict repentence, the Ministerie may appoint unto him a day whan
the hoill Churche convenith togidder, that in presence of all he may testifie the
repentence whiche before thame he professed: Whiche yf he accept, and with
reverence do, confessing his syn, and dampnyng the same,[511] and earnestlie
desiring the Congregatioun to pray to God with him for mercy, and to accept him
in thair societie, nochtwithstanding his formar offence: than the Churche may,
and aught resave him as a penitent; for the Churche aught to be no more seveir
than God declarith him self to be, who witnessith, that "In whatsoever hour ane
synner unfeynedlie repenteth, and turnis from his wickit way, that he will nocht
remember ane of his iniquiteis." And thairfore the Churche aught deligentlie to
advert that it excommunicat not those whom God absolvith.
Yf the offendar callit before the Ministerie be fund stuburne, hard-hertit, or one
in whome no signe of repentence appeareth, than must he be demissed with ane
exhortatioun to considder the dangerus estait in whiche he standis; assuring him,
yf thei find into him no uthir tokin of amendment of lyfe, that thai will be
compelled to seake a farther remedie. Yf he within ane certane space schaw his
repentence to the Ministrie, thei must present him to the Churche as before is
said.
But gif he continew in his impenitence, than must the Churche be
admonisched[512] that suche crymes are committed amangis thame, whiche by
the Ministerie hath bene reprehendit, and the personis provocked to repent;
whairof becaus no signis appeareth unto thame, thei could not but signifie unto
the Churche the crymes, but not the persoun, requiring thame earnistlie to call to
God to move and tuiche the heartis of the offenderis, so that suddanlie and
earnistlie thei may repent.
Yf the persoun maligne, than the nixt day of publict assemblie; the cryme and
the persoun must be both notifyed unto the Churche, and thair judgement must
be requirit, yf that suche crymes aught to be suffered unpunischeit amangis
thame: Requeast also wald be maid to the most discreit and to the nearest
freindis of the offendare to travell with him to bring him to knawledge of
himself, and of his dangerus estait, with ane commandiment gevin to all man to
call to God for the conversioun of the impenitent. Yf ane solempned and ane
speciall prayer war maid and drawin for that purpose, the thing shuld be the
more gravelie done.[513]
The thrid Sunday, the Minister aught to require yf the unpenitent have declared
ony signis of repentence to ony of the Ministerie; and yf he hath, then may the
Minister appoint him to be examinated be the hoill Ministerie; eathir then
instantlie, or at ane uther day affixed to the consistorie: and yf repentence
appeare, alsweill of the cryme, as of his long contempt, then may he be
presented to the Churche, and mak his confessioun, and to be accepted as before
is said. But yf no man signifie his repentence, then aught he to be
excommunicat; and by the mouth of the Minister, consent of the Ministerie, and
commandiment of the Churche, must sick a contempnar be pronunced
excommunicat from God, and from the societie of his Churche.
After whiche sentence may no persoun, (his wife and familie onlie excepted,)
have ony kynde of conversatioun with him, be it in eiting and drinking, buying
or selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him; except that it be at the
commandiment or licence of the Ministerie for his conversioun; that he by suche
meanis confoundit, seing him self abhorrit of the faythfull and godlie, may have
occasioun to repent and be so savit. The sentence of his Excommunicatioun must
be publischeit universalie throwhout the Realme, least that any man sould
pretend ignorance.
His children begottin or borne efter that sentence and before his repentence, may
nocht be admitted to baptisme, till eathir thei be of aige to require the samin, or
ellis that the Moder, or sum of his especiall freinds, members of the Churche,
offer and present the child, abhorring and dampnyng the iniquitie and obstinat
contempt of the impenitent. Yf ony think it seveir,[514] that the child suld be
punischeit for the iniquitie of the Fader; let thame understand that the
sacramentis appertene onlie to the faithfull and to thair seade: But suche as
stuburnlie contempt all godlie admonitioun, and obstinatlie remane in thair
iniquitie, can nocht be accompted amangist the faithfull.
II. THE ORDOURE FOR PUBLICT OFFENDARIS.

CONSENTED TO BE THE LORDIS.

We have spokin no thing of those that commit horrible crymis, as murtheraris,

man-slayaris, and adulteraris; for suche (as we have said) the Civill swearde
aught to punische to death: But in case thei be permitted to leve, than must the
Churche, as before is said, draw the swearde whiche of God scho hath receaved,
halding thame as accursed evin in thair [very] fact. The offendar being first
called, and ordour of the Churche used aganis him, in the same maner as the
personis that for obstinat impenitence ar publictlie excommunicat: So that the
obstinat impenitent efter the sentence of excommunicatioun, and the murtherar
or adulterar stand in one case as concernying the judgement of [the Churche];
that is, neathir of both may be receaved in the fellowschip of the Churche to
prayeris or sacramentis, (but to heiring of the word thei may,) till first thei offer
thame selfis to the Ministerie, humblie requiring the Ministeris and Elderis to
pray to God for thame; and alsua to be intercessouris to the Churche, that thei
may be admitted to publict repentence, and so to the fruitioun of the benefitis of
Christ Jesus, distributed to the memberis of his body.
Yf this requeist be humilie maid, then may not the Ministeris refuise to signifie
the same unto the Churche, the nixt day of publict preaching,[515] the Minister
geving exhortatioun to the Churche to pray to God to performe the work whiche
he appearit to have begun, wirking in the heart of the offendare unfeyned
repentence of his grevous cryme, and the sence[516] and fealing of his great
mercy, by the operatioun of his Holie Spirit. Thairefter ane day aucht publictlie
to be assignit unto him to gif oppin confessioun of his offence and contempt, and
sa to mak ane publict satisfactioun to the Churche of God. Whiche day the
offenderis must appeare in presence of the hoill Churche, and with his awin
mouthe dampne his awin impietie, publictlie confessing the same; desiring God
of his grace and mercy, and his congregatioun, that it will please thame to accept
him in thair societie, as before is said. The Minister must examinat him
diligentlie whethir he find a haitrent and displesour of his syn, alsweill of his
cryme as of his contempt:[517] whiche yf he confesse, he must travell with him,
to se what hope he hath of Goddis mercy.
And gif he find him reasonabillie instructed in the knawledge of Christ Jesus, in
the virtu of his death; than may the Minister confort him by Goddis infallibill
promisses, and demand of the Churche yf thei be content to resave that creature
of God, whome Sathan before have drawin in his nettis, in the societie of thair
body, seing that he declairis him self penitent. Whiche yf the Churche grant, as
thai may not justlie deny the same, than aught the Minister in publict prayer to
commend him to God, confesse the syn of that offendar, and of the whole[518]
Churche, desiring mercy and grace for Christ Jesus saik. Whiche prayer being
endit, the Minister aught to exhort the Churche to resave that penitent brothir in
thair favouris, as thay require God to resave thame selfis, whan thay have
offendit; and in signe of thair consent, the Elderis and cheaf men of the Churche
sall tak the penitent by the hand, and one or two in name of the whole shall kiss
and imbrace him with all reverence and gravitie, as a member of Christ Jesus.
Whiche being done, the Minister shall exhort the reconcilled[519] to tak diligent
heid in tymes cuming, that Sathan trap him nocht in suche crymes, admonissing
him that he will nocht cease to tempt and trye [by] all meanis possibill to bring
him frome that obedience whiche he hath gevin to God, and to the ordinance of
his Sone Christ Jesus. The exhortatioun being ended, the Minister aught to gif
publict thankis unto God for the conversioun of that thair brothir, and for the
benifittis quhilk we resave by Jesus Christ, praying for the increase and
continewance of the same.
Yf the penitent, efter that he have offered him self to the Ministerie, or to the
Churche, be fund ignorant in the principall pointis of oure religioun, and cheaflie
in the article of Justificatioun, and of the office of Christ Jesus, than aucht he to
be exactlie instructed before he be receaved: For ane mocking of God it is to
receave thame in repentence, who knoweth not whairin standis thair remeid,
whan thai repent thair syn.
III. PERSONIS SUBJECT TO DISCIPLINE.
 CONSENTED TO LIKEWISE
To Discipline must all Estaitis within this Realme be subject, yf thay offend,[520]
alsweil the Reullaris as thay that are reulit; yea and the Preachearis thame selfis,
alsweill as the poorest within the Churche. And becaus the eye and mouth of the
Churche aught to be most single and irreprehensibill, the life and conversatioun
of the Ministers aucht most diligentlie to be tryed. Whairof we shall speake, efter
that we have spokin of the electioun of Elderis and Deaconis, who must assist
the Ministeris in all public effaires of the Churche, &c.[521]

THE EYGHT HEID, TUICHING THE ELECTIOUN OFF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS, &C.[522]
MEN of best knawledge in Goddis word, of cleanest life, men faithfull, and of
most honest conversatioun that can be fund in the Churche, must be nominated
to be in electioun; and the names of the same must[523] be publictlie red to the
whole Kirk by the Minister, geving thame advertisement, that frome amongest
these must be chosin Elderis and Deaconis. Yf anye of the nominated be noted
with publict infamye, he aught to be repelled; for it is not seamlie that the
servand of corruptioun shall have authoritie to judge in the Churche of God. Yf
anye man knowis utheris of better qualiteis within the Churche then these that
beis nominated, lat thame be put in electioun, that the Church may have the
choise.
 WHAT CHURCHES MAY BE JOYNED LAT THE POLECIE JUDGE.

Yf churcheis[524] be of smaller nomber than that Seniouris and Deaconis can be

chosin frome amangis thame, then may thay weill be joyned to the nixt adjacent
Churche: For the pluralitie of churcheis, without ministeris and ordour, shall
rathir hurt than edifie.
The electioun of Elderis and Deaconis aught to be used everie yeare once,
(whiche we judge to be most convenient the first day of August;) least that by
long continuance of suche officiaris, men presume upoun the libertie of the
Churche. It hurtis not that one man be reteaned in office mo yearis than one, so
that he be appointed yearlie, by common and fre electioun; provideit alwayes,
that the Deaconis, thesauraris, be not compelled to receave the office againe for
the space of three yearis.
How the voitis and suffreigeis may be best receaved, so that everie man may gyf
his vote frelie, everie severall Churche may tack such ordour as best seameth to
thame.
The Elderis being elected, must be admonischeit of thair office, which is to assist
the Minister in all publict effares of the Churche; to wit, in judgeing and
decernyng[525] causses; in geving of admonitioun to the licentious lever; in
having of respect to the manneris and conversatioun of all men within thair
charge; for by the gravitie of the Seniouris aught the licht and unbridillit life of
the licentious be corrected and bridillit.
Yea, the Seniouris aught to tak heyde to the life, manneris, deligence, and studye
of thair Ministeris. Yf he be worthie of admonitioun, thei must admonische him;
of correctioun, thei must correct him: And yf he be worthy of depositioun, thay
with consent of the Churche and Superintendent may depose him, so that his
cryme so deserve. Yf a Minister be licht in conversatioun, by his Elderis and
Seniouris, he aught to be admonisched. Yf he be negligent in studie, or one that
vaketh not upoun his charge and flocke, or one that proponeth not frutefull
doctrine, he deservith scharpear admonitioun and correctioun. To the whiche yf
he be fund stubburne and inobedient, than may the Seniouris of one Churche
complaine to the Ministerie of the two nixt adjacent churcheis, whaire men of
greater gravitie are; to whois admonitioun yf he be fund inobedient, he aught to
be discharged frome his ministerie till his repentence appeare, and a place be
vaking for him.
Yf any Minister be deprehendit in any notable cryme, as huredome, adulterie,
murther, man-slauchter, perjurie, teaching of heresie, or ony such as deserve
death, or [that] may be ane note of perpetuall infamye, he aught to be deposed
for ever. By Heresie, we meane pernitius doctrine planelie taught, and obstinatlie
defended, aganis the foundatioun and principallis of our faith: and such a cryme
we juge to deserve perpetuall depositioun frome the ministrie; for most dangerus
we know it to be, to commit the flock to ane man infected with the pestilence of
heresye.
Some crymes deserve depositioun for ane tyme, and whill the persoun gyf
declaratioun of gretar gravitie and honnestie: as yf a minister be deprehendit
dronk, in brawling or fechting, ane oppin sklanderar, ane infamer of his
nychtbour, factious and sawar of discord, be may be commandit to cease from
his ministrie, till he declair the signis of repentence; upoun the whiche, the
Churche sall abide him the space of twentye dayis or farther, as the Churche
shall think expedient, before that thay proceed to ane new electioun.
Everie inferiour Churche shall by one of thair Seniouris and one of thair
Deaconis, onis in the year, notifie unto the ministerie of the Superintendentis
churche, the life, maneris, studye, and deligence of thair Ministeris, to the end
that the discretioun of some may correct the lenitie of otheris.
Not onlie may the life and maneris of the Ministeris cum under censure and
judgement of the Churche, bot also of thair wiffes, children, and familie;
judgement must be tackin, that he neather live riotuslie, neathir yit avaritiuslie;
yea, respect must be had how thay spend the stipend appointed to thair leving.
Yf ane reasonabill stypend be appointed, and thay leve avariciuslie, thai must be
admonisched to live so as thay resave; for as excesse and superfluitie is nocht
tollerabill in ane minister, so is avarice and the cairfull sollicitude of money and
geir[526] utterlie to be damned in Christis servandis, and especialie in those that
are fed upoun the charge of the Church. We judge it unseamlie and not tollerabill
that ministeris shall be burdeit in commoun aill-housses or tavernis.
Neathir yit must ane Minister be permitted to frequent and commonlie hant the
Court, onless it be for a time, when he is eathir send be the Churche, eathir yit
called for by the Authoritie for his counsall and judgement. Neathir yit must he
be one of the counsall in Civill effaires, be he never judgeit so apt for that
purpose; but eathir must he cease frome the ministerie (whiche at his awin
plesour he may not do,) or ellis from bearing charge in Civill effaires, onles it be
to assist the Parliament yf he be[527] called.
The office of the Deaconis, as is before declared, is to receave the rentis, and
gadder the almous of the Churche, to keip and distribute the same, as by the
ministerie of the Kirk shall be appointed. Thay may also assist in judgement with
the Ministeris and Elderis, and may be admitted to read in the assemblie yf thei
be required, and be fund abill thairto.
The Elderis and Deaconis, with thair wiffeis and houshaldis must be under the
same censure that is prescribit for the Ministeris: for thay must be cairfull over
thair office; and seing that thay ar judgeis to the maneris of uthiris, thair awin
conversatioun aught to be irreprehensible: Thay must be sober, humill, luifaris
and interteinaris of concord and peace; and, finalie, thay aught to be the exempill
of godlines till otheris. And yf the contrarie thairof appeare, thay must be
admonisched by the Minister, or by some of thair brethren of the ministerie, yf
the falt be secreit; and gif it be oppin and knawin, it must be rebucked before the
ministerie, and the same ordour keipit against the Seniour or Deacon, that before
is describit aganis the Minister.
We think it nott necessarie that ony publict stypend shall be appointed, eathir to
the Elderis, or yit to the Deaconis, becaus thair travell contineuis bot for ane
yeare; and alsua becaus that thay are not so occupyed with the effares of the
Churche, but that reasonabillie thay may attend upoun thair domesticall besynes.

THE NNYT HEADE, CONCERNYNG THE POLECIE OF THE CHURCHE.[528]

POLECIE we call ane exercise of the Churche[529] in suche thingis as may bring
the rude and ignorant to knawledge, or ellis inflambe the learned to greater
fervencie, or to reteane the Churche in gude ordour. And thairof thair be two
sortis: the one utterlie necessarie; as that the word be treulie preched, the
sacramentis richtlie ministrat, common prayeris publictlie maid; that the children
and rude personis be instructed in the cheaf pointis of religioun, and that
offences be corrected and punisched; these thingis, we say, be so necessarie, that
without the same thair is no face of ane visible Kirk. The other is proffitable, bot
not of mere necessitie; as, that Psalmes suld be sung; that certane placis of the
Scripturis suld be red whan thair is no sermon; that this day or that day, few or
many in the weeke, the churche suld assemble. Off these and suche utheris we
can not se how ane certane ordour can be establisched. For in some churcheis the
Psalmes may be convenientlie sung; in utheris, perchance, thay can not. Some
churcheis may convene everie day; some thryise or twise in the weeke; some
perchance bot onis. In these and such like must everie particular Churche, by
thair awin consent, appoint thair awin Polecie.
In greit Tounis we think expedient that everie day thair be eathir Sermon, or ellis
Common Prayeris, with some exercise of reiding the Scripturis. What day the
publict Sermon is, we can neathir require or gretlie approve that the Commoun
Prayeris be publictlie used, least that we shall eathir fostar the peple in
superstitioun, wha come to the Prayeris as thay come to the Messe; or ellis give
thame occasioun to think that those be no prayeris whiche ar maid before and
efter Sermon.
In everie notable Toun, we require that one day besydis the Sunday, be appointed
to the Sermone and Prayeris; whiche, during the tyme of Sermone, must be
keipit fre frome all exercise of laubour, alsweill of the maister as of the
servandis. In smaller tounis, as we have said, the commoun consent of the
Churche must put ordour. But the Sunday must straitlie be keipit, both before
and efter noon, in all tounis. Before noon, must the word be preached and
sacramentis ministered, as also Mariage solempnissed, yf occasioun offer: After
noon must the young children be publictlie examinated in thair Catechisme in
audience of the pepill, in doing whairof the Minister must tak gret deligence,
alsweill to cause the Pepill to understand the questionis proponed, as the
ansueiris, and the doctrine that may be collected thairof. The ordour[530] and how
much is appointed for everie Sunday, is alreaddy distinctit in oure buke of
Common Ordour;[531] whiche Catechism is the most perfite that ever yit was
used in the Churche. At efter noon also may Baptisme be ministered, whan
occasioun is offered of great travell before noon. It is also to be observit, that
prayeris be used at after noon upoun the Sunday, whair thair is neathir preching
nor catechisme.
It apperteaneth to the Policie of the Churche to appoint the tymes whan the
Sacramentis shall be ministered. Baptisme may be ministrat whensoever the
word is preached; but we think it more expedient, that it be ministered upoun the
Sunday, or upoun the day of prayeris, onlie after the sermon; partlie to remove
this gross errour by the which many deceaved, think[532] that children be
dampned yf thay die without Baptisme; and partlie to mak the people assist the
administratioun of that sacrament with greater reverence than thei do.[533] For we
do see the people begyn alreddie to wax weary be reasoun of the frequent
repetitioun of those promisses.
Foure tymes in the yeare we think sufficient to the administratioun of the Lordis
Tabill, which we desire to be distincted, that the superstitioun of tymes may be
avoided so far as may be. Your Honouris ar nocht ignorant how superstitiouslie
the people ryn to that actioun at Pasche, evin as [if] the tyme gave virtue to the
Sacrament; and how the rest of the hoill yeare thai ar cairles and negligent, as
[if] that it apperteaneth not unto thame but at that tyme onlie. We think thairfore
most expedient, that the first Sunday of Marche be appointed for one [time]; the
first Sunday of Junij for ane uther; the first Sunday of September for the thrid;
and the first Sunday of December for the fourt. We do not deny but that any
severall churche, for reasonable causses, may change the tyme, and may minister
ofter; but we study to suppresse[534] superstitioun. All Ministeris must be
admonisched to be more cairfull to instruct the ignorant than readdie to
satisfie[535] thair appetiteis, and more scharp in examinatioun then indulgent, in
admitting to that great Mysterie[536] such as be ignorant of the use and virtu of
the same: and thairfore we think that the administratioun of the Table aught
never to be without that examinatioun pass before, especiallie of those whose
knawledge is suspect. We think that none ar apt to be admitted to that Mysterie
who can not formalie say the Lordis Prayer, the Articles of the Beleif, and
declair the soume of the Law.[537]
Farthir, we think it a thing most expedient and necessarie, that everie Churche
have a Bibill in Inglische, and that the people be commanded to convene to heir
the plane reiding or interpretatioun of the Seripturis, as the Churche shall
appoint; that be frequent reiding this gross ignorance, whiche in the cursit
Papistrie hath overflowne all, may partlie be removit. We think it most expedient
that the Seripturis be red in ordour, that is, that some one buke of the Auld and
the New Testament be begun and ordourlie red to the end. And the same we
judge of preching, whair the Minister for [the] maist part remaneth in one place:
For this skipping and divagatioun frome place to place of the Scripture, be it in
reiding, or be it in precheing, we judge not so proffitabill to edifie the Churche,
as the continewall following of ane text.
Everie Maister of houshald must be commandit eathir to instruct, or ellis caus
[to] be instructed, his children, servandis, and familie, in the principallis of the
Christiane religioun; without the knawledge whairof aught none to be admitted
to the Tabill of the Lord Jesus: for suche as be so dull and so ignorant, that thei
can neathir try thame selfis, neathir yit know the dignitie and misterie of that
actioun, can not eat and drink of that Tabill worthelie. And thairfore of necessitie
we judge it, that everie yeare at least, publict examinatioun be had by the
Ministeris and Elderis of the knawledge of everie persoun within the Churche; to
wit, that everie maister and maistres of houshald cum thame selvis and thair
familie so many as be cum to maturitie, before the Ministeris and Elderis, to gyf
confessioun of thair faith, and to ansueir to such cheaf points of Religioun as the
Ministeris shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the Articulis of thair Faith;[538]
understand not, nor can not rehearse the Commandimentis of God; knaw not
how to pray; neathir whairinto thair richtuousnes consistis, aught not to be
admitted to the Lordis Tabill. And gif thay stuburnlie continew,[539] and suffer
thair children and servandis to continew in wilfull ignorance, the discipline of
the Churche must proceid against them unto excommunicatioun; and than must
the mater be referred to the Civill Magistrat. For seing that the just levith be his
awin faith, and that Christ Jesus justifieth be knawledge off him self, insufferable
we judge it that men shall be permitted to leve and continew in ignorance as
memberis of the Churche of God.[540]
Moreover, men, wemen, and children wald be exhorted to exercise thame selvis
in the Psalmes, that when the Churche convenith, and dois sing, thai may be the
more abill togither with commoun heart and voice to prayse God.
In private housses we think it expedient, that the most grave and discreate
persoun use the Commoun Prayeris at morne and at nycht, for the confort and
instructioun of uthiris. For seing that we behald and se the hand of God now
presentlie striking us with diverse plagues, we think it ane contempt of his
judgementis, or ane provocatioun of his anger more to be kendillit against us, yf
we be not movit to repentence of oure formar unthankfulnes, and to earnist
invocatioun of His name, whois onlie power may, (and great mercy will,) yff we
unfeynedlie convert unto him, remove from us these terribill plagues whiche
now for our iniquiteis hing oure our headis. "Convert us, O Lord, and we shall
be converted."

FOR PREACHEING,[541] AND INTERPRETING OFF SCRIPTURIS, &C.

1 Cor. 14:29

To the end that the Churche of God may have a tryell of mennis knawledge,
judgementis, gracis, and utterancis; and also, that suche as somewhat have
proffited in Goddis worde, may from tyme to tyme grow to more full perfectioun
to serve the Churche, as necessitie shall require: it is most expedient that in
everie Toune, whaire Schollis and repair of learned Men ar, that thair be one
certane day everie weake appointed [to] that Exercise, which Sanct Paull calleth
prophecieing; the ordour whairof is expressed by him in these words: "Let two
or thre propheitis speik; and lat the rest judge: But yf any thing be reveilled to
him that sitteth by, lat the formar keip silence: [For] ye may, one by one, all
prophecie, that all may learn, and all may receave consolatioun. And the
Spreittis (that is, the judgementis) of the Propheitis, are subject to the
propheitis." Off whiche wordis of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinthus,
whan the Churche did assemble[542] for that purpose, sum place of Scripture was
red; upoun the whiche, first one gyf his judgement to the instructioun and
consolatioun of the auditouris; after whome did one uthir eathir conferme what
the formare had said, or did add what he had omitted, or did gentillie correct or
explane more properlie whair the hoill veritie was not reveilled to the formar.
And in case sum thingis war hid frome the one and frome the uthir, libertie was
gevin to the thrid to speik his judgement for edificatioun of the Churche. Above
the whiche nomber of three, (as appereth,) thay passed not, for avoiding of
confusioun.
These Exercisses, we say, ar thingis most necessarie for the Churche of God this
day in Scotland; for thairby (as said is) shall the Churche have judgement and
knawledge of the gracis, giftis, and utterances of everie man within thair awin
body; the simple, and suche as have sumwhat proffited, shall be encurageit dalie
to study and proceid in knawledge; the Churche shall be edifyed; (for this
Exercise must be patent to suche as list to heir and learne,) and everie man shall
have libertie to utter and declair his mynd and knawledge to the confort and
edificatioun of the Churche.

But least that of a profitable Exercise mycht aryise[543] debate and strife,
curiouse, peregryne and unprofitable questionis ar to be avoided. All
interpretatioun disaggreing from the principallis of oure faith, repugnyng to
cheritie, or that standis in plane contradictioun to ony uthir manifest place of
Scripture, is to be rejected. The Interpretour in that exercise, may nocht tack to
him self the libertie of ane publict Precheour, yea, althocht he be a Minister
appointed; but he must bind him self to his text, that he enter not by disgressioun
in explanyng commoun places. He may use no invective in that exercise onles it
be with sobrietie in confuting heresyes. In exhortationis or admonitionis he must
be schorte, that the tyme may be spent in oppenyng of the mynd of the Holy
Ghost in that place; in following the fyle[544] and dependence of the text, and in
observing suche notes as may instruct and edifie the auditour. For avoyding of
contentioun, neathir may the interpretour, neathir yit any of the assemblie, move
any questioun in oppen audience, whairto him self is not content[545] to geve
resolutioun without reasoning with any other; but everie man ought to speik his
awin judgement to the edificatioun of the Churche.
Yf any be noted with curiositie, or bringyng in any strange doctrine, he must be
admonished by the Moderatouris, the Ministeris and Eldaris, immediatlie after
that the interpretatioun is ended. The hoill memberis,[546] and nomber of thame
that ar of the Assemblie, ought to convene togetther, whair examinatioun should
be had, how the persones that did interprete did handle and convey the mater;
thei thame selffis being removed till every man have gevin his censure; after the
whiche, the persones being called, the faultes (yf any notable be found) ar noted,
and the persone gentillie admonished. In that last Assemblie all questionis and
dowtis, (yf any arryise,) should be resolved without contentioun.
The Ministeris of the Paroche churches to Landwarte, adjacent to everie cheaf
toune, and the Readaris, gif thai have any gift of interpretatioun, within sex
myles must assist and concur to those that prophecie within the townes; to the
end that thei thame selves may eather learne, or ellis utheris may learne be
thame. And moreover, men in whome ar supposed any giftis to be, which mycht
edifie the Churche yf thei war weall apply ed, must be charged by the Ministeris
and Eldaris to joyne thame selfis with that sessioun and cumpany of
Interpretouris, to the end that the Churche may judge whether thei be able to
serve to Goddis glorie, and to the proffeit of the Churche in the vocatioun of
Ministeris or not. And yf any be found disobedient, and not willing to
communicat the giftis and spirituall graces[547] of God with thair brethren, after
sufficient admonitioun, discipline must procead against thame; provided that the
Civile Magistrate concur with the judgement and electioun of the Churche. For
no man may be permitted to leave[548] as best pleasseth him within the Churche
of God; but everie man must be constrayned, by fraterall admonitioun and
correctioun, to bestow his laubouris, when of the Churche thei ar required, to the
edificatioun of otheris.
What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise, and what bookes of
the Scripturis salbe most profitable to be red, we refer to the judgment of everie
particulare Churche, we meane, to the wisdome of the Ministeris and Eldaris.

OF MARIAGE.[549]
Becaus that Mariage, the blessed ordinance of God, in this cursed Papistrie hath
partlie bene contempned; and partlie hath bene so infirmed, that the personis
conjoyned could never be assured of continewance,[550] yf the Bischoppis and
Prelattis list to dissolve the same; we have thocht goode to schaw oure
judgmentis how such confusioun in tymes cuming may be best avoyded.
And first publict inhibitioun must be maid, that na personis under the power and
obedience of otheris; suche as sonnes and dochteris, [and] these that be under
curatouris, neather men nor wemen, contract Mariage privelie and without
knawledge [of their parents, tutors, or curators, under whose power they are for
the time:][551] whiche yf thei do, the censure and discipline of the Churche to
procead against thame. Yf the sone or dowghter, or other, have thair hearte
tweiched with desyre of mariage, thei ar bound to geve that honour to the
parentis that thei oppin unto thame thair affectioun, askyng of thame
counsall[552] and assistance, how that motioun, which thei judge to be of God,
may be performed. Yf the father, friend, or maister, ganestand thair requeast, and
have na other caus then the commoun sorte of men have; to wit, lack of guidis,
or because thei ar nott so hyght-borne as thai requyre; yit must not the pairteis
whose heartis ar tweiched mak ony covenant till farther declaratioun be maid
unto the Churche of God. And, thairfoir, efter thei have opened thair myndis to
thair parentis, or suche otheris as have charge oure thame, thei must declair it
also to the Ministrie, or to the Civile Magistrat, requyring thame to travaill with
thair parentis for thair consent, whiche to do thei ar bound. And yf thei, to wit,
the Magistrate or Ministeris, fynd no just caus why the mariage requyred may
not be fulfilled, then efter sufficient admonitioun to the father, friend, maister, or
superiour, that none of thame resist the work of God, the Ministerie or Magistrat
may enter in the place of the parent, and by consenting to thair just requeastis
may admit thame to mariage: for the work of God aught not to be hyndered by
the corrupt affectionis of worldlie men. The work of God we call, when two
heartis (without filthynes befoir committit) ar so joyned, that boyth requyre and
ar content to live together in that holy band of Matrimonye.
Yf any man commit fornicatioun with the woman whome he requyred in
mariage, then do boyth lose this foirsaid benefite alsweall of the Churche as of
the Magistrat; for neather of boyth aught to be intercessouris or advocattis for
fylthie fornicatours. But the father, or neyrest friend, whose dowghter being a
virgine is deflored, hath power by the law of God to compell the man that did
that injurie to marie his dowghtter; or yf the father will not accept him be
reassone of his offense, then may he requyre the dote[553] of his dowghter;
whiche yf the offendar be nott able to pay, then aught the Civile Magistrat to
punishe his body by some other punishement.
And becaus that fornicatioun, huredome, and adulterye, ar synnes most
commoun in this Realme, We requyre of your Honouris, in the name of the
Eternall God, that severe punishement, according as God hath commanded, be
executed against suche wicked offendaris;[554] for we doubt not but suche
enorme crymes[555] oppenlie committed, provoketh the wrayth of God, as the
Apostle speaketh, not onlie upoun the offendaris, but also upoun suche places as
whair, without punishement, thei ar committed.

AGGREIS TO THE HEAD OF MARIAGE.

But to returne to oure formar purpose: Mariage owght not to be contracted

amongis personis that have no electioun for lack of understanding; and thairfoir
we affirm, that bairns and infantis can nocht lauchfullie be mareid in thair minor
aige, to wit, the man within fourtene yeiris of aige, and the woman within twelf
yearis, at the least. Whiche yf it chance any to have bene, and have keapt thair
bodyis always separat, we can not judge thame bound to adhear as man and
wyiff, by reassone of that promeis, which in Goddis presence was no promeise at
all. But yf in the yearis of judgment thai have embrased the one the other, then
be reassone of thair last consent, thai have ratifeid that which otheris did
promeise for thame in thair youth-head.[556]
In a Reformed Churche, Mariage ought nott to be secreatlie used, but in open
face and publict audience of the Churche: And for avoyding of dangearis,
expedient it is that the bannes be publictlie proclamed thre Sundayis, (onles the
persones be [so] knawin, that no suspitioun of dangear may arise, and then may
the bannes[557] be schortned at the discretioun of the Ministerie.) But in no wyse
can we admitt Mariage to be used secreatlie, how honorable that ever the
personis be. The Sunday befoir sermon we think most convenient[558] for
mariage, and it to be used no day ellis without the consent of the hoill Ministerie.
Mariage once lauchfullie contracted, may not be dissolved at manis pleasour, as
oure maister Christ Jesus doeth witnesse, onles adulterie be committed; which
being sufficientlie proven in presence of the Civil Magistrat, the innocent (yf thei
so requyre) ought to be pronunced frie, and the offendar aught to suffer the death
as God hath commanded. Yf the Civile sweard foolischelie spair the lyeff of the
offendar, yit may not the Churche be negligent in thair office, which is to
excommunicat the wicked, and to repute thame as dead memberis, and to
pronunce the innocent partie to be at freedome, be thei never so honourabile
befoir the warld. Yf the lyfe be spared (as it ought not to be) to the offendaris,
and gif the fructis of repentance of long tyme appeir in thame, and gif thai
earnestlie desyre to be reconceilled with the Churche, we judge that thai may be
receaved to participatioun of the Sacramentis, and of the other benefits of the
Churche, (for we wold not that the Churche sould hold those excommunicat
whom God absolved, that is, the Penitent.)
Yf any demand, whether that the offendar after reconciliatioun with the Churche,
may not marye agane? We answer, That yf thai can not leve continent, and yf the
necessitie be suche as that thai fear farther offence of God, we can not forbid
thame to use the remeady ordayned of God. Yf the partie offended, may be
reconcilled to the offendar, then we judge that in nowyse it shall be lauchfull to
the offendar to mary any other, except the partie that befoir hath bene offended;
and the solempnizatioun of the latter mariage must be in the open face of the
Churche lyke as the formare, but without proclamatioun of banns.
This we do offer as the best Counsall that God geveth unto us in so doubtsome a
case. But the most perfyte Reformatioun war, yf your Honouris wald give to God
his honour and glorie, that ye wold prefer his expresse commandiment to your
awin corrupt judgmentis, especially in punisheing of those crymes whiche he
commandeth to be punished with death. For so should ye declair your selfis
Godis treu and obedient officiaris, and your Commoun-wealth should be redd of
innumerable trubles.
 NOTA
We meane not, that synnes committed in our formar blyndnes, (whiche be almost
buried in oblivioun,) salbe callit agane to examinatioun and judgment. But we
requyre that the law may now and heirafter be so establisched and executed, that
this ungodlie impunitie of synne have no place within this Realme. For in the
fear of God we signifie unto your Honouris, that whosoever persuadeth unto
you, that ye may pardone whair God commandeth death, deceaveth your saulles,
and provokes you to offend Goddis Majestie.

OFF BURIALL.[559]
BURIALL in all aiges hath bene holden in estimatioun, to signifie that the same
body that was committed to the earth should not utterlie perishe, but should ryse
agane. And the same we wold have keapt within this Realme, provided that
superstitioun, idolatrie, and whatsoever hath proceaded of a fals opinioun, and
for advantage saik, may be avoyded; as singing of Messe, Placebo, and Dirige,
and all other prayeris over or for the dead, are not onlie superfluous[560] and
vane, but also ar idolatrie, and do repugne to the plane Scriptures of God. For,
plane it is, that everie one that dyeth, departeth eather in the fayth of Christ
Jesus, or ellis departeth in incredulitie: Plane it is, that thei that depart in the treu
fayth of Christ Jesus, rest frome thair laubouris, and frome death [doe] go to lyef
everlasting, as by oure Maister and by his Apostle we ar taught: But whosoever
departe in unbeleve or in incredulitie, shall never see lyef, but the wrayth of God
abydeth upoun him. And so, we say that Prayeris for the Dead ar not onlie
superfluous[561] and vane, but do expreslie repugne to the manifest Scripturis and
veritie thairof.

REFERRES THIS ARTICLE TO THE JUDGMENT OF THE CHURCHE.

For avoyding all inconvenientis,[562] we judge it best, that neather singing nor
reading be at the Buryall: for albeit thingis song and red may admonishe some of
the leving to prepair thame selfis for death, yit shall some superstitious and
ignorant personis ever think,[563] that the workis synging or reading of the
levying do and may proffat the dead. And thairfoir, we think most expedient that
the Dead be convoyed to the place of buriall with some honest cumpany of the
Churche, without eather singing or reading; yea, without all kynd of ceremony
heirtofore used, uther than that the dead be committed to the grave, with suche
gravitie and sobrietie, as those that be present may seame to fear the judgmentis
of God, and to hate synne, whiche is the caus of death.

ADDITIO.[564]

AND YIT, NOCHTWITHSTANDING, WE ARE NOT SO PRECISE, BUT THAT WE AR CONTENT

THAT PARTICULAR KIRKIS USE THAME IN THAT BEHALF, WYTH THE CONSENT OF THE
MINISTERIE OF THE SAME, AS THEI WILL ANSWEIR TO GOD, AND ASSEMBLIE OF THE
UNIVERSALL KIRK GATHERED WITHIN THE REALME.
We ar nott ignorant that some requyre ane Sermone at the Buriall, or ellis some
places of Scripturis to be red, to put the leving in mynd that thei ar mortall, and
that lykwyise thei must dye. Bot lett those men understand, that the sermonis
whiche be daily maid, serve for that use; whiche yf men dispyse, the preaching
of the[565] Funerall sermonis shall rather nureise superstitioun and a false
opinioun, (as befoir is said,) then that thei shall bring suche persones to any
godlie consideratioun of thair awin estaite. Attour, eather shall the Ministeris for
the most parte be occupyed in preaching Funerall sermonis, or ellis thei shall
have respect to personis, preaching at the buriall of the rich and honorabill, but
keaping silence when the poore or dispysed departeth; and this with saif
conscience can not the Ministeris do. For, seing that befoir God, thair is no
respect of personis, and that thair ministerie apperteaneth to all alike, whatsoever
thei do to the riche, in respect of thair ministerie, the same thei ar bound to do to
the poorest under thair charge.
In respect of diverse inconvenientis, we think it neather seamlie that the Churche
appointed to Preaching and ministratioun of the Sacramentis shalbe maid a place
of Buriall; but that some other secreat and convenient place, lying in the most
free air, be appointed for that use; the whiche place aught to be weill walled and
fensed about, and keaped for that use onlie.

FOR REPARATIOUN OF CHURCHES.[566]

AGGREIT ON.

LEAST that the worde of God, and ministratioun of the Sacramentis, by

unseamelynes of the place, come in contempt, of necessitie it is, that the
Churches and places[567] whair the people aught publictlie to convene, be with
expeditioun repaired in durres, wyndois, thak, and with suche preparationis
within, as apperteaneth, alsweall to the majestie of the word[568] of God as unto
the ease and commoditie of the people. And becaus we knaw the slouthfulnes of
men in this behalf, and in all other whiche may not redound to thair privat
commoditie; strait charge and commandiment must be gevin, that within a
certane day the reparationis must be begune, and within another day, to be
affixed by your Honouris, that thei be finished: penalteis and soumes of money
must be injoyned, and without pardone taken from the contempnaris.
The reparatioun would be according to the possibilitie and nomber of the
Churche.[569] Everie Churche must have durres, cloise wyndoes of glass, thak or
sclait able[570] to withhold raine, a bell to convocat the people together, a pulpite,
a basyn for baptisme, and tables for the ministratioun of the Lordis Suppar. In
greater churches, and whair the congregatioun is great in number, must
reparatioun be maid within the Churche for the quiet and commodious receaving
of the people. The expensses to be lyfted partlie of the people, and partlie of the
teindis, at the consideratioun of the Ministerie.

FOR PUNISHMENT OF THOSE THAT PROPHANE THE SACRAMENTIS AND DO CONTEMPT

THE WORD OF GOD, AND DARE PRESUME TO MINISTER THAME, NOT BEING
THAIRTO LAUCHFULLIE CALLED.[571]

As Sathan hath never ceassed frome the begyning to draw mankynd in one of
two extremiteis, to wit, that men should eathir be so ravished with gazing upoun
the visible creaturis, that forgetting the caus why thai war ordeyned,[572] thai
attributed unto thame a vertew and power which God hath not granted unto
thame; or ellis that men should sa contempne and dispyse Godis blessed
ordinance and holy institutionis, as [if] that neathir in the rycht use of thame war
thair any proffeit, neathir yit in thair prophanatioun war thair any danger. As this
wyese, we say, Sathan hath blynded the most parte of mankynd from the
begyning; so doubt we not, but that he will stryve to continew in his malice evin
to the end. Oure eyis have seane, and presentlie do see the experience of the one
and of the other. What was the opinioun of most parte of men, of the Sacrament
of Christis bodie and bloode, during the darknes of superstitioun, is not
unknawin, how it was gazed upoun, kneeled unto, borne in processioun, and
finallie wirschipped and honored as Christ Jesus him selve. And so long as
Sathan mycht thane reteane man in that damnable idolatrie, he was quyet, as one
that possessed his kingdome of darknes peceablie. But since that it hath pleased
the mercyis of God to reveill unto the unthankfull world the lyght of his wourd,
the rycht use and administratioun of his sacramentis, he assayis man upoun the
contrarie parte. For whair, (not lang ago,) men stude in suche admiratioun of that
idoll in the Messe, that none durst presume to have said the Messe, but the
foirsworne schavin sorte, the beastis marked men some dar now be so bald; as
without all convocatioun, to minister, (as thai suppoise,) the treu sacramentis in
open assemblies; and some idiottis, (yit more wickedlie and more imprudentlie,)
dar counterfeit in thair housses that which the treu Ministeris do in the open
congregatioun; thei presume, (we say,) to do it in housses without reverence,
without word preached, and without Minister, other then of companioun to
companioun.[573] This contempt proceideth, no doubt, from the malice and craft
of that Serpent who first deceaved man, of purpoise to deface the glory of
Christis evangell, and to bring his blessed sacramentis in a perpetuall contempt.
And farther, your Honouris may clearlie see how proudlie and stubburnlie the
most parte despyse the Evangell of Christ Jesus offered unto you; whome onles
that scharplie and stoutlie ye resist, we meane alsweill the manifest dispysar as
the prophanare of the sacramentis, ye shall fynd thame pernitious ennemyes or it
be long. And thairfoir, in the name of the Eternall God, and of his Sone Christ
Jesus, we require of your Honouris, that, without delay, strait Lawis be maid
against the one and the other.

OPTIMA COLLATIO.

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shalbe required of suche: But this
we fear not to affirme, that the ane and the other deserve death; for yf he which
doeth falsefye the the seall, subscriptioun, or coynzie of a king is adjudged
worthy of death; what shall we think of him who planlie doeth falsefye the
Seallis of Christ Jesus, Prince of the Kingis of the earth? Yf Darius pronunced,
that a bauk[574] should be taken frome the house of that man, and he him self
hinged upoun it, that durst attempt to hinder the re-edificatioun[575] of the
materiall Temple, What shall we say of those that contempteouslie blaspheme
God, and manifestlie hynder the [spirituall] Temple of God, which is the saullis
and bodyis of the elect, to be purged by the treu preaching of Christ Jesus, from
the superstitioun and damnable idolatrie in which thai have bene of long plunged
and holdin captive? Yf ye, (as God forbid,) declair your selfis cairless ower the
treu Religioun, God will not suffer your negligence unpunished. And thairfoir,
moir earnestlie require we, that strait lawis may be maid against the stubburne
contempnaris of Christ Jesus, and against such as dare presume to minister his
Sacramentis, not ordourlie called to that office, least that whill thair be none
found to ganestand impietie, the wrayth of God be kindilled against the hoill.
The Papisticall Preastis have neather power nor authoritie to minister the
Sacramentis of Christ Jesus; becaus that in thair mouth is not the sermon of
exhortatioun. And thairfoir, to thame most strait inhibitioun be maid,
notwithstanding any usurpatioun whiche thai have had in that behalf in the tyme
of blyndnes:[576] It is neathir the clipping of thair crownes, the crossing[577] of
thair fingaris, nor the blowing of the dum doggis, called the Bischopis, neathir
yit the laying on of thair handis, that maketh thame treu Ministeris of Christ
Jesus. But the Spreit of God inwardlie first moving the heartis to seke[578]
Christis glorie and the proffeit of his Churche, and thaireftir the nominatioun of
the People, the examinatioun of the learned, and publict admissioun, (as befoir is
said,) maikis men lauchfull Ministeris of the wourd and sacramentis. We speak
of ane ordinarie vocatioun, whare churches ar reformed, or at least tend to
reformatioun,[579] and not of that which is extraordinarye, when God by him self,
and by his only power, raseth up to the Ministerie such as best pleaseth his
wisdome.
THE CONCLUSIOUN.
THUS have we, in these few Headis, offered unto youre Honouris oure
judgmentis, according as we war commanded, tueching the Reformatioun of
thingis which heirtofoir have altogidder bene abused in this curssed Papistrie.
We doubt not but some of oure Petitionis shall appear strange unto you at the
first sight. But yf your Wisdomes deaplie considder, that we must ansuer not
onlie unto men, but also befoir the throne of the Eternall God, and of his Sone
Christ Jesus, for the counsall which we geve in this so grave a mater; your
Honouris shall easilie considder, that more assured it is till us to fall in the
displeasour of all men in earth, then to offend the Majestie of God, whose justice
can not suffer flatteraris and deceitfull Counsalouris unpunished.
That we require the Churche to be set at suche libertie, that scho neathir be
compelled to fead idill bellyes, neathir yit to susteane the tyrannye which
heirtofoir by violence hath bene manteaned, we know will offend many. But yf
we should keape silence heirof, we ar most assured to offend the just and
rychteous God, who by the mouth of his Apostle hath pronunced this sentence:
—"He that lauboreth nott, let him not eat." Yf we in this behalf, or in any other,
requyre or ask any [other] thing, than by Goddis expressed commandiment, by
equitie and good conscience ye ar bound to grant, lett it be noted, and after
repudiat; but yf we require nothing which God requyreth not also, let your
Honouris tack head, how ye ganestand the charge of him whose hand and
punishment ye can not eschape.
Yf blynd affectioun rather lead you to have respect to the sustentatioun of those
your carnall Freindis, who tyrannouslie have impyred above the poor flock of
Christ Jesus, than that the zeall of Goddis glorie provock and move you to sett
his oppressed Churche at fredome and libertie, we fear your scharpe and suddane
punischmentis, and that the glorie and honour of this interpryse be reserved unto
otheris.
And yitt shall this oure judgment abyd to the Generationis following for a
monument and witness, how lovinglie God called you and this Realme[580] to
repentance, what counsallouris God send unto you, and how ye [have] used the
same. Yf obedientlie ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but he shall hear
you in your greatest necessitie. But yf, following youre awin corrupt judgmentis,
ye contempt his voice and vocatioun, we ar assured that your formare iniquitie,
and present ingratitude, shall togither crave just punishment frome God, who can
not long delay to execute his most just judgmentis, when, after many offenses
and long blyndness, grace and mercy offered is contemptuouslie refused.
God the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of his Holy Spreit, so
illuminat your heartis, that ye may clearlie see what is pleasing and acceptable in
his presence; so bow the same till his obedience, that ye may prefer his reveilled
will to your awin affectionis; and so strengthen you by the spreit of fortitude,
that boldlie ye may punishe vyce, and maintene virtue within this Realme, to the
praise and glorie of his Holy name; to the conforte and assurance of your awin
Consciences, and to the consolatioun and good example of the Posteriteis
following. Amen. So be it.
BY YOUR HONOURIS
MOST HUMBLE SERVITOURIS, ETC.
Frome Edinburgh,
The 20 of Maij 1560.
ACT OF SECREIT COUNSALL, XXVII JANUARII, ANNO &C., LXO.[581]
WE, quhilkis hes subscryvit thir Presentis, haveand avysit with the Articles heirin
specifeit, as is abone mentionat fra the begynning of this Book, thinkis the samin
good, and conforme to Goddis Word in all pointis; conforme to the Notes and
Additionis thairto eikit; and promittis to sett the samin fordwarte at the uttermost
of oure poweris: Providing that the Bischoppis, Abbotis, Priouris, and otheris
Prelattis and beneficit men, quhilkis ellis hes adjonit thame to us, bruik the
reveneues of thair benefices during thair liftymes, thei susteanand and uphaldand
the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is herein specifeit, for preaching of the Word,
and ministering of the Sacramentis of God.
(Sic Subscribitur.)

JAMES.[582]
JAMES HAMMYLTON.[583]
ARD. ERGYLL.[584]
JAMES STEWART.[585]
ROTHESS.[586] JAMES HALIBURTON.[587]
R. BOYD.[588]
ALEXR}. CAMPBELL, DENE OF MURRAY.[589]
VILLIAM OF CULROS.[590]
MAISTER ALEX R. GORDOUN.[591]
BARGANY YOUNGER. [592]
ANDRO KER of Fawdonsyd.[593]
T. SCOTT of Hanyng.[594]
JOHNE LOKHART of Barr.[595]
GEORGE CORRIE of Kelwod.[596]
JOHNE SCHAW of Halie.[597]
ANDRO HAMMYLTOUN of Lethame.[598]
GLENCARN.[599]
UCHILTRIE.[600]
SANQUHAR.[601]
SANCTJOHNS.[602]
WILLIAM LORD HAY.[603]
DRUMLANGRIKE.[604]
CONYGHAMHEID.[605]
JOHNE MAXWELL.[606]
GEORGE FENTOUN of that Ilk.[607]
LOCHINWARE.[608]
According to Knox, (see page 129,) who is followed by Calderwood, Petrie,
Spotiswood, and other writers, in addition to the above Subscribers to the Book
of Discipline, there were,
WILLIAM, EARL MARISCHALL.
JOHN, EARL OF MENTEITH.
JAMES, EARL OF MORTON, (afterwards Regent.)
JOHN, LORD LINDESAY of the Byris.
PATRICK MASTER OF LINDESAY.
SIR ALEXANDER STEWART, Younger of Garlies, (who was
slain at Stirling in September 1571.)
THE FOURT BOOK OF THE PROGRESSE AND CONTINUANCE OF TREU
RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.

IN the former Bookis,[609] gentill Reidar, thou may clearlie see how potentlie
God hath performed, in these our last and wicked dayis, alsweall as in the aiges
that have passed befoir us, the promisses that is maid to the servandis of God, by
the propheite Esais, in these wordis:—"Thei that waite upoun the Lord shall
renewe thair strenth; thei sall lift up the wynges as the egles: thei shall runne,
and not be wearie; thei shall walke, and not fainte." This promeise, we say, suche
as Sathan hath not utterlie blyndit may see performed in us, the professouris of
Christ Jesus, within this Realme of Scotland, with no les evidencye, than it was
in any aige that ever have passed befoir us. For what was oure force? What was
our nomber? Yea, what wisdome or warldlie pollicey was into us, to have
brought to ane goode end so great ane interpryse? Oure verray enemyes can bear
witnesse. And yit in how great puritie God did establisse amanges us his treu
Religioun, alsweall in doctrine as in ceremonyes! To what confusion and fear
war idolateris, adulteraris, and all publict transgressoris of Goddis
commandimentis, within short tyme brought? The publict ordour of the Churche,
[610] yet by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishmentis executed against
malefactouris, can testifie unto the world. For as tueching the doctrine taught by
our Ministeris, and as tueching the administratioun of Sacramentis used in our
Churches, we ar bold to affirme, that thair is no realme this day upoun the face
of the earth, that hath thame in grettar puritie;—yea, (we mone speak the treuth
whomesoever we offend,) thair is none (no realme, we meane) that hath thame in
the lyek puritie: For all otheris (how synceare that ever the doctrine be, that by
some is taught,) reteane in thair churches, and the ministeris thairof, some
footsteppis of Antichrist, and some[611] dreggis of Papistrie;[612] but we (all
praise to God alone) have no thing within oure Churches that ever flowed frome
that Man of synne: And this we acknowledge to be the strenth gevin unto us by
God, because we esteamed nott our selves wyise in oure awin eyes, but
understanding our hoill wisdome to be but meare foolishnes, befoir [the Lord]
our God, layed it asyd, and followed onlie that whiche we fand approved by him
self.

THE FIRST PETITIOUN OF THE PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.

In this poynt could never our enemyes caus us to fainte, for Our first Petitioun
was, "That the reverent face of the primitive and apostolick Churche should be
reduced agane to the eyes and knowledge of men."[613] And in that poynt, we
say, our God hath strenthened us till that the work was finished, as the world
may see. And as concerning the suppressing of vice, yea, and of the abolishing
of all suche thingis as myght nureise impietie within the Realme, the actes and
statutis of the principale Townes reformed will yitt testifie: For what adulterar,
what fornicatour, what knawin messe-mongare, or pestilent Papist, durst have
been seen in publict, within any reformed town within this Realme, befoir that
the Quene arryved? And this victorie to his wourde, and terrour to all fylthie
lyvaris, did oure God wirk by such as yit leave and remaine witnesses (whither
thei will or not) of the foirsaid workis of our God. We say, our God suffered
none of those whome he first called to the battell, to perishe or to fall, till that he
maid thame victouris of thair ennemyes: For evin as God suffered none of those
whome he called frome Egypt to perishe in the Red Sea, how fearfull that ever
the danger appeared; so suffered he none of us to be oppressed, nor yit to be
takkin from this lyeff, till that mo Pharaoes then one war drowned, and we set at
fredome, without all dangear of our ennemyes; to lett boyth us and our posteritie
understand, that suche as follow the conducting of God can not perishe, albeit
that thei walked in the verray schaddo of death.

THE CAUS OF THE TRUBILLIS OF THE KIRK WITHIN SCOTLAND FLOWED FROME THE
COURTEIRS THAT SEEMED TO PROFESS THE EVANGELL.[614]

But frome whence (allace) cumeth this miserable dispersioun of Goddis people
within this Realme, this day, Anno 1566, in Maij?[615] And what is the cause that
now the just is compelled to keap silence? good men ar banished, murtheraris,
and such as ar knowin unworthie of the commoun societie, (yf just lawis war put
in deu executioun,) bear the hoill regiment and swynge within this Realme? We
answere, Becaus that suddandlie the most parte of us declyned from the puritie
of Goddis word, and began to follow the warld; and so agane to schaik handis
with the Devill, and with idolatrie, as in this Fourte Booke we will hear.
For whill that Papistis war so confounded, that none within the Realme durst
more avow the hearing or saying of Messe, then the theavis of Lyddesdaill durst
avow thair stowth in presence of ane upryght judge, thair war Protestants found,
that eschamed not at tables, and other open places, to ask, "Why may nott the
Queyn have hir awin[616] Messe, and the forme of hir Religioun? What cane that
hurte us or our Religioun?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at lenthe
sprange out this affirmative, "The Quenis Messe and hir Preastis will we
manteine: this hand and this rapper sall feght in thair defence, etc."
The inconvenientis war schawin, both by tongue and pen; but the advertissaris
war judged to be men of unquyet spreatis. Thair credytt was defaced at the
handis of suche as befoir war not eschamed to have used thair counsall, in
materis of greattar importance then to have resisted the Messe. But then, my
Lord, my Maister, may nott be thus used: he hes that honour to be the Quenis
brother; and thairfoir we will that all men shall understand that he man tender
her as his sister; and whosoever will counsall him to displease her, or the least
that apperteanes unto hir, shall not find him thair freind; yea, thei ar worthy to be
hanged that wald so counsall him, etc.

THE CORRUPTIOUN THAT ENTERED IN THE QUENIS COURTE.

THE THEOLOGIE OF THE COURTE, AND THAIR REASSONIS.

These and the lyke reassonis took suche deape roote in flesche and bloode, that
the trewth of God was almost foryett; and from this fontaine (to wit, that flesche
and blood was, and yitt allace, is preferred to God, and to his messengeris
rebucking vice and vanitie) hath all our miserie proceeded. For as befoir, so even
yitt, althought the Ministeris be sett to beg, the Guard and the Men of war maun
be served. Though the blood of the Ministeris be spylt, it is the Quenis servand
that did it. Althought Messes be multipleyed in all quarteris of the Realme, who
can stop the Quenis subjectis to lyve of the Quenis religioun. Althought innocent
men be empreasoned, it is the Quenis pleasur: sche is offended at such men.
Althought under pretence of justice innocentis be crewellie murthered; the
Lordis shall weape, but the Quenis mynd must be satisfeid. Nobillis of the
Realme, Baronis and Counsallouris ar banished, thair eschaittis disponed, and
thair lyves maist injustlie persewed. The Quene hes lost hir trusty servand Davy:
he was dear unto hir; and thairfoir, for hir honouris sake, sche maun schaw
rigour to revenge his death. And yit farther, albeit that some know that sche hes
plainlie purposed to wrak the religioun within this Realme; that to that Romane
Antichrist sche hath maid hir promeise; and that from him sche hath tackin
money to uphold his pompe within this Realme; yit will thai lett the people
understand, that the Quene will establisse religioun, and provide all thingis
ordourlie, yf scho war anes delivered.

THIS WAS WRITTEN WHEN THE SECOUND RANK OF THE LORDIS WAS BANISSHED.[617]

Yf such dealings, which ar commoun amangis our Protestantis, be nott to prefer

flesche and blood to God, to his treuth, to justice, to religioun, and unto the
libertie of this oppressed Realme, let the warld judge. The plagues have bein,
and in some part ar present, that war befoir threatned; the rest ayproaches: And
yitt who from the heart cryis, "I have offended; the Lord knows: in Thee onlie is
the trust of the oppressed; for vaine is the help of man." But now return we to
our HISTORIE.

THE QUENIS LAST ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND.[618]

THE nyntene day[619] of August, the year of God Jm Vc threscoir ane yearis,
betwix sevin and aught houris befoir noon, arryved MARIE QUENE OF SCOTLAND,
then widow, with two galayis furth of France.[620] In[621] hir cumpany, (besydis
hir gentilwemen, called the Maries,)[622] war hir thre uncles, the Duck D'Omall,
[623] the Grand Priour,[624] and the Marques D'Elbuf.[625] Thare accumpanyed hir

also,[626] D'Anweill, son to the Constable of France, with other gentilmen of

inferiour conditioun, besydis servandis and officiaris.[627] The verray face of
heavin, the time of hir arryvall, did manifestlie speak what confort was brought
unto this cuntrey with hir, to wit, sorow, dolour, darknes, and all impietie; for in
the memorie of man, that day of the year, was never seyn a more dolorous face
of the heavin, then was at hir arryvall, which two days after did so contineu; for
besides the surfett weat,[628] and corruptioun of the air, the myst was so thick and
so dark, that skairse mycht any man espy ane other the lenth of two pair of
buttis. The sun was not seyn to schyne two dayis befoir, nor two dayis after. That
foir-warning gave God unto us; but allace, the most pairt war blynd.

THE QUENIS FIRST GRACE IN DISPYTE OF RELIGIOUN.

At the sound of the cannonis whiche the galayis schot, the multitude being
advertissed, happie was he and sche that first myght have the presence of the
Quene. The Protestantis war not the slowest, and thairintill thai war not to be
blamed.[629] Becaus the Palace of Halyrudhous was not throughlie put in ordour,
(for hir cuming was more suddane[630] than many looked for,) sche remaned in
Leyth till towardis the evenyng, and then repaired thitther. In the way betwixt
Leith and the Abbay, met hir the rebellis of the craftis, (of whom we spak befoir,
[631]) to wit, those that had violated the authoritie of the Magistratis, and had

besieged the Provost. But, because sche was sufficientlie instructed, that all thai
did was done in dispite of the religioun, thai war easilie apardoned. Fyres of joy
war sett furth all nyght, and a cumpany of the most honest,[632] with instrumentis
of musick, and with musitians, geve thair salutationis at hir chalmer wyndo.[633]
The melody, (as sche alledged,) lyked hir weill; and sche willed the same to be
contineued some nightis after.

THE QUENIS FIRST MESSE.

LORD JAMES [HIS] FACT.

CONVOYARIS OF THE PREAST.

With great diligence[634] the Lordis repared unto hir from all quarters. And so
was nothing understand[635] but myrth and quyetness till the nixt Sunday, which
was the xxiiij of August, when preparatioun began to be maid for that idoll the
Messe to be said in the Chapell; which perced the hartis of all. The godlie[636]
began to bolden; and men began openlie to speak, "Shall that idoll be suffered
agane to tack place within this Realm? It shall not." The Lord Lyndesay, (then
but Maister,)[637] with the gentilmen of Fyiff, and otheris, plainlie cryed in the
close, "The idolater Preast should dye the death," according to Goddis law. One
that caryed in the candell was evill effrayed; but then began flesche and blood to
schaw the self. Thair durst no Papist, neathir yitt any that cam out of France
whisper. But the Lord James[638] (the man whom all the godlye did most
reverence) took upoun him to keap the Chapell door. His best excuse was, that
he wald stop all Scotishe men to enter in to the Messe. But it was, and is
sufficientlie known, that the door was keapt, that nane should have entress to
truble the Preast; who, after the Messe, was committed to the protectioun of
Lord Johne of Coldinghame,[639] and Lord Robert of Halyrudehouse,[640] who
then war boyth Protestantis, and had communicat at the Table of the Lord.
Betwix thame two was the Preast convoyed to his chalmer.

THE END IS NOTT YITT SEANE.

And so the godlie departed with great greaf of heart, and at after noon repaired to
the Abbay in great companeis, and gave plane significatioun, that thai could not
abyd that the land which God by his power had purged from idolatrie, should in
thair eyes be polluted agane. Which understand, thair began complaint upoun
complaint. The old dounty-bowris, and otheris that long had served in the Court,
and hes no remissioun of synnes, but by virtew of the Messe, cryed, "Thai wald
to France without delay: thai could not live without the Messe." The same
affirmed the Quenis Uncles. And wold to God that that menzie, togitther with the
Messe, had tacken good nyght at this Realme for ever; for so had Scotland bene
rydd of ane unprofitable burthen of devouring strangearis, and of the
maledictioun of God that hes stricken, and yitt will strike for idolatrie.

THE PERSUASIOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.

The Counsall assembled, disputatioun was had of the nixt remeadye. Polytick
headis war send unto the Gentilmen, with these and the lyke persuasionis, "Why,
allace, will ye chase our Soverane from us? Sche will incontinent return to hir
galayes; and what then shall all Realmes say of us? May we nott suffer hir a
lytill whill? We doubt not but sche shall leave it. Yf we war not assured that sche
myght be wonne, we should be als greate ennemyes to hir Masse, as ye should
be. Hir Uncles will depart, and then sall we reull all at our plesour. Wold not we
be as sorry to hurt the Religioun as any of you wald be?"
With these and the lyke persuasionis, (we say,) was the fervencie of the
Bretheren quenched; and ane Act[641] was framed: the tennour whairof
followeth:—
APUD EDINBURGH, XXVTO AUGUSTI ANNO &C. LXIO.
FORSAMEKLE as the Quenis Majestie hes understand the great inconvenientis that
may come, through the divisioun presentlie standing in this Realme, for the
difference in materis of Religioun, that hir Majestie is most desirous to see [it]
pacifeit be ane good ordour, to the honour of God, and tranquillitie of hir
Realme, and meanes to tack the same be advyse of hir Estaitis, sa soon as
convenientlie may be; and that hir Majesties godlie resolutioun thairin may be
greatlie hyndered, in case any tumult or seditioun be raised amanges the lieges,
yf any suddane[642] alteratioun or novatioun be preassed [at] or attempted, befoir
that the ordour may be establissed: Thairfoir, for eschewing of the saidis
inconvenientis, hir Majestie ordanes letteris[643] to be direct to charge all and
sindrie hir leiges, be oppin proclamatioun at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, and
otheris places neidfull, that thai, and everie ane of thame, conteane thame selffis
in quyetnesse, keap peace and civile societie amongis thame selffis: And in the
meanetyme, while the Estaittis of this Realme may be assembled, and that hir
Majestie have tackin ane finall ordour be thair advyse and publict consent,
quhilk hir Majestie hopes shalbe to the contentment of the haill, That nane of
thame tack upoun hand, privatlie or openlie, to mack alteratioun or innovatioun
of the staite of Religioun, or attempt any thing against the form quhilk hir
Majestie fand publictlie and universallie standing at hir Majesties arryvell in this
hir Realme, under the pane of death: With certificatioun, that yf any subject of
the Realme, shall cum in the contrarie heirof, he shalbe estemed and holden a
seditious persone and raiser of tumult, and the said paine salbe execut upoun him
with all rigour, to the example of otheris. Attour, hir Majestie, be the advise of
the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, commandis and charges all hir leiges, that
nane of thame tack upoun hand to molest or truble any of hir domesticall
servandis, or personis whatsumever, come furth of France, in hir Gracis
cumpany at this tyme, in wourd, deed, or countenance, for any caus
whatsumever, eather within hir Palace or without, or mack ony derisioun[644] or
invasioun upoun any of thame, under whatsumever cullour or pretence, under
the said paine of death: Albeit hir Majestie be sufficientlie persuaded, that hir
good and loving subjectis wold do the same, for the reverence thai bear to hir
persone and authoritie, notwithstanding that na sick commandiment war
publisshed.

This Act and Proclamatioun, penned and put in form by such as befoir professed
Christ Jesus, (for in the Counsall then had Papistis neathir power nor vote,) it
was publictlie proclaimed at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, upoun Mononday
foirsaid. No man reclamed, nor maid repugnance to it, except the Erle of Arrane
onlie;[645] who, in open audience of the Heraldis and people protested, "That he
dissasented that any protectioun or defence should be maid to the Quenis
domestickis, or to any that came from France, to offend Goddis Majestie, and to
violat the lawis of the Realme, more then to any other subject: for Goddis law
had pronunced death against the idolater, and the lawis of the realme had
appoynted punishment for sayaris and heararis of Masse; quhilkis, (said he,) I
here protest, be universallie observed, and that none be exempted, unto such
tyme as a law, als publictlie maid, and als consonant to the law of God, have
disannulled the formar." And thairupoun he took documentis, as the tenour of
this his Protestatioun doeth witnesse:—

IN sa far as be this Proclamatioun it is understand to the Kirk of God, and

memberis thairof, that the Quenis Grace is mynded, that the treu religioun and
wyrschipping ellis establissed procead fordwart, that it may daly increase, unto
the Parliament, that ordour then may be tane for extirpatioun of all idolatrie
within this Realme: We rander maist hartlie thankis to the Lord our God for hir
Gracis good mynd, earnestlie praying that it may be encreassed in hir Hienes, to
the honour and glorie of His name, and weill of his Kirk within this Realme.
And as tueching the molestatioun of hir Hienes servandis, we suppose that nane
dare be sa bald as anes to move thair fyngar at thame, in doing of thair lefull
busines; and as for us, we have learned at oure maister Christis school, "to keap
peace with all men;" and thairfoir for our part, we will promeis that obedience
unto hir Majestie (as is our dewitie) that nane of hir servandis salbe molested,
trubled, or anes tueched, be the Kirk, or any member thairof, in doing thair lefull
affairis. But, sen that God hes said, "The idolater shall die the death;" we Protest
solempnedlie, in presence of God, and in the earis of the haill people that hearis
this Proclamatioun, and specialie in presence of you Lyoun Herald, and of the
rest of your collegues, &c., makaris of this Proclamatioun, that yf any of hir
servandis shall commit idolatrie, specialie say Messe, participat thairwith, or
tack the defence thairof, (quhilkis we war leyth should be in hir Grace cumpany,)
in that caise, that this Proclamatioun be nott extended to thame in that behalf, nor
be not a salfgard or gyrth to thame in that behalf, na mair nor give thai committ
slauchter or murther, seing the ane is mekle mair abhominable and odiouse in the
syght of God, then is the other: But that it may be laughtfull to inflict upoun
thame the painis conteyned in Goddis word aganis idolateris, whairever thai may
be apprehended, but favour. And this oure Protestatioun we desyre you to notifie
unto hir, and gif hir the copie heirof, least hir Hienes should suspect ane uproar,
gif we should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year
foirsaid.

ROBERT CAMPBELL TO THE LORD VCHILTRIE.

THE QUENIS PRACTISES AT THE FIRST.

This baldnes did somewhat exasperat the Quene, and such as favoured hir in that
poynt. As the Lordis, callit[646] of the Congregatioun, repared unto the Town, at
the first cuming thai schew thame selves wonderouslie offended, that the Messe
was permitted; so that everie man as he cam accused thame that war befoir him:
but after that thai had remaned a certane space, thai war as quyet as war the
formare. Which thing perceaved, a zealous and godlie man, Robert Campbell of
Kingzeancleucht, said unto the Lord Vchiltrie, "My Lord, now ye are come, and
almost the last of all the rest; and I perceave, by your anger, that the fyre-edge is
nott of you yit; but I fear, that after that the holy watter of the Courte be
sprinckled upoun you, that ye sall become als temperat[647] as the rest: For I have
bene here now fyve dayis, and at the first I hard everie man say, 'Let us hang the
Preast;' but after that thai had bene twyse or thrise in the Abbay, all that fervency
was past. I think thair be some inchantment whareby men ar bewitched." And in
verray deed so it came to pass: for the Quenis flattering wordis, upoun the ane
pairte, ever still crying, "Conscience, conscience: it is a sore thing to constreane
the conscience;" and the subtile persuasionis of hir suppostis (we mean evin of
such as sometymes war judged most fervent with us) upoun the other parte,
blynded all men, and putt thame in this opinioun, sche wilbe content to hear the
preaching; and so no doubt but sche may be wone. And thus of all it wes
concluded, to suffer hir for a tyme.

THE JUDGMENT OF JOHNE KNOX UPOUN THE SUFFERING OF THE QUENIS MESSE.[648]

THE COURTEOURIS.

JOHNE KNOX CONFESSIOUN.

The nixt Sounday, Johnne Knox, inveighing against idolatrie, schew what
terrible plagues God had tacken upoun Realmes and Nationis for the same; and
added, "That one Messe (thair war no mo suffered at the first) was more fearful
to him then gif ten thousand armed enemyes war landed in any pairte of the
Realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill religioun. For (said he) in our God thair
is strenth to resist and confound multitudis, yf we unfeanedlie depend upoun
him; whairof heirtofoir we haif had experience; but when we joyne handis with
idolatrie, it is no doubt but that both Godis amicable presence and confortable
defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us? Allace, I fear that
experience shall teach us to the greaf of many." At these wordis, the guydaris of
of the Court mocked, and plainlie spak, "That such fear was no poynt of thair
fayth: it was besyd his text, and was a verray untymelie admonitioun." But we
heard this same Johnne Knox, in the audience of the same men, recyte the same
wordis agane in the myddest of trubles; and in the audience of many ask God
mercy, that he was nott more vehement and upryght in the suppressing of that
idoll in the begynning. "For, (said he,) albeit that I spack that which offended
some, (which this day thai see and feall to be treu,) yit did I not [that] which I
myght have done; for God had not onlie gevin unto me knowledge, and toung to
maik the impietie of that idoll knowin unto this Realme, but he had gevin unto
me credyte with many, who wold have put in executioun Goddis judgmentis, yf I
wold onlie have consented thairto: But so cairfull was I[649] of that commoun
tranquillitie, and so loth was I to have offended those of whom I had conceaved
a good opinioun, that in secreat conference with earnest and zealous men, I
travaled rather to mitigat, yea, to slokin, that fervencye that God had kyndled in
otheris, than to animat or encorage thame to put thair handis to the Lordis work:
Whairintill I unfeanedlie acknowledge my selff to have done most wickedlie;
and from the bottom of my hart, askis of my God grace and pardon, for that I did
not what in me lay to have suppressed that idoll in the begining." These and
other wordis did many hear him speak in publict place, in the moneth of
December, the year of God Jm Vc and threscoir fyve yearis, when such as at the
Quenis arryvell onlie manteyned the Masse, war exyled the Realme, summoned
upoun treassone, and decreit of forfaltour intended against thame. But to return
from whence we have digressed.

THE FIRST REASSONING BETWIX THE QUEYN AND JOHNE KNOX.

Whetther it was by counsall of otheris, or of the Quenis awin desyre, we knaw

not; but the Quene spack with Johne Knox, and had long ressoning with him,
none being present except the Lord James: (two gentilwemen stood[650] in the
other end of the house.) The summe of thair reassoning was this. The Quene
accused him, that he had raysed a part of hir subjectis against hir Mother, and
against hir self: That he had writtin a book against hir just authoritie, (sche ment
the treatise against the Regiment of Wemen[651]) which sche had, and should
caus the most learned in Europe to wryte against it: That he was the caus of great
seditioun and great slauchter in England; and that it was said to hir, that all
which he did was by necromancye, &c.
To the whiche the said Johne answered, "Madam, it may please your Majestie
patientlie to hear my sempill ansures. And first, (said he,) yf to teach the treuth
of God in synceritie, yf to rebuke idolatrie, and to will a people to wyrschip God
according to his word, be to raise subjectis against thair Princes, then can not I
be excused; for it hes pleased God of his mercy to mack me ane (amongis many)
to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and the
deceat, pryde, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist. Bot, Madam, yf the treu
knowledge of God, and his rycht wirschipping be the cheaf causses, that must
move men from thair heart to obey thair just Princes, (as it is most certane that
thai ar,) whairin can I be reprehended? I think, and am surelie persuaded, that
your Grace have had, and presentlie have, als unfeaned obedience, of such as
profess Jesus Christ within this Realme, as ever your Father, or other
progenitouris had of those that war called Bischoppis. And tueching that booke,
which seameth so highlie to offend your Majestie, it is most certane that I wrait
it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of it. I hear that ane
Englishe man hath writtin against it,[652] but I have not redd him. Yf he have
sufficientlie improved my ressones, and establissed his contrarie propositioun,
with als evident testimonyes as I have done myne, I shall nott be obstinat, but
shall confess my errour and ignorance. Bot to this hour I have thocht, and yit
thinkis my self allone to be more able to sustene the thingis affirmed in that my
wark, than any ten in Europe salbe able to confute it."
"Ye think then, (quod sche,) that I have no just authoritie?"
"Pleise your Majestie, (said he,) that learned men in all aiges have had thair
judgmentis free, and most commonlie disagreing frome the commoun judgment
of the warld; suche also have thei publisshed, boyth with pen and toung, and yit
notwithstanding thei thame selves have lived in the commoun societie with
otheris, and have borne patientlie with the errours and imperfectionis whiche thei
could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Bookis of the
Commounwealth, in the whiche he dampneth many thingis that then war
manteaned in the world, and required many thingis to have bene reformed; and
yitt, notwithstanding he lived evin under suche policies, as then war universallie
receaved, without farther trubling of any estait. Evin so, Madam, am I content to
do, in uprightness of heart, and with a testimonye of a good conscience. I have
communicat my judgment to the world: Yf the Realme fyndis no inconvenience
frome the regiment of a woman, that whiche thei approve shall I not farther
disallow, then within my awin breast, but salbe alse weall content to lyve under
your Grace, as Paull was to lyve under Nero; and my hope is, that so long as that
ye defyle not your handis with the blood of the sanctis of God, that neather I nor
that Booke shall eather hurt you or your authoritie: for in verray deed, Madame,
that Book was written most especialie against that wicked Jesabell of England."
[653]

"But (said sche) ye speak of women in generall."

"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me that
wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for that, whiche to
this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in persone nor yit in authoritie.
For of lait yearis, many thingis, whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene
called in doubt; yea thei have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said
he,) I am assured that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any
suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now, Madam,
(said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite, becaus ye ar a woman, I
myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for that purpose, then I can do now,
when your awin presence is within the Realme.
"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I hartlie
praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye of mankynd, and
the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay to my charge, then suche as
the verray world it self knoweth to be most fals and vane. For in England I wes
resident onlie the space of fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I
abode two yearis; so long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now,
Madam, yf in any of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe
able to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I shall confesse
that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar of the bloode. I eschame
not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so blissed my waik laubouris, that in
Berwick (whair commonlie befoir thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of
quarrellis that used to aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all
the tyme that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And whare
the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte forbidden of God, I
have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,) all[656] congregationis that ever
heard me, what I spake both against suche artis, and against those that use suche
impietie. But, seing the wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord
Jesus, was possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I,
wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in the veritie."

THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.

"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other Religioun,
than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be of God, seing, that
God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"

[ANSWER]

"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall strenth[657] nor
authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the Eternall God allone, so are not
subjectis bound to frame thair Religioun according to the appetites of thair
Princes. For oft it is, that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis
treu Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death of
Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene of the
Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray you, Madam, what
Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf all men in the dayis of the
Apostles should have bene of the Religioun of the Romane Emperouris, what
Religioun should thair have bene upoun the face of the earth? Daniell and his
fellowis war subjectis to Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam,
thei wold nott be of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the
thre Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not
worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God against the
expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may perceave, that
subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair Princes, albeit thei ar commanded
to geve thame obedience."

THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.

"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against thair Princes."

[ANSWER]

"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for these that
obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort resist."

QUESTIOUN.

"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"

[ANSWER.]

"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the meanes."
"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair Princes?"
 QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR
BLYND ZEALL WHAT.

WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES

IMPREASONMENT.[658]

"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do against that
whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei may be resisted, evin by
power. For thair is neather greattar honour, nor greattar obedience to be gevin to
kings or princes, then God hes commanded to be gevin unto father and mother:
But so it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the
which he wold slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese,
joyne thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other
weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in preasone, till
that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that the children do any wrang?
Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe offended with thame that have stayed thair
father to committ wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that
wold murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd zeall
is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack the sweard frome
thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis in preasone, till that thei be
brought to a more sober mynd, is no disobedience against princes, but just
obedience, becaus that it aggreith with the will of God."
At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the quarter of ane
hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James begane to entreat her, and to
demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"

THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.

At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall obey you,[659]
and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what I command: and so man I
be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."
"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any to obey
me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth thame. Bot my travell is,
that boyth princes and subjectis obey God. And think not, (said he,) Madam, that
wrong is done unto you, when ye ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he
that subjects people under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto
thame; yea, God craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his
Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this
subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the greatest
dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth, for it shall cary thame to
everlasting glorie."

THE QUENIS KIRK.

"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will defend the
Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."
"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your thoght maik
that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of Jesus Christ. And
wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for that Churche is altogidder
polluted with all kynd of spirituall fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in
maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the
Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the
ordinances and statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people,
when that thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of
Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome the
puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and planted."
"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."
"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that rycht
knowlege ye have none."
"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."

QUESTIOUN.

"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read both the
Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after thair maner. Have ye
heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the Pope and his Cardinalles have
allowed? And ye may be assured, that suche will speak nothing to offend thair
awin estaite."

ANSWRE.
"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei interprete in ane
other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"

MESSE.

"Ye shall beleve (said he,) God, that planelie speaketh in his word: and farther
then the word teaches you, ye neather shall beleve the ane or the other. The word
of God is plane in the self; and yf thair appear any obscuritie in one place, the
Holy Ghost, whiche is never contrariouse to him self, explanes the same more
clearlie in other places: so that thair can remane no doubt, but unto suche as
obstinatlie remane ignorant. And now, (said he,) Madam, to tack ane of the cheaf
pointis, whiche this day is in contraversie betwix the Papistis and us: for
example, the Papistis allege, and boldly have affirmed, That the Messe is the
ordinance of God, and the institutioun of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the
synnes of the quyck and the dead. We deny bothe the one and the other, and
affirme, that the Messe, as it is now used, is nothing but the inventioun of man;
and, thairfoir, is an abominatioun befoir God, and no sacrifice that ever God
commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending? It is
no reassone that eather of the parteis be farther beleved, then thei are able to
prove by insuspect witnessing: Let thame lay down the book of God, and by the
plane wordis thairof prove their affirmatives, and we shall geve unto thame the
pley granted. But so long as thei ar bold to affirme, and yit do prove nothing, we
man say, that albeit all the warld beleved thame, yit beleve thei not God, but
receaves the lyes of men for the treuth of God. What oure maister Jesus Christ
did, we know by his Evangelistis: what the preast doeth at his Messe, the warld
seeth. Now, doeth nott the word of God planelie assure us, that Christ Jesus
neather said, nor yit commanded Messe to be said at his Last Suppar, seing that
no suche thing as thair Messe is maid mentioun of within the whole Scripturis?"
"Ye ar oure sair for me, (said the Quene,) but and yf thai war here that I have
heard, thai wold ansuer you."
"Madam, (quod the other,) wold to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and
he that ye wold best beleve, war present with your Grace to sustene the
argument; and that ye wald patientlie abyd to hear the mater reassoned to the
end; for then I doubt not, Madam, but that ye should hear the vanitie of the
Papisticall religioun, and how small[661] ground it hath within the wourd of
God."
"Weall (said sche) ye may perchance gett that sonner than ye beleve."
"Assuredlie, (said the other) yf ever I gett that in my lyeff, I gett it sonnar than I
beleif; for the ignorant Papistis can not patientlie reassoun, and the learned and
crafty Papist will never come in your audience, Madam, to have the ground of
thair religioun searched out; for thai know that thai ar never able to sustene ane
argument, except fyre and sweard, and thair awin lawis be judges."
"So say ye, (quod the Quene,) but I cane beleve that."
"It hes bene so to this day,[662] (quod he,) for how oft have the Papistis in this
and other realmes bein required to come to conference, and yitt could it never be
obteaned, unless that thame selfis war admitted for judges. And thairfoir,
Madam, I must yitt say agane, that thai dar never dispute, but whare thame selfis
are both judge and partye. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the contrarye,
I shall grant my selff to have bene deceaved in that poynt."
And with this the Quene was called upon to dennar, for it was after-noon. At
departing, Johnne Knox said unto hir, "I pray God, Madam, that ye may be als
blessed within the Commoun-wealth of Scotland, yf it be the pleasur of God, as
ever Debora was in the Commoun-wealth of Israell."

Of this long Conference, whairof we onlie tueich a part, war diverse opinionis.
The Papistis grudged, and feared that which thai neided not. The godlye,
thinking at least that sche wold have heard the preaching, rejoised; but thai war
alluterly deceaved, for sche continewed in her Messing; and dispised and
quyetlie mocked all exhortationis.
 JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGMENT OF THE QUENE AT THE FIRST, AND EVER SINCE.

Johne Knox his awin judgement, being be some of his[663] familiaris demanded,
What he thought of the Quene? "Yf thair be not in hir (said he) a proud mynd, a
crafty witt, and ane indurat hearte against God and his treuth, my judgment
faileth me."

When the hoill Nobilitie war convened, the Lordis of Privey Counsall war
chosen,[664] who war appointed,[665] the Duke his Grace, the Erles of Huntley,
Ergyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merschell, Bothwell: Lordis Erskin, &c.,
Lord James, &c. Of these war a certane appointed to wait upoun [the] Court by
course; but that ordour continewed not lang.

Duck D'Omell[666] returned with the galayes to France. The Quene entered in hir
progresses, and in the moneth of September traveled from Edinburgh to
Lynlythqu, Striveling, Sanct Johnestoun, Dondie, Sanctandrois;[667] which all
partis sche polluted with hir idolatrie. Fyre followed hir verray commounlie in
that jorney. The townis propyned hir liberallie, and thairof war the Frenche
enriched.

BALFOUR, HIS DOCTRINE.

In the begyning of October,[668] sche returned to Edinburgh, and at the day

appointed sche was receaved in the Castell. Great preparationis war maid for hir
enteress in the town. In ferses, in masking, and in other prodigalities, faine wold
fooles have counterfooted France. Whatsoever myght sett furth hir glory, that
sche heard, and glaidlye beheld. The keyes war delivered unto hir by a pretty
boy, descending as it war from a cloud. The verses of hir awin praise sche heard,
and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and the praise thairof declared,
sche began to frown: for schame sche could not refuise it.[669] But she did no
better, for immediatelie sche gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the
Realme, to wit, to Arthoure Erskyn.[670] Edinburgh since that day had reaped as
thai sew. Thai gave hir some taist of thair prodigalitie; and becaus the liquor was
sweet, sche hes licked of that buist oftar than twyse since.[671] All men know
what we mean: the Quene can not lack, and the subjectis have.
In Edinburgh it hath bene ane auncient and laudable custom, that the Provest,
Baillies, and Counsall, after thair electioun, which useth to be at Michaelmess,
caused publictlie proclame[672] the Statutes and Ordinances of the town. And
thairfoir Archibald Dowglas, Provest; Edwarde Hope, Adame Fowllartoun, [Mr.
James Watsone, and David Somer,[673]] Baillies, caused proclame, according to
the formar Statutes of the town, that no adulterar, [no fornicatour,] no noted
drunkard, no mess-mongare, no obstinate Papistis that corrupted the people, such
as preastis, freiris, and otheris of that sorte, should be found within the toun
within fourty-aught houris thairafter, under the paines conteaned in the statutes.
Which blawin in the Quenis earis, thair began pryde and maliciousnes to schaw
the self; for without farther cognitioun of the caus, was the Provest and Baillies
charged to ward in the Castell; and immediatlie was commandiment gevin, that
other Provest and Baillies should be elected.[674]

THE QUENIS FIRST PRYDE AFTER HIR ARRYVALL.

Some ganestood for a while the new electioun, alledgeing, that the Provest and
Baillies whom thai had chosen, and to whom thai had gevin thair oath, had
committed no offence whairfoir that justlie thai aught to be depryved. But whill
charge was doubled upoun charge, and no man was found to oppone thame
selffis to iniquitie,[675] Jesabellis letter and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And
so was Mr. Thomas Mackalzeane chosen[675] for the other. The man, no doubt,
was boyth discreat and sufficient for that charge;[676] but the depositioun of the
other was against all law. God be mercyfull to some of our owen; for thai war
not all blameless that hir wicked will was so far obeyed.

THE QUENIS TREW LIEGES, WHA?

A contrair proclamatioun was publictlie maid, that the toun should be patent unto
all the Quenis lieges; and so murtheraris, adulteraris, theavis, hooris, drunkardis,
idolateris, and all malefactouris, gatt protectioun under the Quenis wyngis, under
that cullour, becaus thai war of hir religioun. And so gatt the Devill fredome
agane, whair that befoir he durst nott have bene sene in the day lyght upoun the
commoun streatis. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."

THE DEVILL GETTING ENTRESS WITH HIS FYNGAR, WILL SCHOOT FURTH[677] HIS HOLL
ARME.
The Devill finding his rainzeis lowse, ran fordwarte in his course; and the Quene
took upoun hir grettar boldness than sche and Baalles bleatting preastis[678] durst
have attempted befoir. For upoun Allhallow day[679] thai blended up thair Messe
with all myscheivous solempnitie. The ministeris thairat offended, in plane and
publict place, declared the inconvenientis that thairupoun should ensew. The
Nobilitie war sufficientlie admonished of thair dewiteis. But affectioun caused
men to call that in doubt, whairin schort befoir thai seamed to be most resolute,
to wit, "Whitther that subjectis mycht put to thair hand to suppresse the idolatrie
of thair Prince?" And upoun this questioun conveined in the house of Mr.
James[680] Mackgill, the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, the Erle Merschell,
Secretarie Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark,[681] and Cleark of Registre;[682] who
all reassoned for the parte of the Quene, affirmyng, "That the subjectis mycht not
lauchfullie tack hir Messe frome hir." In the contrair judgement war the
principall Ministeris, Mr. Johne Row,[683] Maister George Hay,[684] Maister
Robert Hammyltoun,[685] and Johne Knox. The reassonis of boyth partyes we
will omitt, becaus thai wilbe explaned after, whair the same questioun, and
otheris concernyng the Obedience dew unto Princes, war long reassoned in open
assemblie. The conclusioun of that first reassonyng was, "That the questioun
should be formed, and letteris direct to Geneva for the resolutioun of that
Churche," whairin Johne Knox offered his laubouris. But Secretarie Lethingtoun,
(alledging that thair stood mekle in the informatioun,) said, that he should wryte.
But that was onlie to dryve tyme, as the treuth declaired the self. The Quenis
partye urged, "That the Quene should have hir religioun free in hir awin chapell,
to do, sche and hir houshold, what thei list." The Ministeris boyth affirmed and
voted the contrair, adding, "That hir libertie should be[686] thair thraldome or it
was long." But neathir could reassone nor threatnyng move the affectionis[687] of
such as war creipping in credite. And so did the vottis of the Lordis prevail
against the Ministeris.
For the punishement of thift and of reaf, which had encreassed upoun the
Borders, and in the Sowth, from the Quenis arryvall, was the Lord James maid
Lievtenent.[688] Some suspected that suche honour and charge proceaded frome
the same heart and counsall that Saull maid David capitane against the
Philisteanis. But God assisted him, and bowed the heartis of men boyth to fear
and obey him. Yea, the Lord Bothwell him self at that tyme assisted him (but he
had remissioun for Lyddisdaill.) Scharpe executioun was maid in Jedburgh,[689]
for twenty-aught of ane clan, and others war hanged at that Justice Courte.
Brybes, buddis, nor solisitatioun saved not the gilty, yf he myght be
apprehended; and thairfoir God prospered him in that his integritie.
That same tyme the said Lord James spack the Lord Gray of England at Kelso,
for good reull to be keapt upoun boyth the Bordouris, and agreed in all thingis.

THE QUENIS FIRST FRAY IN HALYRUDHOUSE

Befoir his returnyng,[690] the Queyn upoun a nycht took a fray in hir bedd, as yf
horse men had bein in the close, and the Palace had bene enclosed about.
Whitther it proceaded of hir awin womanlie fantasye, or, yf men pat hir in fear,
[691] for displeasur of the Erle of Arrane, and for other purposes, as for the

erecting of the garde, we know not. But the fear was so great, that the toun was
called to the watch. Lordis Robert of Halyrudhous,[692] and Johne of
Coldinghame[692] keapt the watche by course. Scouttis war send furth, and
centenallis war commanded under the pane of death to keap thair stationis. And
yitt thai feared whair thair was no fear: neathir yit could ever any appeirance or
suspitioun of suche thingis be tryed.
Schort after the returnying of the Lord James, thair cam from the Quene of
England, Sir Petir Mewtess,[693] with commissioun to requyre the ratificatioun of
the Peace made at Leyth. His ansuer was[694] evin such as we have heard befoir,
that sche behoved to advise, and then sche should send ansuer.
In presence of hir Counsall, sche keapt hir self [very] grave, (for under the dule
wead, sche could play the hypocryte in full perfectioun;) but how soon that ever
hir Frenche fillockis, fydlaris, and otheris of that band, gatt the howse allone,
thair mycht be sean skipping not verry cumlie for honest wemen. Hir commoun
talk was in secreat, sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravitie, which repugned
alltogetther to hir nature, for sche was brocht up in joyusitie; so termed sche hir
dansing, and other thingis thairto belonging.

DIVISIOUN BETWIX THE LORDIS AND THE MINISTERIS.

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche[695] approched, holdin in December[696]

after the Quenis arryvall; in the which began the reullaris of the Courte to draw
tham selfis apart from the societie of thair brethren, and began to sturr and
grudge that any thing should be consulted upoun, without thair advises. Maister
Johne Wode,[697] who befoir had schawin him self verray fervent in the caus of
God, and fordward in giveing of his counsall in all doubtfull materis, planelie
refused ever to assist the Assemblie agane, whairof many did wonder. The
Courteouris drew unto thame some of the Lordis, and wold nott convene with
thair brethren, as befoir thai war accustomed, but keapt thame in the Abbay. The
principall Commissionaris of the Churches,[698] the Superintendentis, and some
Ministeris, past unto thame, whair thai war convened in the Abbottis ludging
within Halyrudhouse. Boyth the partyis began to oppin thair greaf. The Lordis
complayned that the Ministeris drew the gentilmen into secreat, and held
counsallis without thair knowledge. The Ministeris denyed that thai had done
any thing in secreat, or otherwyse than the Commoun Ordour commanded
thame; and accused the Lordis (the flatteraris of the Quene we mean) that thai
keapt not the Conventioun with thair brethren, considdering that thai know the
Ordour, and that the same was appointed by thair awin advises, as the Buke of
Discipline, subscrivit with the most part of thair awin handis, wold witness.
Some began to deny that ever thai knew such a thing as the Buke of Discipline;
and called also in doubt, whitther it was expedient that such Conventionis should
be or not; for glaidlye wold the Quene and hir Secreat Counsall have had all
assemblies of the godly discharged.

The reassonyng was scharp and quick on eather part.[699] The Quenis factioun
alledged, that it was suspitious to Princes that subjectis should assemble thame
selffis and keape conventionis without thair knowledge. It was ansuered, That
without knowledge of the Prince, the Churche did nothing. For the Prince
perfytlie understood, that within this Realme thair was a Reformed Churche, and
that thai had thair ordouris and appointed tymes of conventioun; and so without
knowledge of the Prince thai did nothing. "Yea," said Lethingtoun, "the Quene
knew and knowest it weill yneuch; but the questioun is, Whetther that the Quene
allowis such Conventionis?" It was ansuered, "Yf the libertie of the Churche
should stand[700] upoun the Quenis allowance or dyssallowance, we are assured
not onlie to lack assemblies, but also to lack the publict preaching of the
Evangell." That affirmative was mocked, and the contrarie affirmed. "Weill,
(said the other,) tyme will try the treuth; but to my formar wordis, this will I add,
tack from us the fredome of Assemblies, and tack from us the Evangell; for
without Assemblies, how shall good ordour and unitie in doctrine be keapt? It is
not to be supposed, that all Ministeris shalbe so perfyte, but that thai shall nead
admonitioun, alsweill concernyng maneris as doctrin, as it may be that some be
so styff necked that thai will not admitt the admonitioun of the simple; as also it
may be that falt may be found with Ministeris without just offence committed:
and yit yf ordour be not tacken boyth with the compleaner and the personis
compleaned upoun, it can not be avoided, but that many grevouse offenses shall
aryse. For remeady whairof, of necessitie it is, that Generall Assemblies maun
be, in the which the judgement and the gravitie of many may concur, to correct
or to represse the folyes or errouris of a few." Heirunto consented the most parte,
alsweill of the Nobilitie as of the Baronis, and willed the reassonaris for the parte
of the Quene to will hir Grace, yf that sche stood in any suspitioun of any thing
that was to be entreated in thair Assemblies, that it wold please hir Grace to send
such as sche wold appoint to hear whatsoever was proponed or reassoned.

LEDINGTON APPONED HYM TO THE BOOK OF DISCIPLENE

Heirafter was the Buke of Discipline proponed, and desyred to have been ratified
by the Quenys Majestie. That was scripped at, and the questioun was demanded,
"How many of those that had subscrived that Buke wald be subject unto it?" It
was answered, "All the godly." "Will the Duck?" said Lethingtoun. "Yf he will
nott," answered the Lord Ochiltrie,[701] "I wold that he war scrapped out, not
only of that book, but also out of our nomber and cumpany: For to what purpoise
shall laubouris be tane to putt the Kirk in ordour, and to what end shall men
subscrive, and then never mean to keap wourd of that quhilk thei promeisse?"
Lethingtoun answered, "Many subscrived thair in fide parentum, as the barnes ar
baptized." One, to wit Johne Knox,[702] answered, "Albeit ye think that scoiif
propir, yit as it is most untreu, so is it most improper. That Buke was red in
publict audience, and by the space of diverse dayis the headis thairof war
reasoned, as all that hear sit know weill yneuche, and ye your self can nott deny;
so that no man was required to subscrive that whiche he understood not." "Stand
content, (said one,) that Buke will nott be obteaned." "Let God (said the other)
requyre the lack which this poore Commoun-wealth shall have of the thingis
thairin conteaned, from the handis of such as stope the same."
The Baronis perceaving that the Buke of Discipline was refused, presented unto
the Counsall certane articles, requiring Idolatrie to be suppressed, thair Churches
to be planted with treu Ministeris, and some certane Provisioun to be maid for
thame, according to equitie and conscience; for unto that tyme, the most parte of
the Ministeris had lyved upoun the benevolence of men. For many held into thair
awin handis[703] the fructis that the Bischoppis and otheris of that sect had befoir
abused; and so some parte was bestowed upoun the Ministeris. But then the
Bischoppis began to grypp agane to that which most injustlie thei called thair
awin; for the Erle of Arrane was discharged of Sanctandrois and Dunfermeling,
whairwith befoir, be verteu of a factorie, he had intromitted: and so war many
otheris. And thairfoir the Barones requyred, that ordour mycht be tacken for thair
Ministeris, or ellis thei wold no moir obey the Bischoppis, neather yitt suffer any
thing to be lifted up to thair use after the Quenis arryvall, then that thei did
befoir; for thei verrelie supposed that the Quenys Majestie wold keapt promeisse
maid unto thame; whiche was, nott to alter thair religioun, whiche could nott
remane without Ministeris, and Ministeris could nott lyve without provisioun:
and thairfoir thei heartlie[704] desyred the Counsall to provid some convenient
ordour in that head.
That somewhat moved the Quenys flatteraris; for the rode of impietie was not
then strenthened in hyr and thair handis. And so began thei to practise how thei
should pleise the Queyn, and yit seam somewhat to satisfie the faythfull; and so
devised thei, that the Church men should have intromissioun with the Two parte
of thair benefices, and that the Third parte[705] should be lifted up by suche men
as thairto should be appointed, for suche uses, as in these subsequent Actis[706]
ar more fullie expressed.

APUD EDINBURGH, XXIJ DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXJO. [SEDERUNT.

Jacobus Dux de Chattellarault,
Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes,
Willelmus Marescalle Comes,
Joannes Atholie Comes,
Willelmus Comes de Montross,
Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
Alexander Comes de Glencarne,
Jacobus Commendatarius St. Andree et Pittenweme,
Joannes Dns. Erskin,
Magr. Robertus Richardsoun Thesaurarius,
Magr. Jabus Makgill de Nether Rankelour Clericus Registri,
Joannes Ballenden de Auchnoule miles Clericus Justiciarie,
Willelmus Maitland de Lethingtoun junior Secretarius.
Presentibus etiam Dominis subscriptis ratione Conventionis, viz. Joanne Comite
de Sutherland, Georgio Comite de Cathenes, Andrea Comite de Rothes, Joanne
Domino de Menteith, Joanne Domino Glammis, Hugone Domino Somervell,
Roberto Domino Boyd, Joanne Domino Flemyng, Georgio Domino Seytoun,
Joanne Domino Innermeth, Alexandro Domino Hume, Davide Domino
Drummond, Andrea Domino Stewart de Vchiltre, Jacobo Domino Sancti
Joannis, Joanne Magistro de Maxwell, et Jacobo Dowglass de Drumlanrig,
milites.][707]
The samyn day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis
of hir Secreit Counsall, foirseand the eminent truble quhilk appeirandlie was to
aryse amangis the lieges of hir realme for materis of Religioun; to evaid the
samyn, and to stay all inconvenientis that may follow thairupoun,[708]
intercommonit with ane parte of the Clergie and Estait Ecclesiasticall; with
whome then reasonyng being had, it was thocht good and expedient be hir
Hienes, that ane generall Conventioun should be appointed the xv. day of
December instant, whairto the rest of that Estaite mycht have repaired, and be
the advyse of the haill, ane reassonable overtoure maid and ordour taken for
staying of the appearand truble, and quyetting of the haill countrey: Quhilk
Conventioun being be hir Majestie appointed, and syndrie dayis of Counsale
keaped, and the said Ecclesiasticall Estaite ofttymes required, that the said
ordour mycht be taken and overtoure maid for staying of truble and quyetting of
the countrey; last of all, in presence of the Quenis Majestie, and Lordis of
Counsale foirsaid, and otheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme, compeired Johne
Archbischopp of Sanctandrois, Robert Bischopp of Dunkelden, Patrik Bischopp
of Murray, and Henrie Bischopp of Ross,[709] and for thame selfis respective
offered to the Quenis Grace, to be content of Three partis of the rentis of thair
benefices, and the Ferd parte thairof to be employed[710] as hir Grace thocht
expedient. And becaus the certantie thairof was not knawin, nor yitt what
sowmes of money wald sufficientlie susteane the Ministrie and Ministeris of
Goddis worde within this Realme, nor yit how mekle was necessar to supporte
the Quenis Majestie abone hir awin rentis for the commoun effairis of the
countrey: Thairfoir, it is concludit, decernit, and determinat be the Quenis Grace
and Lordis of Counsale foirsaid, and utheris of the Nobilitie present, that gif the
Ferd parte[711] of the fructes of the haill Benefices ecclesiasticall within this
Realme may be sufficient to susteane the Ministerie throw the haill Realme, and
supporte the Quenis Majestie to interteany and sett fordwarte the commoun
effaires of the countrey, failzeing thairof, the Third parte of the saidis fructis, or
mair, quhill it be found sufficient to the effect foirsaid, to be tacken up yearlie in
tyme cuming, quhill ane generalle ordour be taken thairin; samekle thairof to be
employed to the Quenis Majestie for entertenying and setting fordwarte of the
commoun effaires of the countrey, and samekle thairof unto the Ministeris and
sustentatioun of the Ministerie, as may reassonablie susteane the samin, at the
sycht and discretioun of the Quenis Majestie and Counsale foirsaid: and the
excrescens and superplus to be assigned unto the auld Possessouris. And to that
effect that the rentis and yearlie availl of the haill benefices within this Realme
may be clearlie knawin to the Quenis Majestie and Counsale foirsaid, It is statute
and ordanit, that the haill Rentallis of all benefices within this Realme be
produced befoir hir Grace and Lordis foirsaidis, at the tymes underwritten; That
is to say, of the Benefices on this syde of the Month,[712] the xxiiij day of Januar
nixttocum, and beyond the Month, the tenth of Februar next thairefter. And
ordanis letteris to be direct to officiaris of the Quenis schirreffis in that parte to
pass, charge, and requyre, all and syndrie Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis,
Commendatouris, and Priouris of this Realme, on this syd of the Mounth
personallie, gif thai can be apprehended, and failzeing thairof, at the saidis
Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis, Commendatouris, and Priouris dwelling-
places, cathedrall kirkis, or abbayis; and all Deanis, Subdeanis, Archdeanis,
Chantouris, Subchanteris, Provestis, Personis, Vicaris, and other beneficit men
whatsomever, thair Chalmerlanis and Factouris, personallie or at thair dwelling-
places, or at thair paroche kirkis, quhair thai suld remane, to exhibit and produce
befoir the Quenis Majestie and Lordis foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar
nixttocum, the just and treu Rentalle of the availle and rentis of thair Benefices
to the effect foirsaid; and to charge the Prelattis and utheris beneficit men on the
yond syd of the Mounth in maner respective foirsaid, to [exhibite and[713]]
produce the just and treu Rentale of thair Benefices befoir the Quenis Majestie
and Lordis foirsaidis the said tent day of Februar nixttocum, to the effect abone
rehersit, With certificatioun to thame that failzeis, the Quenis grace and
Counsale will proceid heirin as accordis: And sicklyk to charge the haill
Superintendentis, Ministeris, Eldaris, and Deaconis of the principall townes and
schyres of this Realme, to give in befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis of
Counsale foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, ane formall and
sufficient roll and memoriall, what may be sufficient and reasonable to susteane
the Ministerie and hale Ministeris of this Realme, that hir Majestie and Lordis of
Counsale foirsaidis may tak ordour thairintill as accordis: And farther, that the
Quenis Majestie and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis may ryplie and digestlie wey
and considder what necessarie supporte is required to be taken yearlie of the
fructis of the saidis Benefices by hir Grace's awin yearlie rent, to enterteany and
sett fordwart the commoun effaires of this Realme, agane the said xxiiij day of
Januare nixttocum, that then it may be proceided in the said mater, all parties be
satisfied, and the haill countrey and lieges thairof sett in quyetnesse.
[The samyn day,[714] forsamekle as the wechtie and debateable caussis standand
amangis the lieges of this Realme, quhilk micht gif occasioun of brek thairof,
and inquieting of the hale estait of the samyn, for eschewing thairof the Quenis
Majestie appointit ane Conventioun of the Nobilitie and Clergie of hir Gracis
Realme foirsaid, to compeir the xv day of December instant: quhilk being haldin,
and divers tymes continewit, comperit, Johne Archbischop of Sanctandrois,
Robert Bischop of Dunkeld, Patrik Bischop of Murray, and Henrie Bischop of
Ross,[715] and offerit as efter followis, That is to say, that thai being restorit to
thair Benefices and privilegis, and ansuerit thairof, offeris to the Quenis Majestie
for the space of ane zeir, the Ferd part of the rentis of thair Benefices, to be
employit as hir Grace thinkis expedient: And this thai offerit, and na forder.]
APUD LYNLYTHGW, 24 JANUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJO.[716]
Forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreat
Counsall, directit hir Letteris commanding all and sindrie Archbischoppis,
Bischoppis, Abbottis, [Commendatouris,] Priouris, Deanis, Archdeanis,
[Subdeanis, Chantouris, Subchantouris,[717]] Personis, Vicaris, and[718] all
utheris beneficit men, thair factouris, fermoraris, and takkismen, to compeir
befoir hir Hienes and Lordis foirsaidis, at Edinburgh, or whair it shall happin
thame to be for the tyme, sa many as dwellis upoun this syde of the Month, the
xxiiij day of Januar instant; and thame that dwellis beyond the Month, the tent
day of Februar nixttocum; that the just availl of thair Benefices may be knawin,
sua that thairafter hir Grace mycht tack ordour for the susteanyng of the
Ministeris, of the Pure,[719] and publict busynes of the Realme: And becaus the
Quenis Majestie is presentlie occupyed in other effairis, and may nocht attend hir
self upoun the ressait of the saidis Rentallis, Thairfoir hir Hienes hes gevin and
granted, and be thir presentis gevis and grantis, full power and commissioun to
Maister James Makgill of Rankeillour Neather Clerk of Registre, Schir Johne
Bellenden of Achinowle knycht Justice Clerk, Thesaurar, Secretare, Advocat,
and Laird of Pittarrow,[720] To call befoir thame within the burgh of Edinburgh,
All and sindrie Prelattis and Beneficit men, quha are charged be vertew of the
saidis letteris, and now being in Edinburgh, or that heirafter shall happin to
repair thairto, thair factouris and fermoraris, and thar inquyre of thame the
Rentallis of thair benefices, and resave the samyn fra thame, to the effect
foirsaid: And siclyke that the saidis Commissionaris caus warne all
Superintendentis, [Ministeris,[721]] Eldaris, and Deaconis, to geve unto thame the
names of the haill Ministeris of this Realme, that the just calculatioun being
considdered and maid be the saidis Commissionaris, of the availl of the saidis
Benefices, thai may reporte the samyn to the Quenis Majestie, that hir Hienes
may tak ordour thairin; according to the [just[722]] tennour of the first Ordinance
maid thairupon.

APUD EDINBURGH, XIJO FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJO.

[SEDERUNT.
Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
Archibaldus Comes Ergadie,
Jacobus Comes de Mar,
Willelmus Marescalli Comes,
Joannes Atholie Comes,
Alexander Comes de Glencarne,
Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
Joannes Dns. Erskin,
Joes. Ballenden de Auchnowle miles Clericus Justiciarie.]
THE quhilk day, forsamekle as be Statute and Ordinance maid be the Quenis
Majestie and Lordis of Secreit Counsale, and her Hienes letteris direct
thairupoun, All and sindrie Archbischoppis, [Bischoppis,][723] Abbottis,
Commendatouris, Priouris, Archdeanis, Deanis, Subdeanis, Chantouris,
Subchantouris, Provestis, Personis, Vicaris, and utheris beneficit men of this
Realme, war charged to exhibite and produce the Rentallis of thair benefices
befoir hir Majestie and Lordis foirsaids, in maner following: That is to say, the
saidis Beneficit men, [dwelling] on this syde of the Month, the xxiiij day of
Januar last bypast, and on the uther syd of the Month, the tent of Februar instant,
to that effect that ordour mycht be takin thairin conforme to the said Ordinance;
with certificatioun to thame, and thai failzeit, the Quenis Majestie and Counsale
[foirsaid] wald tak ordour thairin, as the samyn Ordinance beiris:
Notwithstanding the quhilk, and that the Quenis Majestie and Counsale, and
utheris appointed be hir for resaving of the saidis Rentalles, hes continewallie,
sen the said xxiiij day of Januare, awaitted upoun the resaving thairof; yit ane
verray small nomber of thame hes produced the said Rentalles, contepmnand
thairthrow nocht onlie hir Grace's Ordinance and Proclamatioun foirsaid, but als
hir self and hir authoritie, like as thai war princes and nocht subjectis, expresse
aganis reassone, equitie, and justice: For remeid quhairof, the Quenis Majestie
ordanis, be advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsale, that Factouris and
Chalmerlanis be appointed to intromett, gaddir, uplift, and receave to our
Soverane Ladeis use, all and sindrie mailles, fermes, teyndis, rentis, proventis,
emolumentis, canis, proffeittis, and dewities of whatsumevir Benefices, whairof
the Rentallis ar nocht produced, conforme to the said Ordinance: And gif ony
Rentalle ellis produced bearis not the just availl, but is fraudefullie maid, to
intromett and uptak samekle of the frutis and proffeittis of the saidis benefices as
ar omitted furth of the saidis Rentalle; and the ingevaris of the Rentalles, and
possessouris of the benefices thairof, shall never haif actioun to craif, clame, or
ressaif fra the tennantis and possessouris, farther nor is contained in the saidis
Rentallis ellis produced be thame: and the saids tennandis and possessouris shall
na wyis be haldin to pay ony mair for thair rowmes to the possessouris of the
saidis benefices and ingevaris of the saidis Rentalles, nor is conteyned in the
samyn rentallis ellis produced, as said is: And that the saidis Factouris and
Chalmerlanis to be appointed be the Quenis Majestie, shall have sufficient power
to intromett and uptak the fructis and proffeittis foirsaidis, siclyke as gif speciall
letteris of Factorie and Chalmerlanrie wer granted to thame thairupoun. And
ordanis the Lordis of Sessioun to direct furth letteris at the said Factouris and
Chalmerlanis instance, owther horning or poinding, as shalbe thocht expedient,
for causing of thame to be ansuered of the fructis of the saidis benefices, to be
furthcumand to the Quenis Majesties behuif, whill forther ordour be tacken
thairintill.

APUD EDINBURGH, XVTO FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJO.

[SEDERUNT.
Georgius Comes de Huntlie,
Archibaldus Ergadie Comes,
Jacobus Comes de Mar,
Joannes Atholie Comes,
Jacobus Comes de Mortoun,
Willelmus Marescalli Comes.]
THE quhilk day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of
hir Secreit Counsale, and otheris diverse of the Nobilitie had of befoir, upoun the
xxij day of December last bypast, ordanit, that gif the Fourt parte of the fructis
and rentis of all the Benefices within this Realme war nocht sufficient for the
support of hir Majestie, and other particulare charges underwrittin, necessar to be
borne for the tranquillitie[724] of the country; then the Thrid of the saidis fructis,
mair or less, should be takin up, to the effectis foirsaidis: And attour ordanit
letteris to be direct, chargeing all and sindrie beneficit men, on this syd of the
Month, to produce thair Rentallis upoun the xxiiij day of Januar last bypast; and
the tent day of Februar instant, was prefixt be the saidis letteris, for inbringing of
all rentallis of the benefices beyond the Month; with certificatioun, that quha
produced nott the saidis Rentallis[725] at the dayis foirsaidis respective, the
Quenis Majestie and hir Counsale wald provide remeid: According to the quhilk
certificatioun, hir Hienes, with avyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes ordanit, that
thai quha hes nocht produced thair rentallis, haill and full intromissioun shalbe
had of thair fructis, be thame whom hir Majestie shall direct thairto; and quha
hes nocht gevin in thair just Rentallis, quhatsumever part omitted in thair saidis
rentallis shalbe intromettit with in lyke maner: And further, having consulted
ryplie and diligentlie avysit upoun the commoun effairis and necessities
concernyng the Quenis Majestie, and charges to be borne, for the commoun
weill of the Realme, and sustentatioun of the Preachearis and Readaris,
conforme to the said Ordinance maid thairupoun of befoir, hes fundin and
declaired the haill Thrid partis of all Benefices within this Realme, of the
quhilkis the rentallis ar produced, to be taken up be the person or personis to be
nominat be hir Majestie, and to begyn upoun this last crope of the year of God
Jm Vc, and threscoir ane yearis, the samyn to be employed to the effect foirsaid:
togitther with the haill fructis of the benefices whairof the Rentallis ar nocht
produced; and alsua of samekle as is omitted in the rentallis produced: And that
ordour be directit be the Quenis Majestie, to the Lordis of Sessioun, that the auld
Possessouris may be ansuered of the remanent fructis of the saidis benefices;
providing that the Thrid part foirsaid be full and haill takin up, be the personis to
be deput to the up-taking thairof: And this ordoure to continew and stand, ay and
whill further ordouris be takin be the Quenis Majestie, with advyse of hir
Estaitis. Mairover hir Hienes, be the advyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes statut
and ordanit that all annuellis, mailles, and dewities within free Burrowis, or
utheris townis of this Realme, alsweill pertenyng to Chapellanreis, Prebendarijs,
as to Freiris, togitther with the rentis of the Freiris landis, quhairever thai be,
setting and disponing thairupoun, be intrometted with, and takin up be sik as hir
Grace shall depute thairto; for employing of the same be hir Hienes, to
Hospitaliteis, Scholes, and utheris godlie uses, as shall seme best to hir Hienes,
be the advise of hir Counsale: And knawing, that nathing is mair commodious
for the said Hospitalitie, nor the places of Freiris as [ar] yitt standand
undemolissed; as als to the intertenyng of Scholes, Colleges, and utheris uses
foirsaidis, Ordanis the Provest and Baillies of Abirdene, Elgin in Murray,
Innerness, Glasgow, and utheris Burrowis of this Realme, quhair the samyn ar
nocht demolished, to interteny and uphald the saidis Freiris places standand in
the saidis Townis, upoun the commoun gudis thairof, and to use the samyn to the
Commoun-weall and service of the saidis Townis, ay and quhill the Quenis
Majestie be farther advysed, and tack finall ordour in sik thingis,
nochtwithstanding [of] ony other gift, titill, or interesse, gevin to quhatsumever
personis of the saidis places, with thair yardis, orchardis, and pertinentis, be our
Soverane Lady as of befoir.

The names of the Nobilitie and Lordis that war present at the maiking of the
foirsaidis Actis[726] heirefter followis:—
James Duk of Chattelarault,
George Erle Huntlye,
Archibald Erle Ergyle,
Williame Erle Merschell,
Johne Erle Atholl,
Williame Erle Montrose,
James Erle Mortoun,
Alexr. Erle of Glencarne,
James Commendator of Sanctandrois and Pettinweme,
Johne Lord Erskyne,
Johne Ballendyne of Auchnowll knyght Justice Clerk,
The Thesaurar,
The Cleark of Registre, and
The Secretar.[727]

After the first Act,[728] the Erle of Huntley said, jestinglie, "Good day, my Lordis
of the Twa parte."
The hoill Rentallis being gathered, the sowme of the Thrid, according to thair
awin calculatioun, was found to extend to....[729]

JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGEMENT OF THE THRIDDIS.

The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis opponed thame

selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foirsaw the purpose of the Devill, and
clearlie understood the butt whairat the Quene and hir flatteraris schot; and so in
the stoolle of Edinburgh, Johne Knox said, "Weill, yf the end of this ordour,
pretended to be tacken for sustentatioun of the Ministeris, be happy, my
judgement failleth me; for I am assured that the Spreit of God is nott the auctor
of it; for, first, I see Twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the Thrid maun be
devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that this day I say
it, or it be long the Devill shall have Three partis of the Thrid; and judge you
then, what Goddis portioun shalbe." This was ane unsaverie saying in the earis
of many. Some eschamed nott to affirme, "The Ministeris being susteaned, the
Quene will nott gett at the yearis end to by hir a pair of new schoes." And this
was Secreatarie Lethingtoun.
 LET THIS BE NOTTED
Thair war appointed to modifie the Ministeris stipendis,[730] the Erles Ergyle,
Murray, and Mortoun, Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark, and Cleark of Registrie.
The Laird of Pittarro was appointed to pay the Ministeris stipendis, according to
thair modificatioun. Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled Egypt,
that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and have returned with
empty seekis unto thair families? Men wold rather have thought that Pharao's
pose, treasure, and garnallis should have bene diminished, or that the houshold
of Jacob should stand in danger to sterve for hungar.

ANE PROVERBE.

But so busy and circumspect war the Modificatouris, (becaus it was a new office,
the terme must also be new,) that the Ministeris should nott be ower wantoun,
that ane hundreth markis was sufficient to a singill man, being a commoun
minister. Thre hundreth markis was the hiest that was appointed to any, except
unto the Superintendentis, and unto a few otheris. Schortlie, whitther it was the
nygartnesse of thair awin heartis, or the cayre that thei had to enryche the Quene,
we know nott; but the poor Ministeris, Readaris, and Exhortaris cryed out to the
heavin, (as thair complaintis in all Assemblies do witnesse,) that neathor war thei
able to lyve upoun the stipendis appointed, neather could thei gett payment of
that small thing that was appointed. So fayne wold the Comptrollare have played
the goode vallett,[731] and have satisfyed the Quene, or ellis his awin proffeitt in
everie point, that he gatt this dicton and proverbe, "The good Laird of
Pittarro[732] was ane earnest professor of Christ; but the mekle Devill receave the
Comptrollar, for he and his Collectouris ar become gready fectouris."[733]
To put ane end to this unpleasing mater: when the Brethren compleaned of thair
povertie, it was disdanfullie ansuered of some, "Thair ar many Lordis have not
so much to spend." When men did reassone that the vocatioun of Ministeris
craved of thame bookis, quyetnesse, studye, and travell, to edifye the Kirk of
Jesus Christ, when that many Lairdis war waitting upoun thair worldly busyness;
and thairfoir, that the stipendis of Ministeris, who had none other industrye, but
to lyve upoun that which was appointed, aught nott to be modifyed according to
the lyvingis of[734] commoun men, who mycht, and did daily augment thair
rentis by some other industrie. When suche reassonis war laid befoir thame, thei
gat none other ansuer, but "The Quene can spair no greattar soumes." Oft was it
cryed into thair earis, "O happy servandis of the Devill, and miserable servandis
of Jesus Christ; yf that after this lyef thair war nott hell and heavin." For to the
servandis of the devill, to your dum dogges and horned bischoppis, to one of
those idill bellies (I say) ten thousand was nott yneuch; but to the servandis of
Christ that painefullie preache his evangell, a thousand pound; how can that be
susteaned?
One day, in reassoning of this mater, the Secretar burst out in a pece of his
cholere, and said, "The Ministeris have this much payed unto thame by year, and
who yitt ever bad the Queyn 'grand-mercies' for it? Was thair ever a Minister that
gave thankis to God for hir Majesties liberalitie towards thame?" One smyled
and ansuered, "Assuredlye, I think, that such as receave any thing gratis of the
Quene, are unthankfull yf thei acknowledge it not, boyth in heart and mouth. But
whitther that the Ministeris be of that rank or not, I greatlie doubt. Gratis, I am
assured, thei receave nothing; and whitther thai receave any thing at all fra the
Quene, wyese men may reassone. I am assured that neather Thrid nor Twa part
ever apperteaned to any of hir predecessouris within this Realme these thousand
yearis bypast, neather yitt hes the Quene bettir title to that whiche sche usurpes,
be it geving to otheris, or in tacken to hir self, then suche as crucifyed Christ
Jesus had to devide his garmentis amonges thame. And yf the treuth may be
spoken, sche hes nott so good titill as thai had; for such spoyle use to be the
reward of such men: And in that point these soldiouris war more gentle than the
Quene and hir flatteraris, for thai parted not the garmentis of our Maister till that
he him self was hung upoun the croce; but sche and her flatteraris do part the
spoyle, whill as poore Christ is yet preaching amangis you. But the wisdome of
our God tackis tryall of us by this meane, knowing weall yneuch what sche and
hir factioun hes purposed to do. Lett the Papistis, who have the Twa partis, some
that have thair Thriddis free, and some that have gotten Abbacies and few landis,
thank the Quene, and syng, Placebo Dominæ. The poore preachearis will not yit
flatter, for feading of thair bellye." These wordis war judged proud and
intollerable, and engendered no small displeasur to the speakar.
This we put in memorie, that the posteriteis to cum may know that God ones
maid his treuth to triumph; but becaus that some of oure selfis delyted more in
darknes than in lyght,[735] God hath restreaned our fredome, and putt the hoill
body in bondage. Yea, the greatest flatteraris have not eschaiped so free as thai
supposed; yea, the latter plagues appear yit to be worse than the first. "Be
mercyfull to us, O Lord, and entreat us nott according to our deservingis; but
look thou to the equitie of the cause which thou hast put into our handis, and
suffer not iniquitie to oppresse thy treuth, for Thy awin nameis saik, O Lord."

MARRIAGE OF THE ERLE OF MARE[736]

In this meantyme, to wit, in Februar, the year of God Jm Vc threscoir ane,[737]

was Lord James first maid Erle of Marr,[738] and then maryed upoun Agnes
Keyth, dowghter to the Erle Merschell. The mairiage was publict in the Church
of Edinburgh[739]. In the marriage thai boyth gat ane admonitioun to behave
thame selves moderatlie in all thingis; "For, (said the preachear[740] to him,) unto
this day the Kirk of God hath receaved confort by you, and by your laubouris; in
the which, yf heirafter ye shalbe found fayntar then that ye war befoir, it wilbe
said that your Wyeff hath changed your nature." The greatness of the bancquett,
and the vanitie used thairat, offended many godly. Thair began the masking,
which from year to year hath continewed since. Maister Randolph, agent for the
Quene of England, was then, and sometyme after, in no small conceat with our
Quene; for his Maistres saik, she drank[741] to him [in] a coupe of gold, which he
possessed with greattar joy, for the favour of the gevar, then of the gift and valew
thairof; and yit it was honourable.
The thingis that then war in handilling betwix the two Quenes, whairof
Lethingtoun, Secreatarie Cycill, and Maister Randolph, war ministeris, war of
great weight, as we will after hear.
This wynter, the Erle Bothwell, the Markques Delabuf, and Lord Johne of
Coldingham, played the ryote in Edinburgh, mysordoured the hoill toune,[742]
brack Cuthbart Ramsayis[743] yettis and durris, sought his house for his good-
dowghter Alisone Craik: And this was done in dispyte of the Erle of Arrane,
whose hoore the said Alison was suspected to have been. The horrour of this
fact, and the raritie of it, heyghlie commoved all godlie heartis.[744] The
Assemblie, and also the Nobilitie, for the most parte war in the toun; and so thei
concluded to crave justice, as that thei did, as by this subsequent Supplicatioun
doeth appear.

TO THE QUEYNIS MAJESTIE AND HIR SECREAT AND GREAT COUNSALL, HIR
GRACE'S FAYTHFULL AND OBEDIENT SUBJECTIS, THE PROFESSOURIS OF CHRIST
JESUS HIS HOLY EVANGELL, WISHES THE SPREIT OF RYGHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.
The feare of God conceaved of his holy worde, the naturall and unfeaned luif we
bear unto your Grace, the dewtie whiche we aw to the quyetness of our countrie,
and the terrible threatnyngis which our God pronounces against everie Realme
and Citie in the quhilk horrible crymes ar openlie committed, and then be the
committars obstinatlie defended, compell us, a great parte of your subjectis,
humblie to crave of your Grace upryght and trew judgement aganis sick personis
as have done what in thame lyes, to kendle Goddis wrayth against this hoill
Realme. The impietie be thame committed is so haynous and so horrible, that as
it is ane fact most vyle and rair to be heard of within this Realme, and
principallie within the bowells of this Citie, so should we think oure selfis gyltie
in the same, gif negligentlie, or yitt for warldlie feare we pass it ower with
silence: And thairfoir your Grace may nott think that we requyre ony thing
(whill that we crave open malefactouris condignelie to be punished) but that
quhilk God hes commanded us to crave, and hes also commanded your Grace to
geve to everie ane of your subjectis; for be this lynk hes God knytt togitther the
prince and the people, that as he commandis honour, feare, and obedience to be
gevin to the poweris established by him, so does he in expressed wordis
command and declair what the prince aweth unto the subjectis, to witt, that as he
is the Minister of God, bearing his sweard for vengeance to be tackyn on evill
doaris, and for the defence of peceable and quyett men, so aucht he to draw the
same without all parcialitie so oft as in Goddis name he is requyred thairto:
Seing so it is, (Madam,) that this cryme so recentlie committed, and that in the
eyes of your hoill Realme now presentlie assembled, is so haynous, for who
heirtofore have heard within the bowellis of Edinburgh, yettis and durris under
silence of nycht burst up, housses ryped, (and that with hostilitie,) seaking a
woman as appeared to oppresse hyr; seing we say that this cryme is so haynouse,
that all godlie men fear nott onlye Goddis soir displeasur to fall upoun you and
your hoill Realme, but also that sick libertie brede contempt, and in the end
seditioun, yf remeady in tyme be not provided,[745] quhilk in our judgement is
impossible, yf sevir punishement be nott executed for the cryme committed:
Thairfoir, we maist humblye beseik your Grace, that all affectioun sett asyd,[746]
ye declair your self so uprycht in this caise, that ye may geve evident
demonstratioun to all your subjectis, that the fear of God, joyned with the luif of
the commoun tranquillitie, have principall seat and dominioun in your Grace
hearte. This farther, Madam, of conscience we speik, that as your Grace in
Goddis name does crave of us obedience, (whilk to render in all thingis lauchfull
we ar most willing,) so in the same name do we, the hoill Professouris of
Christis Evangell within this your Grace Realme, crave of you and of your
Counsall scharpe punishement of this cryme; and for performance thairof, that
without all delay the principall actouris of this most haynous cryme, and the
persewaris of this pretended vilanye, may be called befoir the Cheaf Justice of
this Realme, to suffer an assise, and to be punished according to the lawes of the
same: And your Grace's answer maist humilie we beseik.

THE MASK OF ORLEANCE.

This Supplicatioun was presented by diverse gentilmen. The flatteraris of the

Courte at the first stormed, and asked, "Who durst avow it?" To whom the
Maister, now Lord Lyndesay answered, "A thousand gentilmen within
Edinburgh." Otheris were eschamed to appone thame selfis thairto in publict; but
thei suborned the Quene to geve a gentill answer unto such tyme as the
Conventioun was dissolved. And so sche did; for sche lacks no craft, boyth to
cloik and to manteane impietie (and hurdome in especiall.) Sche alledged, "That
hir Uncle was a strangear, and he had a young cumpany; but sche should putt
suche ordour unto him, and unto all otheris, that heareafter thei should have no
occasioun to compleane." And so deluded sche the just petitioun of hir subjectis;
and no wounder, for how shall sche punische in otheris that vice, which in
France is free without punishement, and which Kingis and Cardinallis use most
commonlie, as the mask and dansing of Orleance can witness, whairin virgenis
and menis wyeffis war maid as commoun to King Harie and Charles, the
Cardinallis, unto thair Courte and pages, as commoun harlottis of the bordell ar
unto thair compainzeonis. The maner was thus:
At the entrie of King Harie of France, in the towne of Orleance, the matrones,
virgenis, and menis wyiffis, war commanded to present thame selfis in the
Kingis palice at nycht, to daunse: and thei obeyed; for commounlie the Frenche
natioun is not hard to be entreated to vanitie. After fidling and flyngyng, and
when the Cardinall of Lorane[747] had espyed his pray, he said to the King, "Sire,
la primiere est vostre, et faut que je suis[748] le second." That is to say, "Sire, the
first choise is youris, and I man be the secound." And so the King gat the
preeminence, that he had his first electioun. Bot becaus Cardinallis ar
companeonis to Kingis, the Cardinall of Lorane had the nixt: And thairafter the
torches war putt out, and everie man commanded to provid for him self the best
he myght. What cry was thair of husbandis for thair wyeffis; of wyiffis, for thair
husbandis; of auncient matronis, for thair dochteris; and of virgenis for thair
freindis; or for some honest man to defend thair pudicitie, Orleance will
remember mo kingis dayis then one.

OURE QUENIS EDUCATION.

This horrible vilanay, a fruet of the Cardinall of Lorane's religioun, we shortlie

tueche, to lett all the world understand, what subjectis may looke of suche
magistratis; for such pastyme to thame is but joyousitie, whairin our Queyn was
brocht up.[749] We call hir nott a hoore, (albeit hir deame heard more then we
will wrytt,) but sche was brought up in the company of the wyldast
hooremongaris, (yea, of such as no more regarded incest, then honest men regard
the company of thair lauchfull wyeffis;) in the company of such men, (we say,)
was our Queyn brought up. What sche was and is, her self best knowis, and God,
(we doubt nott,) will farther declair.

[G]OD HES NOW [D]ONE IT, 1567.[750]

THE HAMMYLTONIS AGAINST BOTHWELL AND THE MARQUESS.

But punishement of that enormitie and fearfull attemptat we could gett none: but
more and more thei presumed to do violence, and frequented nyghtlie masking.
Some, as Roboyn Craige's house, becaus his dowghter was fair, delyted thairin:
otheris lamented, and began to bear the mater verray heavelie. At lenth the Lord
Duck his freindis assembled upoun a nycht upoun the calsey.[751] The Abbott of
Kylwyning,[752] (who then was joyned to the Churche, and so, as we understand,
yitt abydeth,) was the principall man at the begyning. To him repaired many
faythfull; and amangis otheris cam Andro Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather
borne to maik peace, then to brag upoun the calsey, and demanded the querrall;
and being informed of the formar enormitie said, "Nay, sick impietie shall nott
be sufferred so long as God shall assist us. The victorye that God in his mercy
hath gevin us, we will by his grace manteane." And so he commanded his sone,
Andro Stewart, then Maister,[753] and his servandis to putt thame selfis in ordour,
and to bring furth thair spearis and long weaponis; and so did otheris. The word
cam to the Erle Bothwell and his, that the Hammyltonis war upoun the gaitt.[754]
Vowes war maid, "That the Hammyltonis should be doung, not onlie out of the
towne, but also out of the countrey." Lord Johne of Coldinghame[755] had
maryed the said Erle Bothwellis sister, (a sufficient woman for such a man;)—
allia drew the Lord Roberte;[756] and so they joyned boyth with the said Erle
Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquess Le Beuf, (D'Elbuf[757] thei call
him,) is most to be commended; for in his chalmer, within the Abbay, he starte to
ane halbart, and ten men war skarse able to hald him; but as hap was, the inner
yett of the Abbay keapt him that nycht; and the danger was betwix the Croce and
the Salt Trone;[758] and so he was a large quarter of myle from the schote and
sklenting of boltis. The Maister of Maxwell, gave declaratioun[759] to the Erle
Bothwell, "That yf he steired furth of his lodgeing, he, and all that wold assist
him, should resist him in the face;" whose wordis did somwhat beat doon that
blast. The Erles of Huntley and Morray, being in the Abbay whair the Marques
was, cam with thair cumpanyes, send fra the Quene to stay that tumult, as that
thei did; for Bothwell and his war commanded, under pane of treassone, to keap
thair lodgeingis.[760]
It was whispered of many, that the Erle of Murray's displeasur was as much
sought as any haitterant that the Hammyltonis bayr against the Erle Bothwell, or
yitt he aganist thame. And in verray deed, eather had the Duck verray fals
servandis, or ellis by Huntley and the Hammyltonis, the Erle of Murray his death
was ofter conspyred than ones: the suspitioun whairof burst furth so far, that
upoun a day the said Erle, being upoun horse to have come to the sermon, was
charged by one of the Duckis awin servandis to returne and abyd with the
Queyn. The bruyt thairof spred over all. What ground it had we cane nott say;
but schorte thairafter the Duck and some of the Lordis convened at Glasgow;
thair conclusioun was nott knowen. The Erle of Arrane came to Edinburgh,
whair the Erle Bothwell lay. The Quene and the Court war departed to Fyff, and
remaned sometimes in Sanctandrois and sometimes in Falkland.[761]

THE ERLE BOTHWELL HIS COMMONYNG WYTH JOHNE KNOX.

The Erle Bothwell, by the meanes of James Barroun,[762] burges, and then
merchant of Edinburgh, desyred to speak with Johne Knox secreatlie; which the
said Johne glaidlie granted, and spack him upoun a nycht, first in the said
James's lodgeing, and thairafter in his awin study. The summe of all thair
communication and conference was:—The said Earle lamented his formare
inordinate lyef, and especiallie that he was provocked by the entysmentis of the
Quene Regent to do that which he sore reapented, alsweall against the Laird of
Ormestoun,[763] whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his defalt: But his cheaf
dolour was, that he had misbehaved him self against the Erle of Arrane, whose
favouris he was most willing to redeame, yf possible it war that sa he mycht; and
desyred the said Johne to geve him his best counsall, "For (said he) yf I mycht
have my Lord of Arrane's favouris, I wald await upoun the Court with a page
and few servandis, to spair my expensis, whare now I am compelled to keap, for
my awin saifty, a number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter
destructioun of my living that is left."
To the which the said Johne ansuered, "My Lord, wold to God that in me war
counsall or judgement that mycht conforte and releave you. For albeit that to this
hour it hath nott chaunsed me to speik with your Lordship face to face, yit have I
borne a good mynd to your house; and have bene sorry at my heart of the trubles
that I have heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my[764] grandfather,
goodsher, and father, have served your Lordshipis predecessoris, and some of
thame have died under thair standartis; and this is a part of the obligatioun of our
Scotishe kyndnes: but this is not the cheaf. But as God hes maid me his publict
messinger of glaid tydings, so is my will earnest that all men may embrase it,
which perfytlie thei can not, so long as that thair remaneth in thame rancour,
malice, or envy. I am verray sorry that ye have gevin occasioun unto men to be
offended with you; but I am more sory that ye have offended the Majestie of
God, who by such meanes oft punishes the other sinnes of man. And thairfoir my
counsall is, that ye begyn at God, with whom yf ye will enter in perfyte
reconciliatioun, I doubt not but he shall bow the heartis of men to forget all
offenses. And as for me, yf ye will continue in godlynes, your Lordship shall
command me als boldlie as any that serves your Lordship."

The said Lord desyred him that he wold tempt[765] the Erle of Arrane's mynd, yf
he wold be content to accept him in his favouris, which he promessed to do; and
so earnestlie travaled in that mater, that it was ones brought to such an end as all
the faythfull praysed God for that aggrement. The greatest stay stood upoun the
satisfactioun of the Laird of Ormestoun, who, besyde his formare hurte, as is
before declared, was evin in that same tyme of the commonyng, persewed be the
said Lord[766] Bothwell, his sone Maister Alexander Cockburne[767] tacken by
him, and caryed with him to Borthwick; but gentillye yneuch send back agane.

RECONCILIATIOUN BETWIX THE ERLE OF ARRANE AND ERLE BOTHWELL, ETC.

That new truble so greatlie displeased Johne Knox, that he almost geve ower
farther travalling for amytie. But yit, upoun the excuse of the said Erle, and
upoun the declaratioun of his mynd, he re-entered in laubouris, and so brought it
to pass, that the Laird of Ormestoun referred his satisfactioun in all thingis to the
judgments of the Erles of Arrane and Murray, whom to the said Erle Bothwell
submitted him self in that head, and thairupoun delyvered his hand wryt. And so
was convoyed by certane of his friends to the loodgeing of the Kirk-of-Feild,
whair the Erle of Arrane was with his friendis, and the said Johne Knox with
him,[768] to bear witnesse and testificatioun of the end of the aggrement. As the
said Erle Bothwell entered at the chalmer dore, and wold have done those
honouris that freyndis had appointed, (Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[769] and the
Laird of Rikchartoun,[770] war the cheaf freindis that communed,) the said Erle
of Arrane gentillye passed unto him, embrased him, and said, "Yf the hearttis be
uprycht, few ceremonyes may serve and content me."
The said Johne Knox, in audience of thame boyth, and of thair freindis, said,
"Now, my Lordis, God hath brought you to gitther be the laubouris of semple
men, in respect of such as wold have travailled thairin. I know my laubouris ar
alreaddy tacken in ane evill parte; but becaus I have the testimonye of a good
conscience befoir my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his
fear, for the proffeit of you boith, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillitie of
this Realme: seing (I say) that[771] my conscience beareth witnesse to me, what I
have sought and continewallie seak, I the more patientlie bear the mysreporttis
and wrangouse judgementis of men. And now I leave you in peace, and desyres
you that ar the freindis to study that amitie may increase, all formar offenses
being forgett." The freindis on eather partie embrased other, and the two Erles
departed to ane wyndo, and talked by thame selfis familiarlie a reasonable space.
And thairafter the Erle Boithwell departed for that nycht: and upoun the nixt day
in the mornyng returned, with some of his honest freinds, and came to the
sermoun with the Erle foirsaid; whairat many rejoised. But God had ane other
work to wyrk then the eyes of men could espy.
The Thurisday nixt[772] they dyned togetther; and thairafter the said Erle
Boithwell and Maister Gawane Hammyltoun raid to my Lord Duckis Grace, who
then was in Kynneill. What communicatioun was betwix thame, it is not
certanelie knowne, but by the reporte which the said Erle of Arrane maid to the
Quenys Grace, and unto the Erle of Murray, by his wryttingis. For upoun Fryday,
the ferd day after thair reconciliatioun, the sermon being ended, the said Erle of
Arrane cam to the house of the said Johne Knox, and brought with him Maister
Richart Strang[773] and Alexander Guthre,[774] to whom he opened the greaf of
his mynd befoir that Johne Knox was called; for he was occupyed, (as
commounlie he useth to be after his sermonis,) in directing of writtingis. Whiche
ended, the said Erle called the thre togetther, and said, "I am treasonablie
betrayed;" and with these wordis began to weape. Johne Knox demanded, "My
Lord, who hes betrayed yow?" "Ane Judas, or other (said he); but I know it is
but my lyef that is sought: I regard it not." The other said, "My Lord, I
understand not such dark maner of speaking: yf I shall geve you any ansuer, ye
maun speik moir plane." "Weill, (said he,) I tack you three to witnesse that I
oppen this unto you, and I will wryt it unto the Quene: Ane act of treassone is
laid to my charge; the Erle Bothwell hes schawin to me in counsall, that he shall
tack the Quene, and put hir in my handis in the Castell of Dumbertane; and that
he shall slay the Erle of Murray, Lethingtoun, and otheris that now mysgyde hir:
and so shall I and he reull all. But I know that this is devised to accuse me of
treassone; for I know that he will inform the Quene of it: But I tack you to
witnes, that I oppen it hear unto you; and I will pas incontinent, and wryte to the
Quenis Majestie, and unto my brother the Erle of Murray."
Johne Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that treassone?"
He ansuered, "Nay." "Then, (said he,) in my judgement, his wordis, albeit thei
war spoken, can never be treassone unto you; for the performance of the fact
dependis upoun your will, whairto ye say ye have disassented; and so shall that
purpose evanise and dye by the self, onless that ye waiken it; for it is not to be
supposed that he will accuse you of that which he him self [hes] devised, and
whairto ye wold not consent." "O, (said he,) ye understand not what craft is used
against me: It is treassone to conceall treassone." "My Lord, (said he,) treasson
maun importe consent and determinatioun, quhilk[775] I hear upoun neather of
your partis. And thairfoir, my Lord, in my judgement it shalbe more suyre and
moir honorable to you to depend upoun your [awin] innocencye, and to abyde
the injust accusatioun of ane other, (yf any follow thairof, as I think thair shall
not,) then ye to accuise, (especiallie after so lait reconciliatioun,) and have none
other witnesses but your awin affirmatioun." "I know, (said he,) that he will offer
the combatt unto me; but that wold not be suffered in France; but I will do that
which I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his loodgeing
the saidis Alexander Guthery and Mr. Richart Strang; from whense was dyted
and written a letter to the Quenis Majestie, according to the formar purpose,
which letter was direct with all diligence to the Quenis Majestie, who then was
in Falkland.
The Erle him self raid after to Kynneill, to his father, the Duckis Grace.[776] How
he was entreated, we have but the commoun bruyte; but from thense he wrait ane
other letter with his awin hand, in sypher, to the Erle of Murray, compleanyng
upoun his rigorous handelling and entreatment by his awin father, and by his
freindis; and affirmed farther, that he feared his lyef, in case that he gat not
suddane reskew. But thairupoun he remaned not, but brack the chalmer whairin
he was put, and with great pain past to Striveling, and from thense he was
convoyed to the Hallyardis,[777] whair he was keapt till that the Erie of Murray
cam unto him, and convoyed him to the Quene, then beand in Falkland, who
then was sufficientlie instructed of the hoill mater; and upoun suspitioun
conceaved, had caused apprehend Maister Gawan Hammyltoun and the Erle
Bothwell foirsaid; who knowing nothing of the formar advertismentis, cam to
Falkland,[778] which augmented the formar suspitioun.
But yit the letteris of Johne Knox maid all thingis to be used more
circumspectlie; for he[779] did planelie foirwarne the Erle of Murray, that he
espyed the Erle of Arrane to be stricken with phrenesy, and thairfoir willed not
oure great credytt to be gevin unto his wordis and inventionis. And as he
advertised, so it cam to pass; for within few dayis his seaknes increased; he
devised of wonderouse signes that he saw in the heavin; he alledged that he was
bewitched; he wold have bene in the Quenis bed, and affirmed that he was hir
husband; and fynallie, he behaved him self in all thingis so foolishelie, that his
phrenesy could not be hyd. And yit war the saidis Erle Bothwell and Abbott[780]
of Kylwynning keapt in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and conventit[781] befoir the
Counsall, with the said Earl of Arrane, who ever stoode ferme, that the Erle
Boithwell proponed to him suche thingis as he advertissed the Quenis Grace of;
but styflie denyed that his Father, the said Abbote, or freindis, knew any thing
thairof, eathir yit that thei intended any violence against him; but alledged, that
he was enchanted so to think and wryte. Whairat the Quene, heghlie offended,
committed him to preasone, with the other two, first in the Castell of
Sanctandrois, and thairafter caused thame to be convoyed to the Castell of
Edinburgh. James Stewarte of Cardonall,[782] called Capitane James, was evill
bruited [of], for the rigorous entreatment that he schew to the said Erle in his
seaknes, being appointed keeper unto him.
To consult upoun these accusationis, the hoill Counsalle was assembled at
Sanctandrois, the 18 day of Aprile, in the year of God Jm Vc, and threscoir twa
yearis;[783] in which it was concluded, that, in consideratioun of the formar
suspitioun, the Duck his Grace should render to the Quene the Castell of
Dumbartane,[784] the custodie whairof was granted unto him by appointment, till
that lauchfull successioun should be sein of the Quenis body: But will prevailled
against reassone and promisses, and so was the said Castell delivered to
Capitane Anstrudour, as having power fra the Quene and Counsall to receave it.
[785]

PSAL. 2.

Thingis ordoured in Fyfe, the Quene returned to Edinburgh,[786] and then began
dansing to grow hote; for hir freindis began to triumph in France. The certantie
heirof came to the earis of Johne Knox, for thair war some that schew to him,
from tyme to tyme, the estait of thingis; and amangis otheris, he was assured,
that the Queyne had daunced excessivelie till after mydnycht, becaus that sche
had receaved letteris that persecutioun was begun agane in France, and that hir
Uncles war begyning to steir thair taill,[787] and to truble the hoill Realme of
France. Upoun occasioun of this text, "And now understand, O ye kingis, and be
learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to taxt the ignorance, the vanitie, and
the dyspyte of princes against all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent
of vice and love of vertew appeired.[788]

THE SECOUND COMMONYNG OF JOHNE KNOX WITH THE QUENE

The reporte heirof maid unto the Quene, the said Johne Knox was send for. Mr.
Alexander Cockburne,[789] who befoir had bone his scolare, and then was very
familiare with him, was the messinger, who geve him some knowledge both of
the report and of the reportairis. The Quene was in hir bed-chalmer, and with hir,
besydis the Ladyes and the commoun servandis, war the Lord James, the Erle of
Mortoun, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and some of the garde that had maid the
report. He was called and accused, as are that had irreverentlie spoken of the
Quene, and that travailled to bring hir in haitterent and contempt of the people,
and that he had exceaded the boundis of his text: And upoun these three headis,
maid the Quene hir self a long harangue or orisoun;[790] whairto the said Johne
ansuered as followis:—
"Madame, this is often tymes the just recompense which God geveth to the
stubburne of the world, that becaus thei will nott hear God speaking to the
conforte of the penitent, and for amendment of the wicked, thai are oft
compelled to hear the fals report of otheris to thair greatter displeasur. I doubt
not but that it cam to the earis of proud Herode, that our Maister Christ Jesus
called him a fox; but thai told him not how odiouse a thing it was befoir God to
murther ane innocent, as he had laitlie done befoir, causing to behead Johne the
Baptiste, to reward the dansing of a harlottis doughtter. Madam, yf the reportaris
of my wordis had bene honest men, thai wold have reaported my wordis, and the
circumstances of the same. But becaus thai wold have credyte in Courte, and
lacking vertew worthy thairof, thai mon haif somewhat to pleise your Majestie,
yf it war but flatterye and lyes. But such pleasour (yf any your Grace tack in
suche personis) will turn to your everlasting displeasour. For, Madam, yf your
awin earis had heard the hoill mater that I entreated; yf thair be into you any
sparckle of the Spreit of God, yea, of honestie or wisdome, ye could not justlie
have bene offended with any thing that I spack. And becaus that ye have heard
thair report, please your Grace to hear my self reherse the same, so neyr as
memory will serve." (It was evin upoun the nixt day after that the sermon was
maid.) "My text, (said he,) Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be
learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, (said he,) that I had declaired the
dignitie of kingis and reullaris, the honour whairinto God lies placed thame, the
obedience that is dew unto thame, being Goddis lievtennentis, I demanded this
questioun,—But, O allace! what compte shall the most part of princes maik
befoir that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authoritie so manifestlie and
schamefullie thai abuse? That the complaynt of Salomon is this day most trew, to
wit, 'That violence and oppressioun do occupy the throne of God here in this
earth:' for whill that murtheraris, blood-thrystie men, oppressouris, and
malefactouris dar be bold to present thame selfis befoir kingis and princes, and
the poor sanctis of God are banisshed and exyled, what shall we say, But that the
devill hath tacken possessioun in the throne of God, which aught to be fearfull to
all wicked doiris, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it
otherwyse be? For princes will not understand; thai will nott be learned as God
commandis thame. But Goddis law thei dispyse, His statutis and holy ordinances
thei will not understand; for in fidling and flynging thei ar more exercised then
in reading or hearing of Goddis most blessed word; and fidlaris and flatteraris
(which commonlie corrupt the youth) are more pretious in thair eyes then men of
wisdome and gravitie, who by holsome admonitioun mycht beat doun into thame
some part of that vanitie and pryde whairintill all are borne, but in princes tack
[deepe] roote and strenth by wicked educatioun. And of dansing, Madam, I said,
that albeit in Scripturis I fand no praise of it, and in prophane wryttaris, that it is
termed the jesture rather of those that ar mad and in phrenesye then of sober
men; yitt do I not utterlie dampne it, provyding that two vices be avoided: the
formare, That the principall vocatioun of those that use that exercise be not
neglected for the pleasur of dansing; Secoundly, That they daunse not, as the
Philisteanis thair fatheris, for the pleasur that thai tack in the displeasur of
Goddis people. For yf any of boyth thai do, as thai shall receave the reward of
dansaris, and that willbe drynk in hell, onless thai spedilie repent, so shall God
turn thair myrth in suddane sorow: for God will not alwayes afflict his people,
neither yitt will he alwayes wynk at the tyranny of tyrantis. Yf any man, Madam,
(said he,) will say that I spack more, let him presentlie accuse me; for I think I
have nott only tueiched the somme, but the verry wordis as I spack them." Many
that stood by bair witnesse with him, that he had recyted the verray wordis that
publictlie he spack.
The Queyn looked about to some of the reaportaris, and said, "Your wourdis ar
scharpe yneuch as ye have spocken thame; but yitt thei war tald to me in ane
uther maner. I know (said sche) that my Uncles and ye ar nott of ane religioun,
and thairfoir I can nott blame you albeit you have no good opinioun of thame.
But yf ye hear any thing of my self that myslyikis you, come to my self and tell
me, and I shall hear you."
"Madam," quod he, "I am assured that your Uncles ar enemyes to God, and unto
his Sone Jesus Christ; and that for manteanance of thair awin pompe and
worldlie glorie, that thei spair not to spill the bloode of many innocents; and
thairfoir I am assured that thair interpryses shall have no better successe then
otheris haif had that befoir thame have done that thei do now. But as to your
awin personage, Madam, I wold be glade to do all that I could to your Graces
contentment, provided that I exceed nott the boundis of my vocatioun. I am
called, Madam, to ane publict functioun within the Kirk of God, and am
appointed by God to rebuk the synnes and vices of all. I am not appointed to
come to everie man in particular to schaw him his offense; for that laubour war
infinite. Yf your Grace please to frequent the publict sermonis, then doubt I nott
but that ye shall fullie understand boyth what I like and myslike, als weall in
your Majestie as in all otheris. Or yf your Grace will assigne unto me a certane
day and hour when it will please you to hear the forme and substance of doctrin
whiche is proponed in publict to the Churches of this Realme, I will most gladlie
await upoun your Grace's pleasur, tyme, and place. But to waitt[791] upoun your
chalmer-doore, or ellis whair, and then to have no farther libertie but to whisper
my mynd in your Grace's eare, or to tell to you what otheris think and speak of
you, neather will my conscience nor the vocatioun whairto God hath called me
suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's commandiment I am heare now, yitt can not I
tell what other men shall judge of me, that at this tyme of day am absent from
my book and wayting upoun the Courte."
"You will not alwayis," said sche, "be at your book," and so turned hir back. And
the said Johne Knox departed with a reasonable meary countenance; whairat
some Papistis offended said, "He is not effrayed." Which heard of him, he
answered, "Why should the pleasing face of a gentill woman effray me? I have
looked in the faces of many angrie men, and yit have nott bene effrayed above
measure." And so left he the Quene and the Courte for that tyme.

In this meanetyme, the negotiatioun and credytte[792] was great betwix the Quene
of England and our Soverane: letteris, curreouris, and postis ran verray frequent.
[793] Great bruyt thair was of the interview and meating of the two Quenes at
York, and some preparatioun was maid thairfoir in boyth the Realmes. But that
failed upoun the parte of England, and that be occasioun of the trubles moved in
France, (as was alledged,) which caused the Quene and hir Counsall attend
upoun the Sowth partes[794] of England, for avoyding of inconvenientis.
That symmer, thair cam ane Ambassadour from the King of Swaden, requyring
marriage of our Soverane to his Maister the King.[795] His intertenment was
honorable; but his petitioun lyked our Quene nothing; for such a man was too
base for hir estait; for had nott sche beyn great Queyn of France? Fye of
Swaden! What is it? But happy was the man that of suche a one was forsaken.
And yitt sche refuised nott one far inferiour to a vertouse King.[796]

The Erle of Levenax and his wyff[797] war committed to the Towre of London
for trafiquin with Papistis. The young Lard of Barr[798] was a travaler in that
busines, and was apprehended with some letteris, which war the cause of his and
thair truble.
 HAWICK RAIDE.

The Erle of Murray maid a privey raid to Hawick upoun the fayre-day thairof,
and apprehended fyftie theaffis; of which nomber war sevintene drowned;[799]
otheris war executed in Jedburght. The principallis war brought to Edinburgh,
and thair suffered, according to thair merittis, upoun the Burrow Mure.[800] The
Quene was nothing content of the prosperitie and gude successe that God gave to
the Erle of Murray in all his interprysses, for sche hated his uprycht dealling, and
the image of God which evidently did appear into him; but at that tyme sche
could not weall have beyn served without him.

SCHARPE LEFT PREACHING AND TOOK HIM TO THE LAWES.

ANNO 1566 IN MAIJ.

The Assemblye of the Kyrk at Mydsymmer, the [29th] of Junij,[801] anno 1562,
approached, in the which war many notable headis entreated concernying good
ordour to be keapt in the Churche; for the Papistis and the idolatrie of the Queyn
began to truble the formar good ordouris. Some ministeris, suche as Maister
Johne Scharpe,[802] had left thair charges, and entered into other vocationis more
profitable for the belly; against whom war actis maid, althought to this day thei
have nott bene putt in executioun.
The tennour of the Supplicatioun redd in oppen audience, and approved by the
hoill Assemblye to be presented to the Quenis Majestie, was this:—

TO THE QUENIS MAJESTIE, AND HIR MOST HONORABLE PRIVEY COUNSALL, THE
SUPERINTENDENTIS AND MINISTERIS OF THE EVANGELL OF JESUS CHRIST
WITHIN THIS REALME, TOGETHER WITH THE COMMISSIONARIS OF THE HOILL
CHURCHES,[803] DESYRE GRACE AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OUR
LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE SPREIT OF RYCHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

HAVING in mynd that fearfull sentence, pronunced by the Eternall God against the
watchemen that see the sweard of Goddis punishement approche, and do not in
plane wordis foirwarne the people, yea, the Princes and Reularis, that thei may
repent, we can not but signify unto your Hienes, and unto your Counsall, that the
estait of this Realme is sic for this present, that onless redress and remeady be
schortlie provided, that Goddis hand can not long spayr in his anger, to stryck the
head and the taill; the inobedient Prince and synfull people: For as God is
unchangeable and trew, so must he punische in these our dayis, the grevouse
synnes that befoir we read he hes punished in all aiges, after that he hes long
called for reapentance, and none is schawin.

THIS[804] CAUSES THE QUENIS RELIGIOUN TO HAVE MANY FAVOURARIS.

And that your Grace and Counsall may understand what be the thingis we desyre
to be reformed, we will begyn at that quhilk we assuredlie know to be the
fontane and spring of all other evillis that now abound in this Realme, to wit,
That idoll and bastard service of God, the Messe; the fontane, we call it, of all
impietie, not only becaus that many tack boldnes to syn be reassone of the
opinioun which thei have conceaved of that idoll, to wit, That by the vertew of it,
thei get remissioun of thair synnes; but also becaus that under the cullour of the
Messe, are hoores, adulteraris, drunkardis, blasphemaris of God, of His holy
Word and Sacramentis, and such other manifest malcfactouris, manteaned and
defended: for lett any Messesayare, or earnest manteanar thairof be deprehended
in any of the foirnamed crymes, no executioun can be had, for all is done in
haiterent of his religioun; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedlie,
clocked and defended by that odious idoll. But supposing that the Messe war
occasioun of no such evillis, yit in the self it is so odiouse in Goddis presence,
that we can not cease with all instance to desyre the removing of the same,
alsweall frome your self as from all otheris within this Realme, tacking heavin
and earth, yea, and your awin conscience to record, that the obstinat
manteanance of that idoll shall in the end be to you destructioun of saule and
body.
Yf your Majestie demand, why that now we ar more earnest then we have bein
heirtofoir; We ansuer, (our formar silence no wiese excused,) becaus we fynd us
frustrat of our hope and expectatioun; quhilk was, that in processe of tyme, your
Grace's heart should have bein mollifyed, so far as that ye wold have heard the
publict doctrin taught within this Realme; by the quhilk, our farther hope was,
that Goddis Holy Spreit should so have moved your hearte, that ye should have
suffered your religioun (quhilk befoir God is nothing but abominatioun and
vanitie) to have been tryed by the trew tueich-stone, the writtin word of God;
and that your Grace fynding it to have no ground nor fundatioun in the same,
should have gevin that glorie unto God, that ye wold have preferred his treuth
unto your awin preconceaved vane opinioun, of what antiquitie that ever it hes
bene. Whairof we in a parte now discoraged[805] cane no longer keape silence,
onless we wold mack our selfis criminall befoir God of your blood, perisheing in
your awin iniquitie; for we plainlie admonishe you of the dangearis to come.

GRUDGEING OF THE NOBILITIE ONE AGAINST OTHER

The Secound that we requyre, is punishement of horrible vices, sic as ar adultery,

fornicatioun, open hurdome, blasphemye, contempt of God, of his Word, and
Sacramentis; quhilkis in this Realme, for lack of punishement, do evin now so
abound, that syne is reputed to be no syne. And thairfoir, as that we see the
present signes of Goddis wrath now manifestlie appear, so do we foirwarne, that
he will stryck, or it be long, yf his law without punishement be permitted thus
manifestlie to be contempned. Yf any object, that punishementis can nott be
commanded to be executed without a Parliament; We answer that the eternall
God in his Parliament has pronounced death to be the punishement for adulterye
and for blasphemye; whose actis yf ye putt not to executioun, (seing that Kingis
ar but his lieutennentis, having no power to geve lyefe, whair he commandis
death,) as that he will reputt you, and all otheris that foster vice, patronis of
impietie, so will he nott faill to punishe you for neglecting of his judgementis.
Our Third requeast concerneth the Poore, who be of thre sortis: the poore
lauboraris of the ground; the poore desolat beggaris, orphelyns, wedoes, and
strangaris; and the poore ministeris of Christ Jesus his holie evangell, quhilk ar
all so crewallie entreated by this last pretended Ordour tacken for sustentatioun
of Ministeris, that thair latter miserie far surmonteth the formar. For now the
poore lauboraris of the ground ar so oppressed by the creualtie of those that pay
thair Thrid, that they for the most parte advance upoun the poore, whatsoever
they pay to the Quene, or to any other. As for the verray indigent and poore, to
whome God commandis a sustentatioun to be provided of the Teyndis, they ar so
dyspised, that it is a wonder that the sone geveth heat and lycht to the earth,
whair Godis name is so frequentlie called upoun, and no mercy (according to his
commandiment) schawin to his creaturis. And also for the Ministeris, thair
lyvingis ar so appointed, that the most parte shall lyve but a beggaris lyef. And
all cumeth of that impietie, that the idill bellies of Christis ennemyes mon be
fedd in thair formare delicacie.
We dar nott conceall frome your Grace and Honouris our conscience, quhilk is
this, That neather by the law of God, neather yitt by any just law of man, is any
thing dew unto thame, who now most creuellie do exact of the poore and riche
the Two partes of thair Benefices, as they call thame: And thairfoir we most
humblie requyre, that some other Ordour may be tacken with thame, nor that thei
be sett up agane to impyre above the people of God, eathir yitt above any subject
within this Realme. For we fear that sic usurpatioun to thair formar estaite be
neather in the end pleasing to thame selfis, nor profitable to thame that wold
place thame in that tyrannye. Yf any think that a competent lyving is to be
assigned to thame, we repugne not, provided that the Lauboraris of the ground
be nott oppressed, the Poore be nott utterlie neglected, and the Ministeris of the
word so scharplie entreated as now thay ar. And, finallie, that those idill bellies,
who by law can crave nothing, shall confesse that thei receave thair
sustentatioun, nott of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble requeast is
thairfoir, that some suddane ordour may be tacken, that the poore Lauboraris
may fynd some releaf, and that in everie parochine some portioun of the Teyndis
may be assigned to the sustentatioun of the Poore within the same; and lykwise
that some publict releaf may be provided for the Poore within Broughtis; that
collectouris may be appointed to gatther, and that scharpe comptis may be
tacken, alsweall of thair receat as of thair deliverance. The farther consideratioun
to be had to our Ministeris, we in some parte remitt to your Wisdomes, and unto
thair particular complayntis.
Oure Fourt petitioun is for the mansses, yardis, and gleibes, justlie apperteanyng
to the Ministeris, without the quhilkis it is unpossible unto thame quyetly to
serve thair chargeis; and thairfoir we desyre ordour to be tacken thairinto without
delay.
Oure Fyft concerneth the inobedience of certane wicked personis, who not onlie
truble, and have trubled Ministeris in thair functioun, but also disobey the
Superintendentis in thair visitatioun; whairof we humblye crave remeady; which
we do not so much for any fear that we and our Ministeris have of the Papistis,
but for the love that we bear to the commoun tranquillitie. For this we can not
hyd from your Majestie and Counsall, that yf the Papistis think to triumphe
whair thai may, and to do what thai list, whair thair is not a partie able to resist
thame, that some will think, that the godlie mon begyn whair thai left, who
heirtofoir have borne all thingis patientlie, in hope that Lawes should have
brydilled the wicked; whairof yf thai be frustrat, (albeit that nothing be more
odiouse to thame then tumultis and domesticall discord,) yit will men attempt the
uttermost, befoir that in thair awin eyes thai behold that House of God
demolisshed, quhilk with travaill and danger God hath within this Realme
erected by thame.
Last, We desyre that sick as have receaved remissioun of thair Thriddis be
compelled to susteane the Ministerie within thair boundis, or ellis we foirwarne
your Grace and Counsall, that we fear that the people shall reteane the hoill in
thair handis, unto sic tyme as thair ministery be sufficientlie provided. We farther
desyre the kirkis to be repared according to ane Act set furth by the Lordis of
Secreat Counsall, befoir your Majesties arryvall in this countrey: That Judges be
appointed to hear the causes of divorsement; for the Kirk can no longare sustean
that burthen, especiallye becaus thair is no punishement for the offendars: That
sayeris and heararis of Messe, prophanaris of the Sacramentis, such as have
entered in [to] benefices by the Papis bulles, and such otheris transgressouris of
the Law maid at your Grace's arryvall within this Realme, may be seveirlie
punished; for ellis men will think that thair is no treuth ment in macking of sick
Lawis.
Farther, We most humblye desyre of your Grace and Honorable Counsall, a
resolut ansuer to everie ane of the headis foirwritten, that the same being
knawin, we may somewhat satisfie such as be grevouslie offended at manifest
iniquitie now manteaned, at oppressioun under pretext of Law done against the
poor, and at the rebelliouse disobedience of many wicked personis against Godis
word and holy ordinance.
God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so reull your heartis, and direct your
Grace and Counsallis judgementis by the dyttament and illuminatioun of his
Holy Spreit, that ye may ansuer so as that your consciences may be absolved in
the presence of that rychteous Judge, the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt nott but
ye your selfis shall fynd felicitie, and this poor Realme, that long hes bene
oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillitie and rest, with the treu
knowledge of God.

ESAI.

ANSUERE TO LETHINGTON.

These thingis redd in publict Assernblie,[806] as said is, war approved of all, (and
some wissed that moir scharpness had bene used, becaus that the tyme so
craved,) but the monzeoris of the Court, and Secreatarie Lethingtoun abuf
otheris, could not abyd such hard speiking; "For who ever saw it writtin (said he)
to a Prince, That God wold stryck the head and the taill: That yf Papistis did
what thei list, men wold begyn whair thei left." But abuf all otheris that was
most offensyve, that the Quene was accused, as that sche wold raise up Papists
and Papistrie agane. To put that in the people's head was no less then treassone;
for oathes durst be maid[807] that sche never ment such thing. To whom it was
ansured, "That the Prophete Esaias used such manor of speiking; and it was no
doubt but he was weill acquented in the Court; for it was supposed he was of the
Kingis stock. But howsoever it was, his wordis mack manifest, that he spack to
the Court and Courteouris, to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and Preastis: And yit,
(sayes he,) "The Lord shall cut away the head and the taill," &c. "And so," said
the first wryttar, "I fynd that such phrase was ones used befoir us. And yf this
offend you, that we say, 'Men maun begyn whair thei left,' in case that Papistis
do as thei do; we wold desyre you to teache us, not so much how we shall speak,
but rather what we shall do, when our Ministeris ar strycken, our
Superintendentis disobeyed, and a plane rebellioun decread against all good
ordour." "Complean," said Lethingtoun. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the
Quenis Majestie," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quod the whole. "Till that
ye get remeady," said the Justice Cleark: "geve me thair names, and I shall geve
you letteris." "Yf the shepe," said one, "shall compleane to the wolf, that the
wolves and whelpis hes devoured thair lambis, the compleanar may stand in
danger; but the offendar, we feare, shall have libertie to hunt after his prey." "Sic
comparisonis," said Lethingtoun, "are verray unsaverie; for I am assured, that the
Quene will neather erect, nor yit manteane Papistrie." "Let your assurance," said
ane other, "serve your self, but it can not assure us, for hir manifest proceadings
speakis the contrair."
After sick tanting reassonyng of boyth the sydis, the multitude concluded, that
the Supplicatioun, as it was conceaved, should be presented, onless that the
Secreatarie wold forme one more aggreable to the present necessitie. He promest
to keap the substance of ouris, but he wold use other termes, and ask thingis in a
mair gentill maner. The first writtar ansured, "That he served the Kirk at thair
commandiment, and was content, that in his dictament should men use the
libertie that best pleased thame, provided that he was not compelled to subscryve
to the flatterie of such as more regarded the personis of men and wemen, then
the simple treuth of God." And so was this formar Supplicatioun gevin to be
reformed as Lethingtounis wisdome thought best. And in verray deid he framed
it so, that when it was delivered by the Superintendentis of Lotheane and Fyfe,
and when that sche had redd somewhat of it, sche said, "Here ar many fair
wordis: I can not tell what the heartis ar." And so for our paynted oratorye, we
war termed the nixt name to flatteraris and dissemblaris. But for that Sessioun
the Kirk receaved none other ansuer.

JOHNE GORDOUN AND OGILBY.

Schort after[808] the conventioun of the Kirk, chansed that unhappy persuyt whilk
Johnne Gordoun, Laird of Fynlater,[809] maid upoun the Lord Ogilby,[810] who
was evill hurt, and almost yit abydis mutilat. The occasioun was, for certane
landis and rights, quhilkis old Fyndlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he
was perseuing, and was in appearance to obteane his purpose. Whairat the said
Johne and his servandis war offended, and thairfoir maid the said persuyt, upoun
a Setterday, at nycht, betwix nyne and ten. The freindis of the said Lord war
eather not with him, or ellis not weall willing to feght that nycht; for thei took
straikis, but geve few that left markis. The said Johne was tane, and put in the
Tolbuyth, whair he remanent certane dayis, and then brack his warde, some
judged, at his fatheris commandiment; for he was macking preparatioun for the
Quenis cuming to the North, as we will after hear.
The interview and meating of the two Quenis, delayed till the nixt year, oure
Soverane took purpose to visyt the North, and departed from Striveling in the
moneth of August. Whitther thair was any secreat pactioun and confederacye
betwix the Papistis in the South, and the Erle of Huntley and his Papistis in the
North; or, to speak more planelie, betwix the Quene hir self and Huntley, we can
not certanlie say.[811] But the suspitionis war wounderous vehement, that thair
was no good will borne to the Erle of Murray, nor yit to such as depended upoun
him at that tyme. The History we shall faythfullie declair, and so leave the
judgement free to the readaris.
That Johne Gordoun brack his ward, we have already heard, who immediately
thairafter reapared to his father George, then Eric of Huntley;[812] and
understanding the Quenis cuming, maid graite provisioun in Strabogye, and in
other partis, as it war to receave the Quene. At Aberdene the Quene and Court
remaned certane dayis to deliberat upoun the affaires of the countrey; whair
some began to smell, that the Erle of Huntley was under gatthering, as heirefter
shalbe declaired.

BOTHWELL BRAKE WARDE.

THE FALS BISHOPE AND HIS TRAFIQUE

Whill thingis war so wyrking in the North, the Erle Bothwell brack his ward, and
cam furth of the Castell of Edinburgh, the 28th of August. Some say that he
brack the stancheour of the wyndo; utheris whispered, that he gat easye passage
by the yettis. One thing is certane, to wit, The Quene was litill offended at his
eschaiping. Thair passed with him a servand of the Capitane's, named James
Porterfield. The said Erle schew him self not verray affrayed, for his commoun
residence was in Lowthean. The Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of
Crosraguell keapt secreat conventioun that same tyme in Paslay, to whom
resorted diverse Papistis; yea, the said Bischope spack the Duck, unto whom also
cam the Lord Gordon from the Erle of Huntley, requyring him "to putt to his
handis in the South, as he should do in the North; and so it should not be Knoxis
crying nor preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bischope, be he never
so close, could not altogether hyd his mynd, but at his awin table said, "The
Quene is gone into the North, belyke to seak disobedience: sche may perchance
fynd the thing that sche seikis." It was constantlie affirmed, that the Erle
Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spack together, but of thair purpoise we
heard no mentioun.

COMMISSIONARIS.

That same year, and at that instant tyme, war appointed Commissionaris by the
Generall Assemblie to Carryk and Cunighame, Maister George Hay, who, the
space of a moneth preached with great fruct in all the churches of Carryk. To
Kyle, and to the partis of Galloway was appointed Johnne Knox, who besyde the
doctrine of the evangell schawen unto the commoun people, foirwarned some of
the Nobilitie and Baronis of the dangearis that he feared, and that war appearing
schortlie to follow; and exhorted thame to put thame selfis in sic ordour as that
thei mycht be able to serve the authoritie, and yit not to suffer the ennemeis of
Goddis treuth to have the upper hand. Whairupoun a great part of the Baronis
and Gentilmen of Kyle and Cunynghame and Carrik, professing the treu doctrine
of the evangell, assembled at Ayre; and after exhortationis maid, and conference
had, subscrivit this Band. The tennour whairof followis:—

WE, whais Names are underwrittin, do promesse, in the presence of God,

and in the presence of his Sone our Lord Jesus Christ, that we, and everie
ane of us, shall and will manteane and assist the preaching of his holy
Evangell, now of his mear mercy, offered unto this Realme; and also will
manteane the ministeris of the same against all personis, power, and
authoritie, that will oppone the self to the doctrin proponed, and by us
receaved. And farther, with the same solempnitie, we protest and promesse,
that everie ane of us shall assist otheris; yea, and the hoill body of the
Protestantis within this Realme, in all lauchfull and just actionis, against all
personis; so that whosoever shall hurt, molest, or truble ony of our body,
shalbe reaputed ennemye to the hoill, except that the offendar wilbe content
to submit him self to the judgement of the Kirk, now establisshed amangis
us. And this we do, as we desyre to be accepted and favored of the Lord
Jesus, and reaccompted worthy of credyte and honestie in the presence of
the godlie. At the Brough of Air, the ferd day of September, the year of God
Jm Vc threscoir twa zeiris.
Subscrivit by all these with thair handis, as followis:— MR. MICHAELL
WALLACE, Provest of Air,[813]
JAMES LOCKART,[814]
WILLIAME MONTGOMERY,
JOHNNE CRAUFURD of Wolstoun,[815]
GLENCARNE,[816]
RO. BOYD,[817]
R. FAILFURD,[818]
MATTHEW CAMPBELL of Lowden, knyght,
ALLANE LORD CAYTHCART,
JOHNNE MURE in Wole,
HEW WALLACE of Carnell,
JAMES CHALMER of Gathgirth,
HEW MONTGOMERY of Hesheilhead,
JOHNNE FULLARTOUN of Dreghorne,
I WILLIAME CUNYGHAME, with my hand,
SKELDOUN,[819]
FARGUSHILL,[820]
MR. OF BOYD,[821]
JOHNNE LOCKART of Barr,
WILLIAME CUNYGHAME of Capringtoun younger,
ROBERT KER of Carsland,
ROBERT CRAWFURD,
DAVID CRAWFURD,
WILLIAME CUNYGHAME,
CHARLES CAMPBELL, Burgess of Air,
JAMES DALRYMPLE of Stayre,
MUNGO MURE,
JAMES REID,
JAMES KENNEDY, Burgess of Air,
GEORGE LOCKART, Burgess thair,
JOHNE CUNYNGHAME of Capringtoun,
CUNYNGHAMHEID,[822]
VCHILTRIE,[823]
GEORGE CRAUFURD of Lefnoreise,
JOHNE MURE of Rowallane,
HEW CUNYGHAME of Watterstoun,
ROBERT CUNYGHAME,
AKYNHARVYE,[824]
MYDDILTOUN,[825]
JOHNE WALLACE of Cragie,
JOHNE BOYD of Narstoun,
ROBERT CAMPBELL of Kingzeanclewcht,
GILBERT ECCLES,
THOMAS CAYTHCARTE, with my hand,
ALLANE CAITHCART of Clawance,[826]
ADAM REYD of Barskymming,
JOHNNE CAITHCART of Gibiszard,[827]
JOHNE REID, with my hand,
JOHNE ...[828]
ROBERT SCHAW, Burgess thair,
JOHNNE DUNBAR of Blantyre,
ROBERT CHALMER of Martnem,[829]
ROBERT HUNTAR of Huntarstoun,
ROBERT RANKIN,
ARCHIBALD BOYLE,
ALEXANDER NYSBETT,
JAMES LOCKART,
WILLIAME STEWART of Halrig,
HECTOUR DUNBAR of Clousting,
JAMES CAMPBELL of Louchley,
ADAM CAITHCART of Bardarocht,
GEORGE RYD of Chapellhouse,
HEW WALLACE of the Meanfurd,
ROBERT CAMPBELL of Cragdow,
 ANDRO NEVEN of Monkredden,
WILLIAME CAITHCART,
DAVID CRAUFURD of the Kerse,
JOHNNE KENNYDYE of Ternganoche,
PATRIK KENNYDIE of Daljarocht,[830]
ALLANE CAITHCART of Carlton,
ROBERT BOYD of Pemont,[831]
WILLIAME CAMPBELL of Horsclewcht,[832]
WILLIAME CAITHCART, brother to the Lord Caithcart,
JOHNNE MACQUHIDAILL,
GEORGE CORRY of Kelwod,
WILLIAME KENNYDIE of Ternganocht,
JOHNNE KENNYDIE of Kirkmichaell,
THOMAS MACKALEXANDER of Corsclais.[833][834]

These thingis done at Ayr, the said Johne passed to Nethisdaill and Galloway,
whair, in conference with the Maister of Maxwell,[835] a man of great judgment
and experience, he communicat with him such thingis as he feared; who by his
motioun wraytt to the Erle Bothwell, to behave himself as it became a faythfull
subject, and to keape good quyetness in the partis committed to his charge, and
so wold his cryme of the breaking of the ward be the more easelie pardoned.
Johne Knox wrait unto the Dukis Grace, and earnestlie exhorted him neather to
geve eare to the Bischope[836] his bastard brother, nor yit to the persuasionis of
the Erle of Huntley; for yf he did, he assured him, that he and his House should
come to a suddane ruyn.
By such meanis war the South partis keapte in reassonable quyetness, during the
tyme that the trubles war in brewing in the North. And yit the Bischope and the
Abbote of Corsraguell,[837] did what in thame lay to have rased some truble; for
besydis the fearfull bruytes that thei sparsed abroad, (sometymes that the Quene
was tacken; sometymes that the Erle of Murray and all his band war slane; and
sometymes that the Quene had gevin her self unto the Erle of Huntley,—besydis
such bruites) the Bischope, to brek the countrey of Kyle, whair quyetness was
greatest, rased the Craufurdis against the Readis for the payment of the
Bischopis Pasche fynes; but that was stayed by the laubouris of indifferent men,
who favored peace.

DISPUTATIOUN.
 CROSRAGUELL OFFFRED HIM ANES TO PREACH.

The Abbot of Crosraguell requyred disputatioun of Johne Knox for mantenance

of the Messe, which was granted unto him, and whiche held in Mayboll thre
dayis. The Abbot had the advantage that he requyred, to wit, He took upoun him
to prove that Melchisedeck offered bread and wyne unto God, which was the
ground that the Messe was builded upoun to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the
travaill of thre dayis thair could no prooff be produced for Melchisedeckis
oblatioun, as in the same disputatioun (which is to be had in print[838]) clearlie
may appear. The Papistis constantlie looked for a wolter, and thairfoir thei wold
maid some bragg of reassonyng. The Abbote farther presented him self to the
pulpit, but the voice of Maister George Hay[839] so effrayed him, that efter ones
he wearyed of that exercise.

After that the Quene was somewhat satisfyed of hunting, and other pastyme,[840]
sche cam to Abirdene, whair the Erle of Huntley met hir and his Lady, with no
small tryne, remaned in Court, was supposed to have the greatest credyte,
departed with the Quene to Buchquhane, met hir again at Rothymay, looking that
sche should have passed with him to Strabogye. But in the jorney certane word
cam to hir that Johne Gordoun had brocken promesse in not re-entering in ward;
for his father the Erie had promessed that he should enter agane within the
Castell of Stryveling, and thair abyd the Quenis pleasur. But whetther with his
fatheris knowledge and consent, or without the same we know not, but he
refused to enter; which so offended the Quene, that she wold not go to
Strabogye, but passed through Straythyla to Innerness, whair the Castell thairof
was denyed unto hir. The Capitane was commanded to keape it, and looked for
releaf, for so had Johne of Gordoun promessed; but being thairof frustrat, the
Castell was randered, and the Capitane named Gordoun was executed; the rest
war damned, and the handis of some bound, but eschaiped.

SO WAS THE DUCK, THE ERLIS ERGYLE, MURRAY, AND GLENCARNE, WITH ALL THAIR
COMPANIES AFTER SERVED.[841]

This was the begynning of farther truble; for the Erie of Huntley thairat
offended, began to assemble his folkis, and spaired not to speak that he wold be
revenged. But alwayes his Wyef bayre faire countenance to the Quene; and it is
verrely supposed, that no other harme then the Quene hir self could easilie have
stand content with, was ment unto hir awin persone. But the hoill malice lay
upoun the Erie of Murray, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and upoun the Lard of
Pittarro. Yitt the Quene begane to be effrayed, and by proclamatioun caused
warne Stryveling, Fyffe, Anguss, Mearness, and Straytherne, charge all
substantiall men to be in Abirdene the fyfth day of October, thair to remane the
space of twenty dayis. In hir returning from Innerness, sche required the Castell
of Fynlater, which was lykewise denyed, and so was Auchendowne, which more
inflammed the Quein. The Erie of Huntley was charged to caus deliver the said
housses, under pane of treasson. To schaw some obedience, he caused the keyis
of boyth to be presented by his servand, Mr. Thomas Keyr. But befoir had the
Quene send young Capitane Stewarte, (sone to Capitane James,[842] who to this
day hes neather bein stout, happye, nor trew,) with sex scoir of soldartis, to ly
about the said place of Fynlater. They lodged in Culane, nott far distant from the
said place. Upoun a nycht Johne Gordoun cam with a cumpany of horsemen,
took the Capitane, slew certane of the soldiouris, and disarmed the rest. This
fact, done (as the Quene alledged) under traist, so inflambed hir, that all hope of
reconciliatioun was past; and so the said Erle of Huntley was charged, under
pane of putting of him to the home, to present him self and the said Johne befoir
the Quene and Counsall within sax dayis: whiche charge he disobeyed, and so
was denunced rebell. Whitther it was law or not, we dispute litill thairintill; but it
was a preparative to otheris that after war served with that same measure. He
was sought at his place of Strathbogye, but eschaped.
 1562.
The evill encreased, for the Erle assembled his folk out of all partes of the North.
He martched forward towardis Abirdene, and upoun the twenty-twa day of
October, the year of God Jm Vc threscoir twa yearis, cam to the Loch of Skein.
His army was judged to sevin or aught hundreth men. The Quenis army, boyth in
nomber and manhead, far surmounted his, and yitt he took no fear; for he was
assured of the most parte of thame that war with the Quene, as the ishew did
witness. Within the toune thei stood in great fear; and thairfoir it was concluded
that thei wold assaile the uttermost upoun the feildis. The Forbesses, Hayes, and
Leslyes, took the vantgard, and promessed to feght the said Erle without any
other helpe. Thei passed furth of the toune before ten houris. Thei putt thame
selfis in array, but thei approached not to the enemye till that the Erle of Murray
and his cumpanye war come to the feildis, and that was efter two at efter none;
for he was appointed with his cumpanye onlye to have beholden the battell. But
all thingis turned otherwyese then the most parte of men supposed.

THE ERLE OF HUNTLEYIS PRAYER.

The Erle of Huntley was the nycht befoir determined to have retyred him self
and his cumpanye; but that mornyng he could not be walkened before it was ten
houres, and when he was up on foote his spreitis failed him, (be reassone of his
corpolencie,) so that rychtlie a longe tyme he could do nothing. Some of his
freindis, fearing the danger, left him. When that he looked upoun boyth the
cumpanyes, he said, "This great cumpany that approcheth neyest to us will do us
no harm, thei ar our freindis. I only fear yonder small cumpayne that stand
upoun the hill-syd, yone ar our enemyes. But we ar anew for thame, yf God be
with us." And when he had thus spoken, he fell upoun his knees, and maid his
prayer in this forme. "O Lord, I have been a bloode thristye man, and by my
meanes hes mekle innocent bloode bein spilt; but wilt thou geve me victory this
day, and I shall serve thee all the dayis of my lyef."—Note and observe, good
Readar, he confessed that be had bein a blood-thristy man, and that he had bein
the cause of the schedding of much innocent bloode: but yitt wold he have had
victorye; and what was that ellis, but to have had power to have schedd more,
and then wold he have satisfied God for all togetther. Wherein is expressed the
nature of hypocrytis, whiche neather farther feareth nor loveth God then present
danger or proffeitt suadeth. But to our Historye.

CORRECHY BURNE, OR FARA BANK.

THE TREASSONABLE FACT OF THE NORTH.

SECRETARIE LETHINGTOUN HIS ORISONE ATT CORRECHIE.

The Leslyes, Hayes, and Forbesses, espying the Erle of Murray and his to be
lyghted upoun thair foote, maid fordwarde against the Erle of Huntley and his,
who stoode in Correchie Burne, (some call it Fara Bank;)[843] but or thei
approched, ney by the space of the schote of ane arrow, they caist frome thame
thair spearis and long weaponis, and fled directlie in the faces of the Erle of
Murray and his company. The danger espyed, the Lard of Pettarro, a man boyth
stout and of a reddy wytt, with the Maister, now Lord Lyndsay, and Tutour of
Pettcur,[844] said, "Let us cast downe spearis to the formest, and lett thame nott
come amanges us, for thair is no doubt but that this flying is by treassone." And
so thei did: so that they that fled keapt thame selfis apart frome the few nomber
that war marching upoun foote in ordour. The Erle of Huntley, seing the vantgard
flie, said unto his company, "Oure freindis ar honest men, they have keapt
promesse: lett us now rencounter the rest." And so he and his, as suyre of
victorye, martched fordwarte.
The Secreatarie, in few wordis, maid a vehement orisoun, and willed everie man
to call upoun his God, to remember his deuitie, and nott to fear the multitude;
and, in the end, concluded thus: "O Lord, thou that reullis the heavin and the
earth, look upoun us thy servandis, whose bloode this day is most unjustlie
sought, and to man's judgement is sold and betrayed: Our refuge is now unto
thee and our hope is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Erle
of Huntley, and the rest of our ennemyes. Yf ever we have injustlie sought his or
thair destructioun and bloode, lett us fall in the edge of the sweard. And, O Lord,
yf thou knowest our innocencye, manteane thou and preserve us for thy great
mercyes saik."

THE RESPONSE OF THE ERLE OF HUNTLEIS WYTTCHES.

12 JUNIJ, 1566.[845]

Schort after the speaking of these and the lyke wordis, the formar rankis joyned,
for Huntleyis cumpany maid great haist. They war repulsed by the Maister of
Lyndsay, and the cumpanyes of Fyffe and Anguss. Some of thame that fledd
returned, and followed the Erle of Murray, but gave na straykis till that Huntleyis
cumpanye geve back. In the front thair war slane about eighteen or twenty-foure
men, and in the fleyeing thair fell ney a hundreth. Thair was tacken a hundreth,
and the rest war spaired. The Erle himself was tacken alyve; his two sons, Johne
foirsaid, and Adam Gordoun, war tacken with him. The Erle, immediatlie after
his tacken, departed this lyiff without any wound, or yitt appearance of any
strock, whairof death might have enseued; and so, becaus it was laitt, he was
cassen over-thorte a pair of crealles, and so was caryed to Abirdene, and was laid
in the Tolbuyth thairof, that the response whiche his wyffis wyttches had gevin
mycht be fulfilled, whay all affirmed (as the most parte say,) that that same nycht
should he be in the Tolbuyth of Abirdene without any wound upoun his body.
When his Lady gatt knowledge thairof, sche blamed hir principale witche, called
Janet; but sche stoutlie defended hir self, (as the devill can ever do,) and
affirmed that she geve a trew answer, albeit she spack nott all the treuth; for she
knew that he should be thair dead:[846] but that could nott proffeit my Lady.[847]
Scho was angrye and sorye for a seassone, but the Devill, the Messe, and
wyttches have als great credyte of hir this day as thei had sevin yearis ago.
The Erle of Murray send message unto the Quene of the mervalouse victorye,
and humblie prayed hir to schaw that obedience to God as publictlie to convene
with thame, to geve thankis unto God for his notable deliverance. Sche glowmed
boyth at the messenger[848] and at the requeast, and skarselie wold geve a good
worde or blyth countenance to any that sche knew earnest favoraris of the Erle of
Murray, whose prosperitie was and yitt is, a verray vennoume to hyr boldened
harte, against him for his godlynes and uprycht plainess. Of many dayes she bair
no better countenance; whairby it myght have bene evidentlie espyed, that sche
rejosed nott greatlie of the successe of that mater; and albeit sche caused execut
Johne Gordoun and diverse otheris, yitt it was the destructioun of otheris that
sche sought.

THE LADY FORBES HIR WOURDIS.

Upoun the morow after the disconfiture, the Lady Forbess, a woman boyth
wyese and fearing God, cam amangis many other to vesytt the corps of the said
Erle; and seing him ly upoun the cold steanes, having onlye upoun him a doublat
of cammoise, a pair of Scottishe gray hoise, and covered with ane arrass-work,
[849] she said, "What stabilitie shall we judge to be into this world: thair lyeth he
that yesterday in the morneyng was holden the wyesest, the richest, and a man of
greatest power that was within Scotland." And in verray dead sche lyed nott; for,
in mannis opinioun, under a prince, thair was not suche a one these thre hundreth
yearis in this Realme produced. Bott felicitie and worldlye wisdome so blynded
him, that in the end he perished in thame, as shall all those that dyspyse God,
and trust in thame selfis.[850]

Johne Gordoun,[851] at his death, confessed many horrible thingis, devised by his
father, by his brother, and by him self. Thair war letteris found in the Erles
pocket, that disclosed the treassone of the Erle of Sutherland, and of diverse
otheris. Mr. Thomas Keir, who befoir was the hole counsallour to the Erle
foirsaid, disclosed whatsoever he understoode myght hurte the Gordones and
thair freyndis: and so the treassone planelie disclosed, whiche was, that the Erle
of Murray with certane otheris should have bene murthered in Strabogye; the
Quene should have bene tane, and keapt at the devotioun of the said Erle of
Huntley.
 1562.
MENIS JUDGEMENTIS OF THE QUENIS MARIAGE.

These thingis (we say) reveilled, the Quene left the North,[852] and cam to
Dondye, Sanct Johnestoun, Stirveling, and then to Edinburgh.[853] The Erle of
Huntleyis body was caryed about in a boat,[854] and laid without buriall in the
Abbay of Halyrudhouse, till the day of his forfaltour, as after shall be declaired.
[855] The Duck apprehended the Lord Gordoun[856] his sone in law, becaus that

the Quene had straitlie commanded him so to do, yf he repaired within his
boundis. Befoir he delivered him, the Erle of Murray laubored at the Quenis
hand for the saiftye of his lyeff, which hardly was granted; and so was he
delivered within the Castell of Edinburgh, the twenty-aught day of November,
whair he remaned till the aught of Februare, when he was put to ane assise,
accused, and convict of treassone; but was restored agane, first to the Castell
foirsaid, and thairafter was transported to Dumbar, whair he remaned preasoner
till the moneth of August, the year of God Jm Vc threscoir fyve yearis, as we will
after hear.
In this meantyme the trubles war hote in France; and the intelligence and
outward familiaritie betwix the two Quenis was great. Lethingtoun was direct
with large commissioun both to the Quene of England and unto the Guisianes.
The mariage of our Queyn was in all mannis mouth. Some[857] wold have
Spaine; some the Emperouris brother; some Lord Robert Dudlye; some Duck de
Nemours; and some unhappilie gessed at the Lord Darnlye. What Lethingtounis
credyte was, we know not; but schorte after thair began much to be talked of the
Erle of Levenox, and of his sone, the Lord Darnlye. It was said that Lethingtoun
spack the Lady Margarete Dowglass,[858] and that Robert Melven[859] receaved
ane horse to the Secreatare's use, fra the Erle of Levenox, or from his wyff.
Howsoever it was, Maister Foullare, servand to the said Erle, cam with letteris to
the Quenis Grace, by the which, licence was permitted to the Erle of Levenox to
cum to Scotland, to travell in his lauchfull busynes. That same day that the
licence was granted, the said Secreatarye said, "This day have I tacken the
deadlie haiterent of all the Hamyltonis within Scotland, and have done unto
thame no less displeasur than that I had cutted thair throttis."
The Erle Bothwell, who befoir had brocken ward, fearing apprehensioun,
prepared to pas to France; but by storme of weather was dryven into England,
whair he was stayed, and was offerred to have bein randered by the Quene of
England. But our Quenis ansuer was, "That he was no rebell, and thairfoir sche
requeasted that he should have libertie to pas whair it pleiseth him."[860] And
thairto Lethingtoun helped not a litill; for he travailled to have freindis in everie
factioun of the Courte. And so obteined the said Erle licence to pas to France.

THE PREACHEOURIS RAILLED UPOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.

THE PREACHERIS ADMONITIOUN AFTER THE DEATH OF THE ERLE HUNTLEY.

HUNTLYE.[861]

LET THE WARLDE JUDGE NOWE, 1571, FOR LETHINGTOUN THEN WAS THE FATHER OF
ALL MISCHEIF.[862]

The wynter after the death of the Erle of Huntley, the Courte remaned for the
maist part in Edinburgh. The Preacheouris war wonderous vehement in
reprehensioun of all maner of vice, which then began to habound; and especiallie
avarice, oppressioun of the poor, excesse, ryotouse chear, banketting, immoderat
dansing, and hurdome, that thairof enseuis. Whairat the Courteouris began to
storme, and began to pyck querrallis against the Preachearis, alledging that all
thair preaching was turned to raylling. Whairunto one of thame gave ansuer as
followeth: "It cumis to our earis that we ar called raillaris, whairof albeit we
wounder, yitt we ar not eschamed, seing that the most worthy servandis of God
that befoir us have travalled in this vocatioun, have so bein styled. But unto you
do I say, that that same God, who from the begyning has punished the contempt
of his word, and hes poured furth his vengeance upoun such proude mockaris,
shall not spair you; yea, he shall not spair you befoir the eyis of this same
wicked generatioun, for the pleasur whairof ye dispyse all holsome
admonitionis. Have ye not sein ane greattar than any of you sitting whair
presentlie ye sitt, pyck his naillis, and pull down his bonet ower his eyis, when
idolatrie, witchecraft, murther, oppressioun, and such vices war rebuked? Was
not his commoun talk, When thei knaiffis have railled thair fill, then will thei
hald thair peace? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his awin face, that God should
revenge that his blasphemy, evin in the eyis of such as war witnesses to his
iniquitie? Then was the Erle Huntley accused by you, as the manteanar of
idolatrie, and only hinderar of all good ordour. Him hes God punished, evin
according to the threatnyngis that his and your earis heard; and by your handis
hath God executed his judgementis. But what amendment in any caise can be
espyed in you? Idolatrie was never in greattar rest: vertew and verteouse men
war never in more contempt: vice was never more bold, nor less feared
punishement. And yitt who guydis the Quene and Court? Who but the
Protestantis? O horrible sclanderaris of God, and of his holie evangell. Bettir it
war unto you plainelie to renunce Christ Jesus, then thus to expone his blessed
Evangell to mockage. Yf God punishe not you, that this same aige shall see and
behold your punishement,[863] the Spreit of rychteous judgement guydis me not."

THE DEFENCE OF THE COURTEOURIS.

This vehemence provocked the hatterent, not onlie of the Courteouris, but also of
diverse otheris against the speakar;[864] for such as be in credyte never lack
flatteraris. "Thair brethren of the Courte war irreverentlie handilled. What was
that, but to raise the heartis of the people against thame? Thei did what thei
myght; such speaking wold cause thame do less." And this was the frute the
Preachearis gatthered of thair just reprehensionis.
 1562.
THE QUENIS PRACTISE.

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche,[865] holden the twenty-fyve of

December, the year of God 1562, approched, in the which, great complentis war
maid, that churches lacked Ministeris; that Ministeris lacked thair stipendis; that
wicked men war permitted to be School-maisteris, and so to infect the youth;
amongis whom one Maister Robert Cumyn, school-maister in Aberbrothok, was
compleaned upoun by the Laird of Dun,[866] and sentence was pronunced against
him. It was farther compleaned, that idolatrie was erected in diverse partis of the
Realme; for redress whairof, some thought best, that new supplicatioun should
be presented to the Quenis Grace. Otheris demanded, what ansuer was receaved
of the formar? The Superintendent of Lowtheane confessed the deliverance of it,
"But," said he, "I receaved no ansuer." It was ansuered for the parte of the
Quene, (for hir suppostis war ever thair,) "That it was weill knawin to the hoill
Realme what trubles had occurred since the last Assemblie; and thairfoir, that
thei should not wounder albeit that the Quene had not ansuered: but betwix that
and the Parliament which was appointed in May, thei doubted not but that such
ordour should be tacken, as all men should have occasioun to stand content."
This satisfyed, for that tyme, the hoill assemblie: And this was the practise of the
Quene and of hir Counsall, with fair wordis to dryve tyme, as befoir we have
said.
The Assemblie, nochtwithstanding, proceided fordward in establessing of such
ordouris, as whairby vice myght be punished, and vertew myght be manteaned.
And becaus that thair was a great sclander rissen upoun Paule Meffen,[867] of
whom mentioun is maid in the Secound Booke of this Historie, commissioun
and charge was gevin unto Johne Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and unto certane
of the eldaris of the Kirk of Edinburgh, to pass to the toune of Jedburgh, whair
the said sclander was rased, and to be found thair the thrid of Januar nixt, for the
tryall to be tane in the sclander rased, and to hear the articules and complaynt of
the said Paule; and after the tryall, to report the treuth to the Sessioun of the
Churche of Edinburgh; to whom, with the assistance of the Superintendent of
Lowthiane, commissioun was gevin to decern thairintill. The tryall and
examinatioun of that cryme was difficill. The sclander was universall in that
toune and countrey. The servand woman of the said Paule had betwix termes left
his house; sche had borne a child; no father to it could she fynd; but alledged hir
self to have bein oppressed late in ane evening. The said Paule constantlie
affirmed him self innocent, and wold have gevin his publict purgatioun; but
becaus that his accusatouris had tacken upoun thame to prove thair accusatioun,
that was denyed. Many witnesses war produced, of whom some deponed so
clearlie, that the Commissionaris suspected that thei had bene suborned, and
thairfoir thei requyred to have inspectioun of the places, whair some said thei
saw, and some said thei heard thame in the verray act of iniquitie. The syght and
consideratioun of the places augmented greatlie the suspitioun. But one thing
was most suspitiouse of all otheris; for the wyiff of the said Paull, ane auncient
matron, was absent from him the space of aucht or nyne weakis in Dundye;
which tyme (or at least a great part thairof) thei suspected, and he lay nyghtlie in
ane house, without other cumpany than a child of sevin or eight yearis of aige.

HEIR THE INIQUITIE OF PAULL MEFFEN WAS CLEARLIE PROVEN

The Judges, notwithstanding these suspitionis, haveing a good opinioun of the

honestye and godlynes of the man, travalled what thei could (conscience not
hurte) to purge him of the sclander. But God, who wold not that such vilanye
should be clocked and conceiled within his Churche, otherwyese had decreed;
for he brought the brother of the gyltie woman to the toune, having no mind of
such materis, who being produced by the accusatouris, as one that was prevey of
the fact, and knew the veritie with all circumstances: This witness, (we say,)
which could not be suspected, being produced, maid the mater so plane and
clear, that all suspitioun was removed; for he it was that convoyed the woman
away; he it was that caused the child to be baptised, alledging it to be his awin:
he it was that caryed frequent message betwix thame, and from Paull caryed
money and claythis diverse tymes. How soon that ever the said Paule saw that
man produced, as witnesse, he withdrew himself, and left the toune, by that
mean plainlie tacken upon him the cryme; and so the Commissionaris with full
informatioun returned to Edinburgh, and notified the fact unto the Churche, who
caused publictlie summond the said Paull to hear the sentence pronunced; who
not compearing, in the end, for his odiouse cryme and contumacye, was
publictlie excommunicated, and depryved of all functioun within the Churches
of Scotland: and so left he the Realme.
For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the ordour keapt in punishment
of the same: formar, To foirwarne such as travaill in that vocatioun, that,
according to the admonitioun of the Apostle, "Suche as stand, tack head lest thei
fall." No man in the begyning of the Evangell was judged more fervent and more
upryght, and yit we have heard how far Sathane has prevailled against him. God
grant that we may hear of his reapentance.[868] Neather yitt aught his fall any
thing to prejudge the authoritie of the doctrin which he taucht; for the doctrin of
God have authoritie of no creature, but has the assurance of God him self, how
weak or imperfite that ever the instrumentis be by whom it pleases God to
publishe the same. The treason of Judas, the adulterie of David, and the
abnegatioun of Petir, did derogat nothing to the glorie of Christis evangell, nor
yit to the doctrin which befoir thei had taught; but declaired the one to be a
reprobat, and the other to be instrumentis in whome mercy must neadis surmount
judgement. The other caus is, That the world may see what difference thair is
betwix light and darknes, betwix the uprychtness of the Churche of God, and the
corruptioun that ringes in the synagoge of Sathan, the Papisticall rable; for how
many of that sorte hath bein, and still remane openlie knowin hooremongaris,
adulteraris, violataris of virgenis, yea, and committaris of such abhominationis as
we will nott name; and yit ar thei called and permitted to be Bischoppis,
Archbischoppis, Cardinallis, and Papis thame selfis. For what synnes can unable
the sworn servandis of Simonye, and of his father the devill? For bragg what thei
lyst of Christ, of Petir, and of Paule, thair lyves and conversationis bearis
witnesse whom to they belong. But we return to our Historye of thingis done in
Courte.

CHATTELETT AND THE QUENE.

THE QUENIS DESYRE CONCERNYNG CHATTELETTIS DEATH.

Amongis the monzeonis of the Courte,[869] thair was one named Monsieur
Chattelett,[870] a Frencheman, that at that tyme passed all otheris in credytt with
the Quene. In dansing of the Purpose, (so terme thei that danse, in the which man
and woman talkis[871] secreatlie—wyese men wold judge such fassionis more
lyke to the bordell than to the comelynes of honest women,) in this danse the
Quene chosed Chattelett, and Chattelett took the Quene. Chattelett had the best
dress. All this wynter Chattelett was so familiare in the Quenis cabinett, ayre and
laitt, that scarslye could any of the Nobilitie have access unto hir. The Quene
wold ly upoun Chattelettis shoulder, and sometymes prively she wold steall a
kyss of his neck. And all this was honest yneuch; for it was the gentill
entreatment of a stranger. But the familiaritie was so great, that upoun a nycht,
he privelie did convoy him self under the Quenis bed; but being espyed, he was
commanded away. But the bruyte arysing, the Quene called the Erle of Murray,
and bursting furth in a womanlie affectioun, charged him, "That as he loved hir,
he should slay Chattelett, and let him never speak word." The other, at the first,
maid promesse so to do; but after calling to mynd the judgementis of God
pronunced against the scheddaris of innocent bloode, and also that none should
dye, without the testimonye of two or thre witnesses, returned and fell upoun his
kneis befoir the Quene, and said, "Madam, I beseak your Grace, cause not me
tack the blood of this man upoun me. Your Grace hes entreated him so
familiarlie befoir, that ye have offended all your Nobilitie; and now yf he shalbe
secreatlie slane at your awin commandiment, what shall the world judge of it? I
shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him suffer be law according to
his deserving." "Oh," said the Quene, "ye will never let him speak?" "I shall do,"
said he, "Madam, what in me lyeth to saiff your honour."
Poor Chattelett was brocht back from Kinghorne to Sanctandrois, examinat, putt
to ane assise, and so beheaded, the twenty-twa day of Februar, the year of God
Jm Vc threscoir twa. He begged licence to wryte to Fraunce the cause of his
death, which, said he, in his toung, was, "Pour estre trouvé en lieu trop suspect;"
that is, "Becaus I was found in a place too much suspect." At the place of
executioun, when he saw that thair was no remeady but death, he maid a godly
confessioun, and granted, that his declyning from the treuth of God, and
following of vanitie and impietie, was justlie recompensed upoun him. But in the
end he concluded, looking unto the heavenis, with these words, "O cruelle
Dame," that is, "Cruell Maistress."[872] What that complaint imported, luvaris
may devine. And so receaved Chattelett the reward of his dansing; for he lacked
his head, that his toung should nott utter the secreattis of our Quene. "Deliver us,
O Lord, from the raige of such inordinat reullaris."

THE PUNISHMENT OF GOD FOR MANTEYNYNG AND ERECTING OF THE MESSE.

DEARTH AND FAMYN IN THE NORTH.

The year of God a thousand fyve hundreth threscoir thre yearis, thair was ane
universall dearth in Scotland. But in the northland, whair the harvest befoir the
Quene had travailled, thair was ane extreame famyn, in the qubilk many dyed in
that countrey. The dearth was great ower all, but the famyn was principallie thair.
The boll of wheat gave sax pound: the boll of bear, sax markis and ane half: the
boll of meill, four markis: the boll of aittis, fyfty schillingis: ane ox to draw in
the pleuch, xx markis: a weddir, thretty schillingis. And so all thingis
apperteanyng to the sustentatioun of man, in tripill and more exceaded thair
accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the threatnyng of His law,
punish the idolatrie of our wicked Quene, and our ingratitud, that suffered hir to
defyle the land with that abominatioun agane, that God so potentlie had purged,
by the power of his wourd. For the ryotouse feasting, and excessive banquetting,
used in Court and countrey, whair soevir that wicked Woman repaired,
provocked God to stryck the staff of braid, and to geve his maledictioun upoun
the fructis of the earth.[873] But, O allace, who looked, or yit lookis to the very
cause of all our calamities.

PASCH OR EASTER.

Lethingtoun was absent, as befoir we have heard, in the Quenis effairis.[874] The
Papistis, at that Pasche,[875] anno lxiijo, in diverse partis of the Realme, had
erected up that idoll, the Messe; amongis whom the Bisshope of Sanctandrois,
the Priour of Whithorne,[876] with diverse otheris of thair factioun, wold avow it.
Besydis the first proclamatioun, thair had letteris past in the contrair, with
certificatioun of death to the contraveanar.

THE STOUTNES OF THE PROTESTANTIS IN THE WEST.[877]

The brethren universallie offended, and espying that the Quene, by hir
proclamationis, did but mock thame, determined to put to thair awin handis, and
to punishe for example of otheris. And so some Preastis in the westland war
apprehended, intimatioun maid unto otheris, (as unto the Abbot of Crossraguell,
[878] the Parsone of Sanquhair,[879] and such,) that thei should nether complayne

to Quene nor Counsall, but should execute the punishment that God has
appointed to idolateris in his law, by such means as thei mycht, whairever thei
should be apprehended.

JOHNE KNOX SEND FOR BY THE QUENE.

The Quene stormed at sick fredome of speaking, but she could not amend it; for
the Spreit of God, of boldness and of wisdom, had not then left the most part of
such as God had used instrumentis in the begynyng. Thei war of one mynd to
manteane the treuth of God, and to suppresse idolatrie. Particularties had not
divided thame; and thairfoir could not the devill, working in the Quene and
Papistis, do then what thei wold; and, thairfoir, she began to invent a new craft.
She send for Johne Knox to come unto hir, whair she lay at Lochleaven.[880] She
travailled with him earnestlie two houris befoir hir suppar, that he wold be the
instrument to perswaid the people, and principallie the gentilmen of the West,
not to put handis to punishe any man for the using of thame selfis in thair
religioun as pleased thame. The other perceaving hir craft, willed hir Grace to
punishe malefactouris according to the lawis, and he durst promesse quietness
upoun the part of all thame that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But yf
hir Majestie thought to delude the lawis, he said, he feared that some wold lett
the Papistis understand, that without punishement, thei should not he suffered so
manifestlie to offend Goddis Majestie.

REASSONYNG BETWIX THE QUENE AND JOHNE KNOX.

" Will ye," quod sche, "allow that thei shall tack my sweard in thair hand?"
"The Sweard of Justice," quod he, "Madam, is Goddis, and is gevin to Princes
and reuallaris for ane end, which, yf thei transgresse, spairing the wicked, and
oppressing innocentis, thei that in the fear of God executis judgement, whair
God hes commanded, offendis not God, althought Kingis do it not; neather yitt
synne thei that brydillis kingis to stryek innocent men in thair raige. The
examples ar evident; for Samuell feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate
king of Amalech, whom king Saule had saved. Neather spaired Helias Jesabellis
fals propheittis, and Baallis preastis, albeit that king Achab was present. Phyneas
was no magistrat, and yit feared he not to stryek Cosby and Zimbrye in the
verray act of fylthie fornicatioun. And so, Madam, your Grace may see that
otheris then cheaf magistrattis may lauchfullie punishe, and hes punished, the
vice and crymes that God commandis to be punished. And in this case I wold
earnestlie pray your Majestie to tack good advisement, and that your Grace
should lett the Papistis understand, that thair attemptatis will not be suffered
unpunissed. For power, be Act of Parliament, is gevin to all judges within thair
awin boundis, to searche mesmongaris, or the heareris of the same, and to
punishe thame according to the law. And thairfoir it shalbe profitable to your
Majestie, to considder what is the thing your Grace's subjectis lookis to receave
of your Majestie, and what it is that ye aught to do unto thame by mutuall
contract. Thei ar bound to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye ar bound to
keape lawis unto thame. Ye crave of thame service: thei crave of you protectioun
and defence against wicked doaris. Now, Madam, yf ye shall deny your dewtie
unto thame, (which especialle craves that ye punishe malefactouris) think ye to
receave full obedience of thame? I feare, Madam, ye shall not."
Heirwith, she being somewhat offended, passed to hir suppar. The said Johne
Knox left hir, informed the Erle of Murray of the hoill reassonyng, and so
departed of finall purpose to have returned to Edinburgh, without any farther
communicatioun with the Quene: But befoir the sonne, upoun the morne, war
two direct (Watt Melven was the one[881]) to him, commanding him not to
departe whill that he spack the Quenis Majestie; which he did, and met hir at the
halking[882] be-weast Kynross. Whitther it was the nychttis sleape, or a deape
dissimulation lokked in hir breast, that maid hir to forget hir formar anger, wyese
men may doubt; but thairof sche never moved word, but began diverse other
purposses; such as the offering of a ring to hir by the Lord Ruthven,[883]
"Whome," said she, "I can not love, (for I know him to use enchantment,) and yit
is he maid one of my Privy Counsall."
"Whome blamis your Grace," said the other, "thairof?"
"Lethingtoun," said she, "was the haill cause."
"That man is absent," said he, "for this present, Madam; and thairfoir I will
speak nothing in that behalf."
"I understand," said the Quene, "that ye ar appointed to go to Drumfreise, for the
electioun of a Superintendent to be establessed in thai countreys."
"Yis," said he, "those quarteris have great nead, and some of the gentilmen so
require."

"But I hear," said she, "that the Bischope of Athenis[884] wold be

Superintendent."
"He is one," said the other, "Madam, that is put in electioun."
"Yf ye knew him," said sche, "als weall as I do, ye wold never promote him to
that office, nor yit to any other within your Kirk."
"What he hes bein," said he, "Madam, I neather know, nor yitt will I enquyre;
for, in tyme of darkness, what could we do but grop and go wrang evin as
darkness caryed us? But yf he fear not God now, he deceaves many ma then me.
And yitt, (said he,) Madam, I am assured God will not suffer his Churche to be
so far deceaved as that ane unworthy man shalbe elected, whair free electioun is,
and the Spreit of God is earnestlie called upoun to decyd betwix the two."

THE QUENIS JUDGEMENT OF THE BISCHOPE OF ATHENIS.

"Weall," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerouse man."[885]
And thairintill was nott the Queue deceaved; for he had corrupted most part of
the gentilmen, not onlie to nominat him, but also to elect him; which perceaved
by the said Johne, Commissionare, delayed the electioun, and left with the
Maister of Maxwell, Mr. Robert Pont, (who was put in electioun with the
foirsaid Bischope,) to the end that his doctrin and conversatioun mycht be the
better tryed of those that had not knawin him befoir. And so was the Bischope
frustrat of his purpose for that present. And yit was he, at that tyme, the man that
was most familliare with the said Johne, in his house, and at table. But now to
the formar conference.
When the Queue had long talked with Johne Knox, and he being oft willing to
tack his leave, she said, "I have one of the greatest materis that have tweiched
me since I cam in this Realme, to open unto you, and I maun have your help into
it." And she began to maik a long discourse of hir sister, the Lady Ergyle,[886]
how that sche was not so circumspect in all thingis as that sche wisshed hir to be.
"And yitt," said sche, "my Lord, hir husband, whom I love, entreattis hir not in
many thingis so honestlie and so godlie, as I think ye your self wold requyre."
"Madam," said he, "I have been trubled with that mater befoir, and anes I put
sick ane end to it, (and that was befoir your Grace's arryvall,) that boith she and
hir freindis seamed fullie to stand content: And she hir self promessed befoir hir
freinds, that sche should never complain to creature, till that I should first
understand the controversie by hir awin mouth, or ellis [by an] assured
messinger. I now have heard nothing of hir part; and thairfoir I think thair is
nothing but concord."
"Weall," said the Quene, "it is war then ye beleve. But do this mekle for my saik,
as anes agane to put thame at unitie; and if sche behave not hir self so as she
aught to do, she shall find no favouris of me: But, in any wyse, (said sche,) let
not my Lord know that I have requested you in this mater; for I wald be verray
sorry to offend him in that or any other thing. And now, (said sche,) as tueching
our reassonyng yisternycht, I promess to do as ye requyred; I sall caus summond
all offendaris, and ye shall know that I shall minister Justice."
"I am assured then," said he, "that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and
tranquillitie within your Realme; which to your Majestie is more profitable than
all the Papes power can be." And thus thei departed.

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deaplie MARIE, QUENE
OF SCOTLAND, can dissembill; and how that she could cause men to think that she
bare no indignatioun for any controversie in religioun, whill that yitt in hir hearte
was nothing but vennome and destructioun, as short after did appear.
Johne Knox departed, and prepaired him self for his jorney, appointed to
Drumfreise; and from Glasgow, according to the Quenis commandiment, he
wraitt this Lettir to the Erle of Ergile, the tenour whairof followis:—

"The Lord cumith and shall not tarie, &c.

"AFTER commendatioun of my service unto your Lordschipe, yf I had
knawin of your Lordshipis suddane departing, the last tyme it chaunsed me
to see and speak you, I had opened unto you somewhat of my greaf. But
supposing that your Lordshipe should have remaned still with the Quenis
Grace, I delayed at that tyme to utter any part of that which now my
conscience compelleth me to do. Your behaviour toward your wyff is verray
offensive unto many godlie. Hir complant is grevouse, that ye altogetther
withdraw the use of your body from hir. Yf so be, ye have great nead to
look weill to your awin estait; for albeit that ye within your self felt no
more repugnance, than any flesche this day on earth, yitt by promesse, maid
befoir God, ar ye debttour unto hir, as reassonablie ye shalbe requyred of
hir. But yf that ye burne on the one syd, (albeit ye do no worse,) and sche in
your defalt upoun the other, ye ar not onlie mensworne befoir God, but also
doeth what in you lyeth, to kendle against your self his wraith and havie
displeasour. These wordis ar scharpe, and God is witnesse that in dolour of
heart I wraitt thame; but becaus thei ar trew, and pronunced by God himself,
I dar not but admonische you, perceaving you, as it war, sleaping in synne.
The proude stubburnes, whairof your Lordship hath oft compleaned, will
not excuise you before God; for yf ye be not able to convict hir of one
 cryme, ye aught to beir with other imperfectionis, and that ye wold that she
should bear with you, in the lyik. In the bowellis of Christ Jesus, I exhort
you, my Lord, to have respect to your awin salvatioun, and not to abuse the
lenitie and long suffering of God: for that is a fearfull treasure that ye heap
upoun your awin head, whill that he calleth you to reapentance, and you
obstinatlie contineu in your awin impietie; for impietie it is, that ye abstract
your confort and cumpany from your lauchfull wyff. I wrytt nothing in
defence of hir mysbehavour towardis your Lordship in any sort; but I say,
yf ye be not able to convict hir of adulterie committed since your last
reconciliatioun, which was in my presence, that ye can never be excuissed
befoir God of this freammed and strange intreatment of your wyff. And yf
by you such impietie be committed, as is bruited, then, befoir God, and unto
your awin conscience I say, that everie moment of that fylthie pleasure shall
turne to you in a yearis displeasur; yea, it shalbe the occasioun and caus of
everlasting dampnatioun, onless spedelie ye reapent: and reapent ye can
nott, except that ye desist from that impietie. Call to mynd, my Lord, 'That
the servand knawing the will of his Lord, and doing the contrarie, shalbe
plagued with many plagues.' Syn, my Lord, is sweat in drinkyng, but in
digesting more bitter then the gall. The Eternall move your heart earnestlie
to considder, how fearfull a thing it is ever to have God to be [ane]
ennemye.
"In the end, I most heartlie pray your Lordship, not to be absent from
Edinburgh the nynetene of this instant, for sick causses as I will not wraitt.
This much onlie I foirwarne your Lordship, that it will nott be profitable for
the commoun quyetness of this Realme, that the Papistis brag, and that
justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease farther to truble your Lordship,
whom God assist. In haist from Glasgu, the 7. of May 1563. Your Lordships
to command in godlynes.
(Sic subscribitur.)
"JOHNE KNOX."

This bill was not weall accepted of the said Erle; and yitt did he utter no part of
his displeasur in publict, but contrairrelie schew him self most familiar with the
said Johne. He keapt the dyett, and sat in judgment him self, whair the Bischope
and the rest of the Papistis war accused, as after followis.

ROBERT NORWALLIS FACT.

 THE JUDGEMENT OF SOME.

HUNTLEY FOIRFALTED.

The summondis war direct against the Messe-mongaris with expeditioun, and in
the streatest form. The day was appointed the xix of May, a day onlie befoir the
Parliament. Off the Papis knychtis[887] compeared the Bischop of Sanctandrois,
[888] the Priour of Whitthorne,[889] the Parsone of Sanquhair,[890] Williame
Hammyltoun of Camskeyth, Johne Gordoun of Barskeoghe, with otheris diverse.
The Protestantis convened hoill to crave for justice. The Quene asked counsall of
the Bischope of Ross,[891] and of the old Laird of Lethingtoun,[892] (for the
youngar was absent, and so the Protestantis had the fewar unfreindis,) who
affirmed, "That she must see hir lawis keapt, or ellis she wold get no obedience."
And so was preparatioun maid for thair accusationis. The Bischope, and his band
of the exempted sorte, maid it nyse to entyre befoir the Erle of Argyle who sat in
judgement;[893] butt at last he was compelled to entir within the barr. A meary
man, (who now sleapis in the Lord,) Robert Norwell, instead of the Bischoppis
croce, bair befoir him a steyll hammer; whairat the Bischope and his band was
not a lytill offended, becaus the Bischoppis priviledges war nott then currant in
Scotland, (which day God grant oure posteritie may see of longar continuance
then we possessed it.) The Bischope and his fellowis, after much ado, and long
dryft of tyme, cam in the Quenis will, and war committed to warde, some to one
place, some to ane other. The Lady Erskin,[894] (a sweatt morsall for the devillis
mouth,) gatt the Bischoppis for hir part. All this was done of a most deape craft,
to abuse the simplicitie of the Protestantis, that thei should not prease the Quene
with any other thing concernyng materis of religioun at that Parliament, quhilk
began within two dayis thairefter.[895] Sche obteined of the Protestantis
whatsoever sche desyred; for this was the reassone of many, "We see what the
Quene has done; the lyek of this was never heard of within the Realme: we will
bear with the Quene; we doubt not but all shalbe weill." Otheris war of a
contrarie judgement, and foirspak thingis, as after thei cam to pas, to wit, that
nothing was meant but deceat; and that the Quene, how soon that ever
Parliament was past, should set the Papistis at freedome: and thairfoir willed the
Nobilitie not be abused. But becaus many had thair privat commoditie to be
handilled at that Parliament, the commoun cause was the less regarded.
The Erle of Huntley, whose corps had lyn unburyed till that tyme, it was brought
to the Tolbuyth:[896] he was accused, his armes rent of, him self, the Erle of
Sudderland, and ellevin Baronis and Lairdis, bearing Gordoun to surname, war
that day foirfalted. The Lady Huntley craftely protested, and asked the support of
a man of law. In that Parliament war restored the Laird of Grange in Fyff,
Maister Henrie Balnaves, Johne Lesly, and Alexander Whytlaw.[897]

THE PRYDE OF WEMEN AT THAT PARLIAMENT.

FLATTERARES VNEW.

Such styneken pryde of wemen as was sein at that Parliament, was never sein
befoir in Scotland. Thre syndrie dayis the Quene raid to the Tolbuyth. The first
day sche maid a paynted orisoun;[898] and thair mycht have bene hard among hir
flatteraris, "Vox Dianæ! The voce of a goddess, (for it could not be Dei,) and not
of a woman! God save that sweat face! Was thair ever oratour spack so properlie
and so sweitlie!"

WHY RELIGIOUN AND THE COMMOUNWEALTH WAR DOYTH NEGLECTED.

VARIANCE BETWIX THE ERLE OF MURRAY AND JOHNE KNOX.

All thingis myslyking[899] the Preachearis, thei spack boldlie against the
tarejatting of thair taillies, and against the rest of thair vanitie, which thei
affirmed should provock Goddis vengeance, not onlie against those foolishe
wemen, but against the hoill Realme; and especiallie against those that
manteaned thame in that odiouse abusing of thingis that mycht have bene better
bestowed. Articles war presented for ordour to be tacken for apperall, and for
reformatioun of other enormities; but all was scripped at. The Earldome of
Murray neaded confirmatioun, and many thingis war to be ratified that
concerned the help of friendis and servandis; and thairfoir thei myght nott urge
the Quene, for yf thei so did, she wald hald no Parliament; and what then should
become of thame that had melled with the slaughter of the Erle of Huntley? Lett
that Parliament pas ower, and when the Quene asked[900] any thing of the
Nobilitie, as sche most do befoir hir mariage, then should the Religioun be the
first thing that should be establessed. It was answered, That the poetts and
paynteris erred nott altogether, that fayned and paynted Occasioun with a bald
hynd-head:[901] for the first, when it is offered, being lost, is hard to be recovered
againe. Thc mater fell so hote betwix the Erle of Murray and some otheris of the
Courte, and Johne Knox, that familiarlie after that tyme thei spack nott togetther
more then a year and half; for the said Johne, by his letter, gave a discharge to
the said Erle of all further intromissioun or cayr with his effaires. He maid unto
him a discourse of thair first acquaintance; in what estait he was when that first
thei spack togetther in London;[902] how God had promoted him, and that abuf
manis judgement; and in the end maid this conclusioun, "But seing that I
perceave myself frustrat of my expectatioun, which was, that ye should ever
have preferred God to your awin affectioun, and the advancement of his treuth to
your singular commoditie, I committ you to your awin wytt, and to the
conducting of those who better can please you. I praise my God, I this day leave
you victour of your enemyes, promoted to great honouris, and in credytt and
authoritie with your Soverane. Yf so ye long continew, none within the Realme
shalbe more glad than I shalbe: but yf that after this ye shall dekay, (as I fear that
ye shall,) then call to mynd by what meanes God exalted you; quhilk was
neather by bearing with impietie, neather yitt by manteanyng of pestilent
Papistis."

JOHNE KNOXES DISCHARGE TO THE ERLE OF MURRAY.

This bill and discharge was so pleasing to the flatteraris of the said Erle, that thei
triumphed of it, and war glad to have gotten thair occasioun; for some invyed
that so great familiaritie was betwix the said Erle and Johne Knox. And thairfoir
fra the tyme that thei gat ones that occasioun to separat thame, thei ceassed nott
to cast oyle in the burnyng flambe, which ceassed nott to burne, till that God by
watter of afflictioun, began to slocken it, as we shall after hear. But least that
thei[903] should alltogetther have bein sein to have foirsaikin God, (as in verray
deid boyth God and his Word was far frome the hearttis of the most parte of the
Courteouris in that aige, and a fewe excepted,) thei began a newe schift, to wit,
to speak of the punishement of adulterye, of witchcraft, and to seik the
restitutioun of the glebes and manses to the Ministeris of the Kirk, and of the
reparatioun of churches: and thairby thei thought to have pleased the godlye that
war hyghtlie offended at thair slackness.
The Act of Oblivioun passed, becaus some of the Lordis had intresse; but the
actis against adulterye, and for the mansses and gleibes, war so modifyed, that
no law, and such law mycht stand in eodem predicamento; to speak plaine, no
law and such Actis war boyth alyik. The Actis ar in prynt:[904] lett wyese men
read, and then accuse us, yf without cause we compleane.
 JOHNE KNOX HIS SERMON.

[905]
THE SPEAKAR WAS THE DEANE OF RESTALRIG.

In the progresse of this corruptioun, and befoir the Parliament dissolved, Johne
Knox, in his sermon befoir the most parte of the Nobilitie, began to enter in a
deape discourse of Goddis mercyes which that Realme had felt, and of that
ingratitude quhilk he espyed almost in the hoill multitude, which God had
marvelouslie delivered from the boundage and tyrannye boyth of body and saule.
"And now, my Lordis," said he, "I praise my God, throught Jesus Christ, that in
your awin presence I may powre furth the sorowis of my hearte; yea, your selfis
shalbe witnesse, yf that I shall maik any ley in thingis that ar bypast. From the
begyning of Goddis myghty wirking within this Realme, I have bein with you in
your most desperat tentationis. Ask your awin consciences, and lett thame
answer you befoir God, yf that I, (not I, but Goddis Spirite by me,) in your
greatest extremitie willed you nott ever to depend upoun your God, and in his
name promissed unto you victorye and preservatioun from your ennemyes, so
that ye wold only depend uponn his protectioun, and preferr his glory to your
awin lyves and worldlie commoditie. In your most extreame dangearis I have
bein with you: Sanct Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and the Craiggis of Edinburgh,
ar yitt recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorouse nyght whairin all ye, my
Lordis, with schame and feare left this toune,[906] is yitt in my mynd; and God
forbid that ever I forgett it. What was (I say) my exhortatioun unto you, and what
is fallen in vane of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye your
selfis yitt lyve to testifie. Thair is nott one of you against whom was death and
destructioun threatned, perished in that danger: And how many of your
ennemyes hes God plagued befoir your eyis! Shall this be the thankfulness that
ye shall render unto your God, to betray his cause, when ye have it in your awin
handis to establesh it as ye please? The Quene, say ye, will not agree with us:
Ask ye of hir that which by Goddis word ye may justlie requyre, and yf she will
not agree with you in God, ye ar not bound to agree with hir in the Devill: Lett
her plainelie understand so far of your myndis, and steall not from your formar
stoutness in God, and he shall prosper you in your interpryses. But I can see
nothing but such a reculling frome Christ Jesus, as the man that first and most
spedelie flyeth from Christis enseignzie, holdeth him self most happy. Yea, I
hear that some say, That we have nothing of our Religioun establesshed, neather
by Law or Parliament. Albeit that the malitious wordis of sick can neather hurte
the treuth of God, nor yitt us that thairupoun depend, yitt the speakar for his
treasone against God committed, and against this poore Commounwealth,
deserves the gallowes. For oure Religioun being commanded, and so
establesshed by God, is accepted within this Realme in publict Parliament; and
yf thei will say that was no Parliament, we man, and will say, and also prove,
that that Parliament was also lauchfull as ever any that passed befoir it within
this Realme. Yea, yf the King then lyving[907] was King, and the Quene now in
this Realme be lauchfull Quene, that Parliament can nott be denyed.

JOHNE KNOX HIS AFFIRMATIOUN.

"And now, my Lordis, to putt end to all, I hear of the Quenis mariage: Duckis,
brethren to Emperouris, and Kingis, stryve all for the best game; but this, my
Lordis, will I say, (note the day, and beare witnesse efter,) whensoever the
Nobilitie of Scotland professing the Lord Jesus, consentis that ane infidell (and
all Papistis are infidellis) shalbe head to your Soverane, ye do so far as in ye
lyeth to banishe Christ Jesus from this Realme; ye bring Goddis vengeance
upoun the countrey, a plague upoun your self, and perchaunse ye shall do small
conforte to your Soverane."
These wordis, and this maner of speaking was judged intollerable. Papistis and
Protestantis war both offended; yea, his most familiaris disdained him for that
speaking. Placeboes and flatteraris posted to the Courte to geve advertisement
that Knox had spockin against the Quenis mariage. The Proveist of Lyncluden,
[908] Dowglass of Drumlangrik by surname, was the man that geve the charge

that the said Johne should present him self befoir the Quene: quhilk he did sone
after dennar. The Lord Ochiltrie, and diverse of the faythfull, bayr him cumpany
to the Abbay; but none past in to the Quene with him in the cabinet but Johne
Erskine of Dune, then Superintendent of Anguss and Mearnes.[909]

THE QUENIS FUME AGAINST JOHNE KNOX.

The Quene, in a vehement fume, began to cry out, that never Prince was handled
as she was. "I have," said sche, "borne with you in all your rigorouse maner of
speaking, bayth against my self and against my Uncles; yea, I have sought your
favouris by all possible meanes. I offered unto you presence and audience
whensoever it pleassed you to admonishe me; and yitt I can nott be quyte of you.
I avow to God, I shalbe anes revenged." And with these wordis, skarslie could
Marnock,[910] hir secreat chalmer-boy, gett neapkynes to hold hyr eyes drye for
the tearis; and the owling, besydes womanlie weaping, stayed hir speiche.
 ANSURE.

The said Johne did patientlie abyde all the first fume, and att opportunitie
answered, "Trew it is, Madam, your Grace and I have bein att diverse
controversies, into the which I never perceaved your Grace to be offended at me.
Butt when it shall please God to deliver you fra that bondage of darknes and
errour in the which ye have been nurisshed, for the lack of trew doctrin, your
Majestie will fynd the libertie of my toung nothing offensive. Without the
preaching place, Madam, I think few have occasioun to be offendit at me; and
thair, Madam, I am nott maister of my self, but man obey Him who commandis
me to speik plane, and to flatter no flesche upoun the face of the earth."
"But what have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage?"
"Yf it pleise your Majestie," said he, "patientlie to hear me, I shall schaw the
treuth in plane wordis. I grant your Grace offered unto me more than ever I
requyred; but my answer was then, as it is now, that God hath not sent me to
await upoun the courtes of Princesses, nor upoun the chamberis of Ladyes; but I
am send to preache the Evangell of Jesus Christ, to such as please to hear it; and
it hath two partes, Repentance and Fayth. And now, Madam, in preaching
reapentance, of necessitie it is that the synnes of men be so noted, that thei may
know whairin thei offend; but so it is, that the most parte of your Nobilitie ar so
addicted to your affectionis, that neather God his word, nor yitt thair
Commounwealth, ar rychtlie regarded. And thairfoir it becomes me so to speak,
that thei may know thair dewitie."
"What have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage? Or what ar ye within this
Commounwealth?"

LETT PAPISTIS JUDGE THIS DAY, 1567.

"A subject borne within the same," said he, "Madam. And albeit I neather be
Erle, Lord, nor Barroun within it, yitt hes God maid me, (how abject that ever I
be in your eyes,) a profitable member within the same: Yea, Madam, to me it
apperteanes no lesse to foirwarne of suche thingis as may hurte it, yf I foirsee
thame, then it does to any of the Nobilitie; for boyth my vocatioun and
conscience craves playness of me. And thairfoir, Madam, to your self I say that
whiche I speak in publict place: Whensoever that the Nobilitie of this Realme
shall consent that ye be subject to ane unfaythfull husband, thei do as muche as
in thame lyeth to renunce Christ, to banishe his treuth from thame, to betray the
fredome of this Realme, and perchance shall in the end do small conforte to your
self."
At these wordis, owling was heard, and tearis mycht have bene sein in greattar
abundance than the mater requyred. Johne Erskin of Dun, a man of meak and
gentill spreit, stood besyd, and entreated what he could to mitigat hir anger, and
gave unto hir many pleasing wordis of hir beautie, of hir excellence, and how
that all the Princes of Europe wold he glaid to seak hir favouris. But all that was
to cast oyle in the flaming fyre. The said Johne stood still, without any
alteratioun of countenance for a long seasson, whill that the Quene gave place to
hir inordinat passioun; and in the end he said, "Madam, in Goddis presence I
speak: I never delyted in the weaping of any of Goddis creatures; yea, I can
skarslie weill abyd the tearis of my awin boyes whome my awin hand correctis,
much less can I rejoise in your Majesties weaping. But seing that I have offered
unto you no just occasioun to be offended, but have spocken the treuth, as my
vocatioun craves of me, I man sustean (albeit unwillinglie) your Majesties tearis,
rather then I dar hurte my conscience, or betray my Commounwealth through
my silence."

JOHNE KNOX HIS TALK AMONGIS THE QUENIS LADYIS.

Heirwith was the Quene more offended, and commanded the said Johne to pass
furth of the cabinet, and to abyd farther of hir pleasur in the chalmer. The Laird
of Dun taryed, and Lord Johne of Coldinghame cam into the cabinet, and so thei
boyth remaned with hyr neyr the space of ane houre. The said Johne stood in the
chalmer, as one whom men had never sein, (so war all effrayed,) except that the
Lord Ochiltrie bayre him companye: and thairfoir began he to forge talking of
the ladyes who war thair sitting in all thair gorgiouse apparell; whiche espyed, he
mearelie said, "O fayre Ladyes, how pleasing war this lyeff of youris, yf it
should ever abyd, and then in the end that we myght passe to heavin with all this
gay gear. But fye upoun that knave Death, that will come whitther we will or
not! And when he hes laid on his areist, the foull wormes wilbe busye with this
flesche, be it never so fayr and so tender; and the seally sowll, I fear, shalbe so
feable, that it can neather cary with it gold, garnassing, targatting, pearle, nor
pretious stanes." And by suche meanes procured he the cumpany of women; and
so past the tyme till that the Laird of Dun willed him to departe to his house
quhill new advertisement. The Queue wold have had the censement of the Lordis
of Articles, yf that such maner of speaking deserved not punishement; but sche
was consailled to desist: and so that storm quiettit in appearance, but never in the
hearte.

THE BISCHOPPE OF SANCTANDROIS SETT AT LIBERTIE.

LEDINGTHONIS PRACTISES.

Schort after the Parliament, Lethington returned frome his negotiatioun in

England[911] and France. God, in the Februare befoir, had strycken that bloody
tyrane the Duke of Gueise,[912] which somwhat brak the fard of our Quene for a
seassone. But schort after the returnyng of Lethington, pryde and malice begane
to schaw thame selfis agane. Sche sett at libertie the Bischope of Sanctandrois,
and the rest of the Papistes that befoir war put in preasone for violating of the
lawis. Lethingtoun, at his returnyng, shew him self nott a litill offended, that any
bruit should have rissen of the Quenis mariage with the King of Spane; for he
took upoun him that suche thing never entered in hir hearte: but how trew that
was we shall after hear. The end of all his acquittance and complaynt was to
discreditt Johne Knox, who had affirmed, that such ane mariage was boyth
proponit, and, upoun the parte of our Quene, by the Cardinall accepted.[913]
Lethingtoun, in his absence, had run intill ane verray evill bruite among the
Nobilitie for too muche serving the Quenis affectionis against the
Commounwealth; and thairfoir had he, as one that lacketh no worldly wisdome,
maid provisioun boyth in England and in Scotland: For in England he travailled
for the freedome of the Erle Bothwell, and by that meane obteaned promesse of
his favour. He had thair also tacken ordour for the hamecuming of the Erle of
Levenox, as we shall after hear. In Scotland he joyned with the Erle of Atholl:
him he promoted, and sett fordwart in Courte; and so began the Erle of Murray
to be defaced. And yitt to the said Erie, Lethingtoun at all tymes schew a fayre
countenance.

JOHNE KNOX HIS ANSURE TOWARDIS HIS PRAYER.

The rest of that Sommer the Quene spent in hir progresse throught the West
countrey, whair in all tounes and gentilmennes places she had her Messe.[914]
Which cuming to the earis of Johne Knox, he began that forme of prayer which
ordinarlie he sayeth after thankis-giving at his table: "1. Deliver us, O Lord, from
the boundage of Idolatrie. 2. Preserve and keap us from the tyranny of
strangearis. 3. Continew us in quyetnesse and concord amangis our selfis, yf thy
good pleasur be, O Lord, for a seassone," &c. Whille that diverse of the
familiaris of the said Johne asked of him why he prayed for quyetnesse to
continew for a seassone, and nott rather absolutlie that we should continew in
quyetness? His answer was, "That he durst nott pray but in fayth; and faith in
Goddis word assured him, that constant quietness could nott continew in that
Realme whair Idolatrie had bene suppressed, and then was permitted to be
erected agane."

From the West countrey, the Quene past in Ergyll[915] to the hunting, and after
returned to Striveling. The Erle of Murray, the Lord Robert of Halyrudhouse,[916]
and Lord Johne of Coldinghame, past to the Northland. Justice Courtis war
halden; thevis and murtheraris war punished; twa witches war burnt, the eldest
was so blynded with the Devill, that sche affirmed, "That na Judge had power
ower hir."

THE LAST COMMENDATIOUN OF LORD JOHNE TO THE QUENE.[917]

That same tyme Lord Johne of Coldinghame[918] departed this lyfe in Innerness.
It was affirmed, that he commanded suche as war besyd him to say unto the
Quene, "That onless she left hir idolatrie, that God wold nott fail to plague hir.
He asked God mercy, that he had so far borne with hir in hir impietie, and had
manteaned hir in the same:[919] And that no one thing did him more regreat then
that he had flattered, fostered, and menteyned hir in hir wickednes against God
and his servandis." And in verie deid great cause had he to have lamented his
wickednes; for besydes all his other infirmities, in the end, he, for the Quenis
plesour, became enemie to verteu and all verteous men, and a patrone to impietie
to the uttermost of his power: yea, his vennome was so kendled against God and
his word, that in his rage he bursted forth thir wordis: "Or I see the Quenis
Majestie sa trubled with the railing of thir knaves, I shall have the best of thame
sticked in the pulpett," What farther villanie came fourth of baith their stinking
throttes and mouthes, modestie will not suffer us to wryte; wherof, yf he had
grace to unfeynedlie repent, it is no small document to Godis mercyes. But
howsoever God wrought with him, the Quene regarded his wordis as wynd, or
ellis thocht thame to have been forged be otheris, and not to have proceaded
from him self; and affirmed plainlie, that they wer devysed be the Laird of
Pettarro and Mr. Johne Wode, whome sche both hated, because they flattered hir
not in hir danceing and other doinges.[920] One thing in plane wordis she spak,
"That God tuik alwyse from hir thay persounes in whome sche had greatest
pleasour:" and that she repented; but of farther wickednes no mentioun.
Whill the Quene lay at Striveling, with hir idolatrie in hir chapell, in the Palice
of Halyrudhouse war left certane dontybouris, and otheris of the Frenehe
menzie, who raised up thair Messe more publictlye then they had done at any
tyme before. For upon those same Sundayes that the Church of Edinburgh had
the ministration of the Lordis Table, the Papistis in great number resorted to the
Abbay, to thair abomination. Which understand, dyverse of the brethren, being
sore offended, consulted how to redress that inormitie; and so war appoynted
certane of the most zelous, and most upryght in the religion, to await upon the
Abbay, that thai myght note such persones as resorted to the Messe. And
perceaving a great number to enter into the chapell, some of the brethren burst
also in; whereat the Preist and the Frenche dames being affrayed, made the
schout to be sent to the town; and Madame Raylie,[921] maistres to the Quenis
dontiboures, (for maides that Court could not then beare,) posted on with all
diligence to the Comptrollar, the Laird of Pettarro, who then was in Sanct Gelis
Kirk at the sermon; and cryed for his assistance, to save hir lyfe, and to saif the
Quenis Palice: Who, with greattar haist then nead requyred, obeyed hir desyre,
and tuik with him the Provest, the Baillies, and a great part of the faithfull. But
when they came where the feare was bruted to have bene, they fand all thingis
quyet, except the tumult they broght with thame selves, and peaceable men
luiking to the Papistis, and forbidding thame to transgress the lawis. Trew it is, a
zelous brother, named Patrick Cranstoun, past into the chapell, and fynding the
altar covered, and the Preast reddye to go to that abomination, said, "The Quenis
Majestie is not heir: how dar thou then be so malepart, as opinlie to do against
the law?" No farther was done nor said, and yit the bruit heirof was posted to the
Quene, (with such information as the Papistis could give; which fand such credit,
as thair heartis could have wished for,) which was so haynous a cryme in hir
eyes, that satisfactioun for that syn was there none without bloode. And therfore,
without delay was summoned Andro Armstrang[922] and Patrik Cranstoun, to
fynd suyrtie to undirlie the law, for forethought, fellonie, hamesukkin, violent
invation of the Quenis Palice, and for spoliation of the same.
These letteris divulged,[923] and the extremitie feared, Brethren (the few that war
within the town) consulted upon the next remedie; and in the end concluded, that
Johne Knox (to whom the charge was geven to mak advertismentis whensoever
daunger sould appear) should wryte to the Brethren in all quarteris, geving
information as the matter stoode, and requyring thair assistance: which he did in
tennour[924] as heir followes:—

THE SUPERSCRIPTIOUN.
 "Wheresoever two or thre are gathered together in my name, thare am I in
the middest of thame.

MR. ROBERT PONT STRIKKEN IN THE HEAD WITH A QUHINGAR BE CAPTANE

LAUDER.[925]

"IT is not unknawen unto yow, deare Brethren, what conforte and
tranquillitie God gave unto us, in tymes most dangerous, by our Christian
assemblies, and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared to any
member or members of oure bodye; and how that since we have neglected,
or at the least not frequented our conventionis and assemblies, the
adversaries of Christ Jesus his holie Evangill have interprysed, and
boldened thame selves publictlie and secretlie, to do many thingis odious in
Goddis presence, and maist hurtfull to the libertie of trew religion, now of
Goddis great favour granted unto us. The holie Sacramentis are abused be
profane Papistis. Messes have bein (and yit are) opinlie said and
manteyned. The bloode of some of our dearest ministeris has bein shed,
without fear of punishment or correction craved be us. And now last, are
two of our dear brethren, Patrik Cranstoun and Andro Armstrang,
summoned to underly the law, in the town of Edinburgh, the 24th of this
instant October, 'For forethought fellonie, pretended murther, and for
invading the Quenis Majesties Palice of Halyrudhouse, with unlauchfull
convocatioun, &c.' This terrible summonds is direct against owre Brethren,
because that they with two or thre more, passed to the Abbey upon Sunday,
the 15th of August, to behald and note what persones repared to the Messe;
and that because that the Sunday before, (the Quenis Grace being absent,)
there resorted to that idole a rascall multitude, having opinlie the least
devillissh ceremonie (yea even the conjuring of thair accurssed watter) that
ever they had in the tyme off greatest blyndnes. Becaus, (I say,) our said
Brethren passed, and that in maist quyet maner, to note sick abusearis, thir
fearfull summondis ar directed against thame, to mak (no doubt)
preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute creweltie
upon a greattar multitude. And yf so it come to pass, God, no doubt, has
justlie recompanced oure formare negligence and ingratitude, towardis hym
and his benefittis receaved in oure awin bosoms. God gave to us a most
notable victorie, of his and our ennemies: he brak thair strength,
confounded thair counsailles: he sett us at fredome, and purged this Realme
(for the maist part) of oppin idolatrye; to the end, that we, ever myndfull of
so wounderous a deliverance, should have keapt this Realme clean from
 sick vyle filthiness, and dampnable idolatrie. But we, alace! preferring the
pleasour of flesche [and blude,] to the pleasour and commandement of our
God, have suffered that idoll, the Messe, to be erected agane, and therfore
justlie sufferis he us now to fall in that danger that to luke to ane idolatour,
going to his idolatrie, salbe repute a cryme lityll inferiour to treasone. God
grant that we fall not farther. And now I, whom God has of his mercye
made one amangis many to travell in setting fordward of his trew religion
within this Realme, seing the same in danger of ruin, can not but of
conscience crave of you, my Brethren, of all estaitis, that have professed the
treuth, your presence, comfort, and assistance, at the said day, in the Town
of Edinburgh, even as that ye tender the advancement of Goddis glorie, the
saiftie of your brethren, and your awin assurance; togedder with the
preservatioun of the Kirk in thir appearing daungers. It may be, perchance,
that persuasions be made in the contrarie, and that ye may be informed, that
either your assemblie is not necesser, or ellis that it will offend the uppar
poweris: But my gude hope is, that nether flatterie nor feare sall mak you sa
far to declyne fra Christ Jesus, as that, against your publict promise and
solempned band, ye will leave your brethren in sa just a cause. And albeit
there ware no great daunger, yet cannot oure assemblie be unproffitable; for
many thingis requyre consultation, quhilkis can not be had, onles the wysest
and godliest convein. And thus, doubting nothing of the assistance of owre
God, yf that we uniformlie seik his glory, I cease farther to trouble you,
committing you heartlie to the protection of the Eternall.
"JOHNE KNOX.
"Fra Edinburgh, the 8th of October 1563."

THE MINISTER OF FAILL, AND BISHOPE OF ROSSE.

THE Brethren, advertissed be this bill, prepaired thameselves, so many as war

thocht expedient for everie town and province, to keap the day appoynted. But
by the meanis of false brethren, the letter came to the handis of the Quene; and
the maner was this: It was read in the town of Ayre, whare wes present Robert
Cunyghame, minister of Faillfurde,[926] who then was halden an earnest
professor of the Evangell; who (be what meanes we knaw not) gat the said letter,
and send it with his token to Maister Hendrie Sinkclare, then President of the
Seat and College of Justice, and styled Byshope of Ross, ane perfyct hypocrite,
and ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus,[927] whome God after straik
according to his deservingis. The said Mr. Hendrie being ennemie to all that
unfeynedlie professed the Lord Jesus, but cheiflie to Johne Knox, for the libertie
of his toung; for he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirme, that a Bischope
that receaves proffit, and feidis not the flock, even be his awin labouris, is boith
a theif and a murderare: The said Mr. Hendrie, we say, thinking him self happie
that had found so gude occasion to trouble him, whose life he hated, posted the
said letter, with his counsaill to the Quene, who then lay in Striveling.[928]
The letter being read, it was concluded be the Counsale of the Cabinet, that is, be
the maist Secreat Counsale, that it imported treason: wherof the Quene was not a
little rejoised, for she thoght anes to be reveanged of that hir great ennemie. It
was concluded that the Nobilitie sould be written for, that the condampnation
sould have the greatter authoritie. The day was appointed about the middest of
December; which was keapt of the hoill Counsale, and of dyvers utheris, such as
the Maister of Maxwell, the auld Laird of Lethingtoun, and the said President.

THE MAISTER OF MAXWELIS DISCHARGE TO JOHNE KNOX.

In the meane tyme, the Erle of Murray returned from the North, to whom the
Secretary Lethingtoun opened the matter as best pleased him. The Master of
Maxwell[929] gave unto the said Johne, as it had bene, a discharge of the
familiaritie which before wes great betwix thame, onles that he wald satisfie the
Quene at hir awin syght.

REASSONYNG BETWIX YE MAISTER OF MAXWELL AND JOHNE KNOX.[930]

The answer[930] [of Johne Knox] was, "He knew no offence done be him to the
Quenis Majestie, and therfoir he wist nocht quhat satisfactioun to mak."
"No offence!" said the uther. "Haif ye not writtin letteris desyring the Bretherin
from all pairts to convene to Andro Armstrang and Patrik Cranstounis day?"
"That I grant," said the uther; "but thairin I acknawledge no offence [done be
me."
"No offence,"][931] said he, "to convocat the Quenis liegis?"
"Not for sua just ane cause," said the uther; "for grytter thingis wer reput no
offence within thir two yeiris."
"The time," said he, "is now uther; for than our Soverane wes absent, and now
sche is present."
"It is neather the absence nor the presence of the Quene," said he, "that reulis my
conscience, but God speiking plainlie in his word; quhat was lauchfull to me last
yeir, is yit lauchfull, becaus my God is unchangeable."
"Weill," said the Maister, "I haif gevin you my counsell, do as ye list; but I think
ye sall repent it, gif ye bow not unto the Quene."
"I understand not," said he, "Maister, quhat ye mene. I nevir maid my self ane
adversarie pairtie unto the Quenis Majestie, except in to the heid of religioun,
and thairintill I think ye will nocht desyre me to bow."
"Weill," said he, "ye are wise eneuch; but ye will find that men will nocht beir
with you in times to cum, as thay haif done in tymes bypast."
"Gif God stand my freind," said the uther, "as I am assurit he of his mercie will,
so lang as I depend upon his promeise, and prefer his glorie to my life and
warldlie proffeit, I littill regaird how men behave thame selffis towardis me;
nether yit knaw I quhairin till ony man hes borne with me in times past, unles it
be, that of my mouth thay haif heard the word of God, quhilk in times to cum,
gif thay refuise, my hairt wilbe persit, and for ane seasone will lament; but the
incommoditie wilbe thair awne."
And efter thir wordis, quhairinto the Laird of Lochinvar[932] wes witness, thai
departit. But unto this day, the 17th of December 1571,[933] thay met nocht in
sick familiaritie as thay had befoir.
The bruit of the accusatioun of Johne Knox being divulged, Mr. Johne Spens of
Condie, Advocat,[934] a man of gentill nature, and ane that professit the doctrine
of the Evangell, came, as it wer, in secreit to Johne Knox, to inquyre the cause of
that grit bruit. To quhom the said Johne wes plane in all thingis, and schew unto
him the dowbill of the letter. Quhilk heard and consydderit, he said, "I thank my
God, I came to you with ane feirfull and sorrowfull hairt, feiring that ye had
done sick ane cryme as lawis mycht haif punischit, quhilk wald haif bene na
small trubill to the hairtis of all sik as hes ressavit the worde of life quhilk ye
haif preichit; but I depairt gritlie rejosit, alsweill becaus I persaif your awin
confort, evin in the myddis of your trubillis, as that I cleirly understand, that ye
haif committit no sik cryme as ye ar burdenit with: Ye wilbe accusit, (said he,)
but God will assist you." And sua he departit.
 BEFOIR THAY DISDAINED NOT TO CUM TO HIS AWIN HOUS.

THE SECRETOURIS COUNSELL TO JOHN KNOX

The Erle of Murray and the Secretarie send for the said Johne to the Clerk of
Registeris house, and began to lament that he had so heighlie offendit the Quenis
Majestie, the quhilk thai feirit sould cum to ane grit inconvenient to him self, gif
he wer not wyselie forsene. Thay schew quhat paines and travell thai had tackin
to mittigat hir anger, but thai could find na thing but extremitie, unless he him
self wald confes his offence, and put him in hir Grace's will. To quhilk heidis the
said Johne answerit as followis:—

JOHN KNOX HIS ANSUER.

"I praise my God, through Jesus Chryst, I haif leirnit nocht to cry conjuratioun
and tressoun at everie thing that the godles multitude dois condempne, neither
yit to feir the thingis that thai feir. I haif the testimonie of ane gude conscience,
that I haif gevin no occasioun to the Quenis Majestie to be offendit with me; for
I haif done na thing but my dewtie, and so quhatsoevir sall thairof insew, my
gude houpe is, that my God will gif me patience to beir it. But to confes ane
offence whair my conscience witnesseth thair is nane, far beit from me."
"How can it be defendit?" said Lethingtoun: "Haif ye not maid convocatioun of
the Quenis leigis?"
"Gif I haif nocht," said he, "a just defence for my fact,[935] lat me smart for it."
"Lat us heir," said thai, "your defensses; for we wald be glaid that ye mycht be
found innocent."
"Nay," said the uther, "for I am informit, and that be diverse, and evin be you,
my Lord Secreatarie, that I am allreddie condampnit, and my cause prejudged:
Thairfoir I mycht be reputed ane fooll, gif I wald mak you previe to my
defensses."

THIS WES THE FIRST TYME THAT THE ERLE OF MURRAY SPAK TO THE SAID JOHN[936]
EFTER THE PARLIAMENT.] "

At thoise wordis thai semeit baith offendit; and so the Secretarie departit. But the
said Erle remanit still, and wald haif interit in farder discourse of the estait of the
Court with the said Johne, quho ansuerit, "My Lorde, I understand mair than I
wald of the effairis of the Court; and thairfoir it is nocht neidfull that your
Lordschip trubill you with the recompting thairof. Gif ye stand in gude caise I
am content; and gif ye do not, as I fear you do nocht allreddie, or ellis ye sall
nocht do or it be lang, blame nocht me. Ye haif the Counsalouris quhome ye haif
chosin; my waik judgement baith ye and thay dispyseit: I can do no thing but
behald the end, quhilk, I pray God, be other than my trubilled hairt feireth."

JOHN KNOX CALLIT BEFOIR THE QUENE AND COUNSELL IN ANNO 1563.[937]

Within four days, the said Johne wes callit befoir the Quene and Counsell betwix
sax and sevin houris at nycht:[938] The seassoune of the yeir wes the middes of
December. The bruit rysing in the toune, that Johne Knox wes send for be the
Quene, the brethering of the Kirk[939] followit in such noumer, that the inner
close was full, and all the stairs, evin to the chalmer dure whair the Quene and
Counsall sat; quho had bene ressonyng amangis thame selves befoir, but had
nocht fullie satisfeyit the Secretaris mynd. And so wes the Quene retyreit to hir
cabinet, and the Lordis wer talkand ilk one with uther, as occasioune served. Bot
upoun the entre of John Knox, thay wer commandit to tak thair places, and so
thai did, sytting as Counsalouris one aganis ane uther.
The Duke, according to his dignitie, began the one syde. Upone the uther syde
sat the Erle of Argyle, and consequentlie followit the Erle of Murray, the Erle of
Glencarne, the Erle of Merchell, the Lord Ruthven, the commoun officeris,
Pettarro than Controllor, the Justice Clark, Mr. John Spens of Condie Advocat;
and diverse utheris stude by. Removeand from the tabill sat auld Lethingtoun,
father to the Secretour, Mr. Henrie Synclare then Bischope of Rosse, and Mr.
James M'Gill Clark Register.
Thingis thus put in ordour, the Quene cam furth, and with no littill warldlie
pomp, wes placeit in the chyre, haifing twa faithfull supportis, the Maister of
Maxwell upoun the ane tor, and Secretour Lethingtoun on the uther tor of the
chyre; quhairupoun thay waittit dillegentlie all time of that accusatioun,
sumtymes the one occupying hir ear, sumtymes the uther. Hir pomp lackit one
principall point, to wit, womanlie gravitie; for when sche saw John Knox
standing at the uther end of the tabill bair-heided, sche first smyleit, and efter
gaif ane gawf lauchter. Quhairat quhen hir placeboes[940] gaif thair plaudite,
affirming with lyke countenance, "This is ane gude begyning," sche said: "But
wat ye whairat I lauch? Yon man gart me greit, and grat never teir him self: I will
see gif I can gar him greit." At that word the Secretoure quhisperrit hir in the ear,
and sche him agane, and with that gaif him ane letter. Efter the inspectioun
thairof, he directit his vissage and speche to Johne Knox in this maner:—
"The Quenis Majestie is informit, that ye haif travellit to raise a tumult of hir
subjectis against hir, and for certificatioun thairof, thair is presented to hir your
awin letter subscryvit in your name. Yit because hir Grace will do na thing
without ane gude advysement, sche hes convenit you befoir this pairt of the
Nobilitie, that thai may witness betwix you and hir."
"Lat him acknawlege," said sche, "his awin hand writ, and than sall we juge of
the contentis of the letter."
And so wes the letter presentit from hand to hand to Johne Knox, who, taking
inspectioun of it, said, "I glaidlie acknawlege this to be my hand writ: and also I
remember, I dyteit ane letter in the month of October, giffin significatioun to the
brether in sindrie quarteris, of sick thingis as displesit me. And that gude
opinioun haif I of the fidelatie of the Scribes that willinglie thai wald nocht
adulterat my originall, albeit I left diverse blankis subscryvit with thame; and so
I acknawlege boith the hand write and the dytement."
"Ye haif done more," said Lethingtoun, "than I wald haif done."
"Charritie," said the uther, "is not suspicious."
"Weill, weill," said the Quene, "reid your awin letter, and than answer to such
thingis as salbe demandit of you."
"I sall do the best I can," said the other; and so with loud voce he began to reid
as befoir expressed.
Efter that the letter was red to the end, it was presentit agane to Mr. Johne Spens;
for the Quene commandit him to accuse, as he efter did, but verie gentillie,—
Efter, we say, that the letter was red, the Quene, behalding the hoill tabill, said,
"Hard ye evir, my Lordis, ane mair dispitfull and tressonable letter?"[941]
Quhill that no man gaif ansuer, Lethingtoun addressit him to John Knox, and
said, "Maister Knox, ar ye nocht sorie from your hairt, and do ye nocht repent
that sick ane letter hes past your pen, and from you is cumin to the knawlege of
utheris."
Johne Knox ansuerit, "My Lord Secretour, befoir I repent I maun be taucht of
my offence."
"Offence," said Lethingtoun, "gif thair wer na mair but the convocatioun of the
Quenis leigis, the offence can nocht be denyit."
"Remember your self, my Lord," said the uther, "thair is a differens betwix ane
lauchfull convocatioun, and ane unlauchfull. Giff I haif bene giltie in this, I haif
oft offendit sen I come [last] in Scotland: for what convocatioun of the
brethering hes ever bene to this day into quhilk my pen servit not? Befoir this no
man led it to my chairge as ane cryme."
"Than wes than," said Ledingtoun, "and now is now: We haif no neid of sick
convocatiounis as sometimes we haif had."
Johne Knox ansuerit, "The time that hes bene is evin now befoir my eyis; for I
see the pure flock[942] in no less daunger nor it hes bene at ony time befoir,
except that the Devill hes gottin a vissorne upon his face. Befoir he come in with
his awin face, discoverit be opin tyrannie, seiking the destructioun of all that hes
refuissit idolatrie; and than I think ye will confess the brethering lauchfullie
assembled thame selfis for defence of thair lyffeis. And now the Devill cumis
under the cloke of Justice, to do that quhilk God wald nocht suffer him to do by
strength."
"What is this?" said the Quene. "Me think ye tryfill with him. Quho gaif him
authoritie to mak convocatioun of my leigis? Is nocht that tressoun?"
"Na, Madam," said the Lord Ruithven, "for he makis convocatioun of the pepill
to heir prayer and sermoun almost daylie, and whatevir your Grace or utheris
will think thereof, we think it no tressoun."
"Hald your peace," said the Quene, "and let him mak ansuer for him self."
"I began, [Madam]" said Johne Knox, "to ressoun with the Secratour, quhome I
tak to be ane far better dialectician[943] then your Grace is, that all convocatiouns
ar nocht unlauchfull: and now my Lord Ruithven hes gevin the instance, quhilk
gif your Grace will deny, I sall addres me for the prufe."
"I will say nathing," said the Quene, "aganis your religioun, nor aganis your
convenyng to your sermonis: But quhat authoritie haif ye to convocat my
subjectis quhen ye will, without my commandiment?"
"I haif no plesour," said Johne Knox, "to declyne from the formar purpoise. And
yit, Madam, to satisfie your Grace's two questiounis, I ansuer, that at my will I
nevir convenit four persounis in Scotland; but at the ordour that the bretherin hes
appoyntit, I haif gevin diverse adverteismentis, and grit multitudis haif assemblit
thairupone. And gif your Grace complane that this wes done without your
Graceis commandiment, I ansuer, sa hes all that God hes blissed within this
Realme from the begyning of this actioun. And thairfoir, Madam, I maun be
convyckit be ane just law, that I haif done aganis the deutie of Godis messinger
in writting of this letter, befoir that either I be sorie, or yit repent for the doing of
it, as my Lord Secretour wald perswaid me: For what I haif done, I haif done [at]
the commandiment of the generall Kirk of this Realme; and thairfoir, I think, I
haif done na wrang."
"Ye sall not eschaip so," said the Quene. "Is it nocht tressoun, my Lordis, to
accuse ane Prince of creweltie? I think thair be Actis of Parliament aganis sick
whisperaris." That wes grantit of monie.
"But whairintill," said Johne Knox, "can I be accusit?"
"Reid this pairt of your awin bill," said the Quene, quhilk began, "Thir feirfull
summondis is direct aganis thame, (to wit, the bretherin foirsaid,) to make, no
dout, preparatioun[944] upoun ane few, that ane dore may be opened till execute
creweltie upoun ane grytter multitude." "Lo," said the Quene, "quhat say ye to
that?"
Quhill monie doubtit quhan the said Johne sould ansuer, he said unto the Quene,
"Is it lauchfull for me, Madam, to ansuer for my self? Or sall I be dampned
befoir I be hard?"
"Say what ye can," said sche; "for I think ye haif eneuch ado."
"I will first [then] desyre this of your Grace, Madam, and of this maist
Honorabill audience, quhidder gif your Grace knawis nocht, that the obstinat
Papistis ar deidlie ennemeis to all sick as profess the Evangill of Jesus Christ,
and that thai moist eirnistlie desyre the exterminatioun of thame, and of the trew
doctrine that is taucht within this Realme?"
The Quene held hir peace: but all the Lordis, with commoun voce, said, "God
forbid that either the lyves of the faythfull, or yit the staying of the doctrine,
stude in the power of the Papistis: for just experience hes tauld us what creweltie
lyis in[945] thair hertis."
"I maun proceid than," said Johne Knox, "seing that I persaif that all will grant
that it wer ane barbarous creweltie to destroy sick ane multitude as profess the
Evangell of Jesus Christ within this Realme, quhilk ofter then anis or twyse thai
haif tempit to do be force, as thingis done of lait dayis do testify, quhairof thay,
be God and his providence, being dissapointit, haif inventit moir craftie and
daingerous practises, to wit, to mak the Prince pairtie under cullour of law: and
so what thai could not do [be] oppin force, thai sall perform be craftie deceat.
For who thinkis, my Lordis, that the insatiable crewaltie of the Papistis, within
this Realme, I meane, sall end in the murthering of these two bretherin now
injustlie summond, and moir unjustlie to be accusit. I think no man of judgement
can sa esteme, but rayther the direct contrair, that is, that by this few noumer thai
intend to prepair a way to thair bloodie interprises aganis the whole. And
thairfoir, Madam, cast up when ye list the Actis of your Parliment. I haif offendit
nathing aganis thame; I accuse nocht in my letter your Grace, nor yit your
natoure of creweltie. But I affirm yit agane, that the pestilent Papistis, quho have
inflamit your Grace without caus againis those pure men at this present, ar the
sonis of the devill; and thairfoir maun obey the desires of thair father, quho hes
bene ane liar and ane murtherour from the begyning."
"Ye forget your self," said ane; "ye ar not now in the pulpit."
 LAT THE WARLD JUGE QUHAT EFFER SCHORTLIE ANSUERIT.[946]

"I am in the place," said the uther, "quhair I am demandit of conscience to speik
the treuth; and thairfoir I speik. The treuth I speik impung it quhoso list. And
heirunto [I add,] Madam, that honest, gentill, and meik naturis be appeirance, be
wickit and corrupt counsallouris, may be convertit and alter[947] to the direct
contrair. Exampill we haif of Nero, who in the begyning of his impyre, we find
haifing some naturall schame;[948] but efter that his flatteraris had encuraged him
in all impietie, alleging, that na thing wes either unhonest nor yit unlauchfull for
his personage, quho wes Empriour abuif utheris: quhen he had drunken of this
coup, I say, to quhat enormiteis he fell, the historeis beiris witnes. And now,
Madam, to speik planelie, Papistis and conjureit ennemeis to Jesus Christ, haif
your Graceis eare patent at all tymeis. I assure your Grace thai ar daingerous
counsallouris, and that your Mother fand."

As this wes said, Ledingtoun smyleit,[949] and spak secreitlie to the Queue in hir
eare; what it wes, the tabill hard nocht. But immediatlie sche addressit hir
vissage, and spack to Johne Knox, and said, "Weill, ye speik fair eneuch heir
befoir my Lordis; but the last tyme I spak with you secreitlie, ye causit me weip
monie salt teiris, and said to me stubernelie, 'Ye set not by my greitting.'"
"Madam," said the uther, "becaus now the secound tyme your Grace hes
burdened me with that crime, I maun ansuer, as [leist] for my silence I be haldin
gyltie. [If your Grace] be rypelie rememberit, the Laird of Dun, yit leving to
testifie the treuth, was present at that tyme quhairof your Grace complenis. Your
Grace accuseit me, that I had irreventlie handyllit you in the pulpat; that I denyit.
Ye said, What ado had I to speik of your marriage? What was I, that I sould mell
with syk maiteris? I ansuerit, As tueching natour, I wes ane worm of this earth,
and yet ane subject of this Commounwelth; but as tueching the office whairintill
it hes plesit God to place me, I wes ane watchman, bayth over the Realme, and
over the Kirk of God gatherit within the same; be reasoun whairof I wes bound
in conscience to blaw the trumpet publictlie, so oft as evir I saw onie upfall, onie
appeiring dainger,[950] either of the one or of the other. But sa it wes, that ane
certane bruit affermed that traffick of mariage wes betwix your Grace and the
Spanishe allya; quhairinto I said, that gif your Nobylattie and Estaitis did agrie,
unles that bayth ye and your husband sould be so straitlie bound, that neither of
you mycht hurte this Commounwealth, nor yit the pure Kirk of God within the
same, that in that cais I wald pronunce, that the consentaris wer trubleris[951] of
this Commounwelth, and ennemeis to God, and to his promeis plantit within the
same.[952] At these wordis, I grant, your Grace stormed, and burstit furth into ane
unressonable weiping. Quhat myttigatioun the Laird of Dun wald haif maid, I
suppois your Grace hes not forget. But whill that nathing wes abill to stay your
weiping, I wes compellit to say, I tak God to record, that I never tuik plesour to
see onie creatour weip, [yea, not my children quhen my awin hands had bett
thame,[953]] meikle less can I rejoise to see your Grace mak sick regreat. But
seing I haif offerit your Grace no such occasioun, I maun rather suffer your
Grace to tack your awin plesour, or that I dar conceil the treuth, and so betray
baith the Kirk of God and my Commounwelth. Thir wes the maist extreme
wordis that I spak that day."
Efter that the Secretar had conferrit with the Quene, he said, "Mr. Knox, ye may
returne to your hous for this nicht."
"I thank God and the Quenis Majestie," said the other. "And, Madame, I pray
God to purge your hairt from Papeistrey, and to preserve you from the counsall
of flatteraris; for how pleasand that thei appeir to your ear and corrupt affectioun
for the tyme, experience hes tauld us in what perplexatie thay have brocht
famous princes."
Ledingtoune and the Maister of Maxwell [were] that nycht the two stoupeis of
hir chair.
Johne Knox being departit, the Tabill of the Lordis, and utheris that wer present,
wer demandit, everie man be his vote, Gif Johne Knox had nocht offendit the
Quenis Majestie. The Lordis voteit uniformelie thai coulde find no offence. The
Quene wes past to hir cabinet. The flatteraris of the Courte, and Ledingtoune
pryncipally, raged. The Quene wes brocht agane, and placeit in hir chyre, and
thai commandit to vote oure agane: quhilk thing heichlie offendit the haill
Nobylattie, and began to speik in opin audience, "What! sall the Laird of
Lethingtoune haif power to controle us: or sall the presence of ane woman caus
us to offend God, and to dampne ane innocent aganis oure conscience for
plesour of onie creatour?" And so the haill Nobylattie absolved Johne Knox
agane, and praisit God for his modestie, and for his plane and sensible ansueris.
Yit befoir the end, ane thing is to be noittit, to witt, that amangis sa monie
placeboes, we mene the flatteraris of Courte, thair wes nocht ane that planelie
durst condampne the pure man that was accusit, this same God reuling thair
tounge that sometymeis reulit the toung of Balaam,[954] when gladlie he wald
haif cursit Godis pepill.
 THE TANT OF THE QUENE TO MR. HENRIE SYNCLAIR.

THE CRAFT OF THE COURTE.

This persaveit, the Quene began to upbraid Mr. Henrie Synclair, then Bischope
of Ross, and said, heiring his vote to agree with the rest, "Trubill nocht the
barne: I pray you trubill him nocht; for he is newlie walknit out of his sleip. Why
soulde nocht the aulde fule follow the futestapis of thame that haif passit befoir
him." The Bischope answerit cauldlie, "Your Grace may considder, that it is
neither affectioun to the man, nor yit lufe to his proffessioun that moved me to
absolve him; but the sempill treuthe, quhilk planelie appeiris in his defence,
drawis me efter it, albeit that utheris wald haif condampnit him." And this being
said, the Lordis and haill assisteris araise and departit. That nycht wes nether
dansing nor fyddilling in the Courte; for Madame wes disappoyntit of hir
purpois, quhilk wes to haif had Johne Knox in hir will be vote of hir Nobylattie.
Johne Knox, absolved be the votes of the grittest pairt of the Nobylattie from the
cryme intendit aganis him, evin in the presence of the Quene, sche rageit, and
the placebois of the Courte stormed: And so began new assaultis to be maid at
the handis of the said Johne, to confes ane offence, and to put him in the Quenis
will, and thay soulde promeis that his gryttest punischement sould be to go
within the Castell of Edinburgh, and immediatlie to returne to his awin hous. He
answerit, "God forbid that my confessioune soulde dampne those nobill men that
of thair conscience, and with displasour of the Quene, have absolved me. And
forder, I am assureit, ye will nocht in earnist desyre me to confes ane offence,
onles that thairwith ye wald desyre me to ceise from preiching: for how can I
exhorte utheris to peace and Cryssin quyetnes, gif I confes myself ane authour
and mover of seditioun?"

QUHILK BEGAN THE 25 OF DECEMBER.[955]

THE COURTE REFUISIT THE MINISTERIS.

The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk approcheit. But the juste petitiounis of the
Mynisteris and Commissionaris of Kirkis wer dispysit at the first, and that with
thir wordis, "As Mynisteris will not follow our counsellis, so will we suffer
Mynisteris to labour for thame selfis, and see what speid thai cum." And when
the quhole Assemblie said, "Gif the Quene will not [provide for our Ministeris],
we man; [for] bayth Thrid and Tua pairt ar rigyrrouslie takin frome us, and
frome our tennentis." "Giff utheris," said one, "will follow my counsell, the gaird
and the Papistis sall complene als lang as our Mynisteris haif done." At these
wordis the former scherpnes wes cullourit, and the speikare allegit, that he menit
not of all Mynisteris, bot of sum to quhome the Quene wes no dettour; for what
Thrid ressavit sche of Borrowis? Cristopheir Gudeman[956] ansuerit, "My Lord
Secretour, gif ye can schaw me what [just] tyttill either the Quene hes to the
Thrid, or the Papistis to the Twa pairt, then I think I soulde solve[957] quhidder
sche wer dettour to Mynisteris within broughis or not." But thairto he ressavit
this check for ansure, "Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica;" that is,
"Lat not ane strainger be curious in a strainge Commounewelth." The man of
God ansuerit, "Albeit I be ane strainger in your pollicey, yit so am I not in the
Kirk of God; and thairfoir the cair thairof does no less appertene to me in
Scotland than gif I wer in the myddis of Ingland."

KNOX FALSLIE REPOIRTIT OF.

Monie wonderit at the sylence of Johne Knox; for in all those quick ressonyngis
he openit not his mouthe. The cause thairof he himself expressit in those wordis:
"I haif travellit, rycht honorabill and belovit Bretherin, sen my last arryval within
this Realme in ane uprycht conscience befoir my God, seiking no thing more, as
he is [my] wytness, than the advancement of his glorie, and the stabillitie of his
Kirk within this Realme; and yit of lait dayis I haif bene accuseit as ane
sedytious man, and as ane that usurpes unto my self power that becumis me
nocht. Trew it is, I haif gevin adverteismentis into the bretherin in dyveris
quarteris, of the extremitie intendit aganis certane faythfull for luiking to ane
Preist going to Mess, and for observing of those that transgressit juste lawis; bot
[that] thairintill I haif usurped farther power than is gevin into me, till that be
you I be dampned, I utterlie deny; for I say, that be you, that is be the chairge of
the Generall Assemblie, I haif als just power to adverteise the bretherin from
tyme to tyme of daingers appeiring, as that I haif to preche the worde of God in
the pulpett of Edinbrough; for be you I wes appoyntit to the one and to the uther;
and thairfoir, in the name of God, I craif your jugementis. The dainger that
appeirit to me in my accusatioun wes nocht sua feirfull as the wordis that come
to my earis wer dollorous to my hairt; for thir wordis wer planelie spokin, and
that be sum Protestantis, 'What can the Pape do mair then send furth his Letteris,
and requyreit thame to be obeyit.' Lat me haif your jugementis thairof, quhidder
that I haif usurped onie power to my self, or gif I haif bot obeyit your
commandiment."
The flatteraris of the Courte, amangis quhome Sir Johne Ballentyne, Justice
Clerk,[958] wes then not the leist, began to storme, and said, "Sall we be
compellit to justifie the rasch doingis of men?" "My Lorde," said Johne Knox,
"ye sall speik your plesour for the present: of you I craif no thing; bot gif the
Kirk that is heir present do not either absolve me, or ellis condampne me, nevir
sall I in publict or in privat, as ane publict mynister, open my mouthe in doctrine
or in ressonyng."
Efter lang contentioun, the said Johne being removed, the whole Kirk fand, that
a chairg wes gevin unto him to adverteis the Bretherin in all quarteris as oft as
evir dainger appeirit; and thairfoir avowit that fact not to be his onlie, bot to be
the fact of all. Thairat wer the Quenis claw-backis mair inrageit than evir thai
wer; for sum of thame had promissit to the Quene to get the said Johne convyct,
baith be the Consall and be the Kirk;[959] and being frustrat of boith, sche and
thai thocht thame selffis nocht [a little] dissapoyntit.
 1563.
HURDOME AND MURDOUR IN THE COURTE.

SEMPILL AND LEVINGSTOUN.

MARIES REGIMENT.

In the verie tyme of the Generall Assemblie, thair cumis to publyct knawlege ane
heinous murdour committed in the Courte, yea, not far from the Quenis awin
lap; for ane Frenche woman, that servit in the Quenis chalmer had playit the hure
with the Quenis awin hipoticary.[960] The woman conceveit and bare ane child,
quhome with commoune consent the father and the mother murthered. Yit wer
the cryis of ane new borne barne hard; searche wes maid, the chylde and mother
wes baith deprehendit; and so wer baith the man and the woman dampned to be
hangit upoun the publict streit of Edinburgh. The punischment wes notable,
becaus the cryme wes heinous. Bot yit wes not the Courte purged of hureis and
huredome, quhilk wes the fontane of sik enormiteis; for it wes weill knawin, that
schame haistit mariage betwix Johne Sempill, callit the Danser, and Marie
Levingstoune, surnameit the Lustie.[961] What bruit the Maries and the rest of the
dansaris of the Courte had, the ballattis of that aige[962] did witnes, quhilk we for
modesteis sake omit. Bot this wes the commoune complaint of all godlie and
wyse men, that giff thai thocht that sick ane Courte soulde lang continew, and
giff thai luikit for no uther lyffe to cum, thay wald haif wissit thair soneis and
dochteris rather to have bene brought up with fydlaris and dansaris, and to have
bene exerceit in flinging upone ane flure, and in the rest that thairof followis,
than to haif bene nurisched in the companie of the godlie, and exerceissit in
vertew, quhilk in that Courte wes haittit, and fylthines not onlie maintenit, bot
also rewairded. Witnes the Lordschip[963] of Abercorne, the baronie of
Authormortie,[964] and diverse utheris pertenyng to the patrimonie of the
Crowne, gyffin in heritage to scouparis, dansaris, and dalliaris with damis. This
wes the begyning of the regement of Marie Quene of Scottis, and thir wer the
fructeis that sche brocht furth of France. "Lorde, luik upone our mysereis, and
delyver us from the tyrannie[965] of that hure, for thy awin meir mercies saik."
 PRAYIT AND WRITTEN QUHEN SHE WES IN GRYTEST AUTHORITIE.[966]

GREIT WEIT AND FROIST IN JANUARE 1563.

WONDARIS SENE IN FEBRUAR.

BANKITING IN THE COURTE, BOT CONTEMP OF THE MYNISTERIS.

THE QUENIS PROMEIS.

God from hevin, and upone the face of the eirth, gaif declaratioun that he wes
offendit at the iniquitie that wes committit evin within this Realme; for upone the
20th day of Januare thair fell weit in grit aboundance, quhilk in the falling freisit
so vehementlie, that the eirth wes bot ane scheit of ysce. The foules baith grit
and small freisit, and mycht nocht flee: monie deyit, and sum wer takin and laid
besyde the fyre, that thair fetheris mycht resolve. And in that same moneth the
sey stude still, as wes clerlie observed, and nather ebbit nor flowit the space of
24. houris. In the moneth of Februare, the 15th and 18th day thairof, wes sene in
the fyrmament battelis arrayit, speiris, and utheris weapounis, and as it had bene
the joinyng of two armeis. Thir thingis wer nocht onlie observed, bot also spokin
and constantlie affyrmed be men of jugement and credit. But the Quene and our
Court maid myrrie. Thair wes banketting upoun banketting. The Quene wald
banket all the Lordis; and that wes done upoun polessie, to remove the
suspitioune of hir displesour aganis thame, becaus thai wald nocht at hir
devotioun dampne Johne Knox. To remove, we say, that jeloussie, sche maid the
banket to the haill Lordis, quhairat sche wald haif the Duke amangis the rest. It
behuifit thame to banket hir agane; and so did banketting continew till Fastronis-
evin and efter. But the pure Mynisteris wer mockit, and reputed as monsteris; the
gaird, and[967] the effairis of the kytcheing wer so gryping, that the Mynisteris
stipendis could nocht be payit; and yit at the Assemblie precedeand, solemnitlie
promeis wes maid in the Quenis name, be the mouth of Secretour Lethingtoune,
in the audiance of monie of the Nobylatie and of the hoill Assemblie, who
affyrmeit, that he had commandiment of hir Heichnes to promeis[968] unto thame
full contentatioun to all the Mynisteris within the Realme of thingis bygane; and
of suche ordour to be keipit in all tymeis to cum, that the whole bodie of the
Protestantis soulde haif occasioune to stand content. The Erle of Murray affermit
the same, with monie uthair fair promeisses gevin be writ be Lethingtoune him
self; as in the register of the Actis done in the Generall Assemblie may be sene.
[969] Bot how that, or yit anie uther thing promissit by hir, or in hir name, unto
the Kirk of God, wes observed, the Warlde can witnes.
The Mynisteris perceaving all thingis tend to ruyne, dischairgit thair conscience
in publict and in previt; but thay ressaifit for thair laubouris haitred and
indignatioun; and amangis utheris, that worthie servand of God, Mr. John Craig,
speiking aganis the manifest corruptioun that then withoute schame or feir
declareit the self, said, "Sum tymeis wer hypocriteis knawin be thair disgyseit
habittis, and we had men to be monkis, and women to be nunis; but now all
thingis ar so chaingit, that we can nocht dyscerne the Erle frome the Abbot, nor
the Nun frome sik as wald be haldin the Nobill-wemin;[970] so that we haif gottin
ane new ordour of monkis and nunis. But, (said he,) seing that ye eschame not of
that unjuste proffeit, wald God that thairwith ye had the coule of the nun, the
vaill, yea, and the taill joyned with all,[971] that so ye mycht appeir in your awin
cullouris."

LETHINGTOUNE TWYSE DEFYIT THE SERVANDIS OF GOD.

This lybertie did so provoik the choller[972] of Lethingtoune, that in opin

audience he gaif him unto the Devill, gif that ever efter that day he sould regaird
what become of Mynisteris, that he sould do what he could, that his
companyeounis sould haif ane skair with him; "And lat thame bark and blaw,"
said he, "alse loude as thay list." And so that wes the second tyme that he had
gevin [his] defyance to the servandis of God. And heirupone raise whispering
and complainttis, all be the flatteraris of the Courte, complenyng that men wer
not cheritably[973] handyllit: "Mycht nocht synnis be repruifit in generall, albeit
that men wer not so specialie taxed, that all the warlde mycht knaw of whome
the preachour spak?" Quhairinto wes the ansuer maid, "Let men eschame
publiklie to offend, and the Mynisteris sall abstene from specialiteis; but so lang
as Protestantis ar not eschameit manifestlie to do aganis the evangill of Jesus
Chryste, so lang can nocht the Mynisteris of God ceise to cry, that God wilbe
revengit upoun sik abusearis of his holie worde."
And thus had the servandis of God ane doubill battell, fechting upoun the one
syde aganis the idolatrie and the rest of the abominatiounis mentenit be the
Quene; and upoun the uther pairt, aganis the unthankfulnes of sik as sumtyme
wald haif bene estemed the cheiff pyllaris of the Kirk within the Realme.
 1564.
The threitnyngis of the prechouris wer feirfull; but the Courte thocht the self in
[such] securitie that it coulde nocht myscary.[974] The Quene, efter the
banketting, keipit a dyett [be directioun of] Monsieur Lusury, Frenche man, who
had bene acquaintit with hir maladie befoir, being hir physicioun:[975] And
theirefter sche, for the secound tyme, maid hir progresses in the North,[976] and
commandit to waird in the Castell of Edinburgh the Erle of Kaithness,[977] for
ane murther committit be his servandis upoun the Erle of Merchellis men. He
obeyit, bot he wes sodentlie relevit; for sik blude-thrystie men and Papeistis, sik
as he is, ar best subjectis to the Quene. "Thy kingdome cum, O Lord; for in this
Realme is no thing (amangis sik as soulde punische vyce and mentene vertew)
but abhominatiounis abounding withoute brydell."

The flatteraris[978] of the Courte did daylie inrage aganis the pure Prechouris:
happyest wes he that coulde invent the moist bytter tantis and disdainfull
mokingis of the Mynisteris. And at lenth thai began to jest at the terme of
Idolatrie, affirmyng, "That men wist nocht what thai spak, quhan thai callit the
Messe Idolatrie." Yea, sum proceidit farder, and feirit nocht at opin tabilles to
affirme, "That thai wald sustene the argument, that the Messe wes no Idolatrie."
These thingis cuming to the earis of the prechouris, wer proclamit in publyct
pulpett of Edinburgh, with this complaynt direct be the speikare[979] to his God.
"O Lord, how lang sall the wyckit prevaill aganis the juste! How lang sall thou
suffer thy self and thy blessit Evangill to be dyspysit of men; of men, we say,
that makis[980] thame selfis defendaris of the treuth! For of thy manifest and
knawin ennemeis we complene nocht, bot of such as unto whom thou hes reveilit
thy lycht: for now it cumis into our eiris, that men, not Papistis, we say, bot cheif
Protestantis, will defend the Messe to be no Idolatrie. Giff so wer, O Lord,
myserablie haif I bene disavit, and myserablie, alace, O Lord, haif I deceavit thy
peopill; quhilk thou knawis, O Lord, I haif evir moir abhorrit than a thousand
deithis. Bot," said he, turnyng his face towardis the rowme where sik men as so
had affirmed, sat, "Gif I be nocht able to prove the Messe to be the moist
abhominable Idolatrie that evir wes useit sen the begynning of the Worlde, I
offer my self to suffer the punischement appoyntit be God to a fals teichare; and
it appeiris unto me," said the preichare, "that the affirmeris soulde be subject to
the same law: for it is the treuthe of God that ye persecute and blaspheme; and it
is the inventioun of the Devill, that obstinatlie aganis his Worde, ye menteyne.
Whairat, albeit ye now flyrt and ye flyre, as [thocht] that all wer spokin wer but
wind,[981] yit am I [als] assureit, as I am assureit that my God leveth, that sum
that hear this your defectioun and railling aganis the treuthe and servandis of
God, sall see ane pairt of Godis jugementis poured furth upoun this Realme, (and
pryncipallie upoun you[982] that fastest cleifes to the favour of the Courte,) for
the abominatiounes that ar be you menteneit." Albeit that suche vehemencie
provoikit teiris of sum, yit those men that knew themselfis guilty, in a mocking
maner said, "We must recant, and burne oure bill; for the Prechouris ar angrie."

ANNO 1564.

THIS WES NEVIR DONE BE THIS AUTHOR.

The Generall Assemblie, halden in Junij 1564,[983] approcheit, unto the which
greit[984] pairt of the Nobylatie, of those that ar callit Protestantis, convenit; sum
for assistance of the mynisteris, and sum to accuse thame, as we will efter heir.
[985]

A lyttill befoir the trubles, quhich Sathan raised in the bodie of the Kirk, began
Davie[986] to grow grit in Courte. The Quene usit him for Secretarie, in thingis
that appertenit to hir secreit effaires, in France[987] or ellis quhair. Grit men maid
in Courte unto him, and thair sutes wer the better heard. Bot of the begynning
and progress, we delay now forder to speik, becaus his end will requyre the
descryptioune of the whole: [And referris it unto suche, as God sall rayse up to
do the same.][988]
The first day of the Generall Assemblie, the Courtiouris nor the Lordis that
dependit upoun the Court, presentit nocht thame selfis in the sessioun with thair
Bretherin. Whairat monie wondering, ane anceyant and honorable man, the
Laird of Lundie,[989] said, "Nay, I wonder nocht of thair present absence; but I
wonder that at our last Assemblie, thai drew thame selfis ane pairt, and joynit
nocht with us, but drew from us some of our mynisteris, and wylleit thame to
conclude sik thingis as war never proponit in the publick Assemblie, [quhilk
apperis to me to be a thing][990] verrie prejudiciall to the libertie of the Kirk.
And, thairfoir, my jugement is, that thai salbe informit of this offence, quhilk the
whole Bretherin haif consaveit of thair former falt; humblie requyring thame,
that gif thai be Bretherin, thai will assist thair Bretherin with thair presence and
counsall, for we had nevir grytter neid. And gif thai be myndit to fall back from
us, it wer better we knaw it now than afterward." Thairto aggreyit the whole
Assemblie, and gaif commissioun to certene Bretherin to signify the myndis of
the Assemblie to the Lordis; quhilk wes done that same day efter noon.[991]
The Courteouris at first semeit nocht a lyttill offendit, that thay sould be as it wer
suspectit of defectioun: yit, nevirtheles, upoun the morrow, thai joynit with the
Assemblie, and come into it: But thai drew thame selfis, lyke as thai did befoir,
apairt, and enterit the Inner Counsell-house. Thair wes the Dukis Grace, the
Erles Argyle, Murray, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merchell, Rothes; the Maister of
Maxwell, Secretour Lethingtoun, the Justice Clark, the Clark of Register, and the
Controllour, the Laird of Pittarro.
Efter a lyttill consultatioun, thai direct ane messinger, Mr. George Hay,[992] than
callit the Minister of the Court, requyring the Superintendantis, and sum of the
leirnit ministeris, to confer with thame. The Assemblie ansuerit, "That thai
convenit to delyberat upoun the commoun effairis of the Kirk; and, thairfoir, that
thay could nocht lack thair Superintendantis and cheif ministeris, whose
jugementis wer so necessarie, that without thame the rest sould sit as it wer idill;
and thairfoir willand thame (as of befoir) that gif thay acknawlege thame selfis
memberis of the Kirk, that thai wald joyne with the Bretherin, and propone in
publict sik thingis as thai pleissit; and so thai sould haif the assistance of the
whole in all thingis that mycht stand to Godis commandiment. But to send from
thame selfis a portioun of thair companie, thai understand that thairof hurt and
sclander mycht aryse, rather than anie proffeit or conforte to the Kirk: for thay
feirit, that all men sould nocht stand content with the conclusioun, whair the
conference and ressounis wer hard but of a few."
This ansuer wes nocht giffin without cause; for no small travell wes maid, to haif
drawin sum mynisteris to the factioun of the Courtiouris, and to haif sustenit
thair argumentis and opiniounis. But whan it wes persaifit be the moist politick
amangis thame, that thai could not prevaill be that meanes, thai proponeit the
matter in uther termis, purging thame selfis, first, that thai nevir ment to
devyde[993] thame selfis from the sociatie of thair bretherin; but, because thai had
certane heidis to confer with certane ministeris; thairfoir, for avoyding of
confusioun, thai thocht it mair expedient to haif the conference befoir a few,
rather than in the publict audience. But the Assemblie[994] did still reply, "That
secreit conference wald thay nocht admit in those heidis that sould be concludit
be generall voit." The Lordis promeissit, "That no conclusioun sould be taikin,
nether yit voit requyreit, till that bayth the propositiounis and the ressounis sould
be heard, and considderit of the whole bodie." And upoun that conditioun wer
directit unto thame, with expressit chairge to conclude no thing without the
knawledge[995] and advyse of the Assemblie, the Laird of Dun, Superintendant
of Anguss, the Superintendantis of Lothyane and Fyffe,[996] Mr. John Row, Mr.
John Craig, Williame Crystisoune, Mr. David Lyndesay, mynisteris, with the
Rectour of Sanctandrois,[997] and Mr. George Hay; the Superintendant of
Glasgow, Mr. Johne Willok, wes Moderatour, and Johne Knox waitit upoun the
Scrybe. And so thay wer appoyntit to sit with the Bretherin. And that because the
principall compleint tuychit[998] Johne Knox, he wes also callit for.

LEDINGTOUN'S HARANGE AT THE ASSEMBLIE IN JUNIJ 1564 ZEIRIS.

Secretour Lethingtoun began the harangue,[999] which contenit these heidis:

First, How much we wer adettit unto God, be whois providence we had libertie
of religioun under the Quenis Majestie, albeit that sche wes nocht persuadeit in
the same: Secoundlie, How necessarie ane thing it wes that the Quenis Majestic,
be all gude offices, (so spak he,) of the Kirk, and of the mynisteris principally,
sould be retenit in that constant opinioun, that thai unfeinzeitlie favourit hir
advancement, and procureit hir subjectis to haif ane gude opinioun of hir: And,
last, How daingerous ane thing it was, that mynisteris sould be noittit ane to
disagree from ane uther, in form of prayer for hir Majestie, or in doctrine
conserning obedience to hir Majesties authoritie: "And in these two last heidis,
(said he,) we desyre you all to be circumspect; but especially we maun craif of
you our brother, Johne Knox, to moderat your selff, als weall in form of praying
for the Quenis Majestie, as in doctrine that ye propone tuyching hir estait and
obedience. Neither sall ye tak this, (said he,) as spokin to your reproche, quia
nevus[1000] interdum in corpore pulchro, but becaus that otheris, by your
example, may imitate the lyke libertie, albeit nocht with the same modestie and
foirsycht; and what opinioun may ingedder[1001] in the peopillis heidis, wyse
men do forsee."
The said Johne prepairit him for ansuer, as followis: "Gif such as feir God haif
occasioune to praise him, that becaus that idolatrie is maintenit, the servandis of
God dispyseit, wyekit men placeit agane in honour and authoritie, (Mr. Henrie
Synclair wes of schort tyme befoir maid President,[1002] who befoir durst nocht
haif syttin in jugement;) and, finalie, (said he,) gif we aucht to prais God becaus
that vice and impyettie overfloweth this hoill Realme without punischment, than
haif we occasioun to rejoise and to prayse[1003] God: But gif those and the lyke
use to provoik Godis vengeance aganis Realmis and Natiounis, than, in my
jugement, the godlie within Scotland aucht to lament and murne; and so to
prevent Goddis jugementis, leist that he, fynding all in a lyke security,[1004]
stryke in his hot indignatioun, begynning [perchance] at sik as think thai offend
nocht."
"That is ane heid," said Lethingtoun, "whairinto ye and I nevir aggreyit; for how
ar ye abill to prove that evir God straik or plaigit ane natioun or peopill for the
iniquitie of thair Prince, gif that thame selfis levit godlie?"

2 PARALI. 33.[1005]

"I lukeit," said he, "my Lord, to haif audience, till that I had absolvit the uthor
two pairtis; but seing it pleissis your Lordship to cut me off befoir the myddis, I
will ansuer to your questioun. The Scriptour of God teichis me, that Jerusalem
and Juda wes punischit for the sinne of Manasses; and gif ye will allege, that thai
wer punischit because that thai wer wyckit, and offendit with thair King, and
nocht because thair King wes wyckit; I ansuer, that albeit the Spreit of God
makis for me, saying in expressit wordis, 'For the syn of Manasses,' yit will I
nocht be so obstinat as to lay the whole syn, and plaigis that thairof followit,
upoun the King, and utterlie absolve the peopill; but I will grant with you, that
the whole peopill offendit with the King: but how, and in what fassioun, I feir
that ye and I sall nocht agrie. I doute nocht but the grit multitude accumpanit him
in all abhominatiounis quhilk he did; for idolatrie, and ane fals religioun haith
evir bene, is, and wilbe plesing to the moist pairt of men. But to affirm that all
Juda committit realie the actis of his impyettie, is but to affirm that quhilk nether
hes certentie, nor yit appeirence of ane treuth: for who can think it to be possible,
that all those of Jerusalem sould so schoirtlie turn to externall idolatrie,
considdering the notabill reformatioun laitlie befoir had in the days of Ezechias?
But yit, says the text, 'Manasses maid Juda and the inhabitantis of Jerusalem to
erre.' True it is; for the one pairt, as I haif said, willinglie followit him in his
idolatrie, and the other, be ressoune of his authoritie, sufferit him to fyle
Jerusalem, and the tempill of God, with all abhominatiounis, and so wer thai all
cryminall for his sin; the one be act and deid, the uther be suffering and
permissioun: even as hoill Scotland is guiltie this day of the Quenis idolatrie, and
ye, my Lordis, speciallie above all utheris."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that is the cheif heid quhairin we nevir aggreit; but of
that we sall speik heirefter. What will ye say as tuyching the moveing of the
peopill to haif ane gude opinioun of the Quenis Majestie, and as concerning
obedience to be gevin to hir authoritie, as also of the form of the prayer quhilk
commounlie ye use," &c.
"My Lord," said he, "moir eirnistlie to move the peopill, or yit utherwyse to pray
than heirtofoir I haif done, a gude conscience will nocht suffer me; for He who
knawis the secreittis of hertis, knawis that privilie and publictlie I haif callit to
God for hir conversioun, and haif willit the peopill to do the same, schawing
thame the dangerous estait quhairin nocht onelie sche hir self standis, but also
the haill Realme, be the ressoun of hir indureit blindnes," &c.
"That is it," said Lethingtoun, "whairin we find gryttest falt. Your extremitie
aganis hir Messe, in particular, passis meassour. Ye call hir ane slaif to Sathan;
ye affirme that Godis vengeance hingis oure the Realme, be ressoune of hir
impietie;[1006] and what is this ellis but to rouse up the hairt of the peopill aganis
hir Majestie, and aganis thame that serve hir."

THE MR. OF MAXWELL'S WORDS IN THE ASSEMBLIE.

Thair wes heard ane exclamatioun of the rest of the flatteraris, that sick
extremittie could nocht proffit. The Maister of Maxwell said in plane wordis,
"Gif I war in the Quenis Majesties place, I wald nocht suffer sick thingis as I
heir."

JOHN KNOX HIS PRAYER FOR THE QUENE.

"Gif the wordis of prechouris," said Johne Knox, "sall alwayis be rest to the
worst pairt, than will it be hard to speik onie thing so circumspectlie, provyded
that the treuth be spokin, quhilk sall not eschape the censure of the calamniatour.
The moist vehement, and, as ye speak, excessive maneir of prayer that I use in
publict is this, 'O Lord, gif thy plesour be, purge the hairt of the Quenis Majestie
from the venoum of idolatrie, and deliver hir from the boundage and thraldom of
Sathan, in the quhilk sche hes bene brocht up, and yit remanis, for the lack of
true doctrine; and lat hir see, be the illuminatioun of thy Holie Spreit, that thair is
no meane to pleis thee but be Jesus Christ thy onlie Son, and that Jesus Christ
can nocht be found but in thy holie word, nor yit ressavit but as it prescrybeis;
which is, to renunce our awin wittis, and preconsavit opinioun, and worschip
thee as thou commandis; that in sa doing sche may avoid that eternall
dampnatioun quhilk abydeis all obstinat and impenitent unto the end; and that
this poor Realme may also eschaip that plaig and vengeance quhilk inevitablie
followis idolatrie, menteinit aganis thy manifest worde, and the opin lycht
thairof.' This, (said he,) is the form of my commoun prayer, as your selflis can
witnes. Now, what is worthie reprehensioun in it I wald heir?"
"Thair ar three thingis," said Lethingtoun, "that nevir lykeit unto me. And the
first is, Ye pray for the Quenis Majestie with ane conditioun, saying, 'Illuminat
hir hairt, gif thy gude plesour be;' quhairby it may appeir, that ye doute of hir
conversioun. Whair haif ye the example of sik prayer?"
"Whairsoevir the exampillis are," said the uther, "I am assureit of the reule,
whilk is this, 'Gif we sall ask onie thing according to his will, he sall heir us;' and
our Maister, Chryst Jesus, commandit us to pray unto our Father, 'Thy will be
done.'"
"But," said Lethingtoun, "whair evir find ye onie of the Propheitis so to haif pray
it?"
"It sufficeth me," said the uther, "my Lord, that the Maister and teicheare of
bayth Prophettis and Appossillis hes taucht me so to pray."
"But in so doing," said he, "ye put ane doute in the peopillis heid of hir
conversioun."[1007]
"Nocht I, my Lord," said the uther, "but hir awin obstinat rebellioune causis mo
than me to doute of hir conversioun."
"Whairinto," said he, "rebellis sche aganis God?"
"In all the actiounis of hir lyffe," said he, "but in thir two heidis especiallie;
former, That sche will nocht heir the preiching of the blissit evangill of Jesus
Chryst; and secoundlie, That sche menteinis that idoll, the Messe."
"Sche thinkis nocht that rebellioune," said Lethingtoun, "but goode religion."
"So thocht thai," said the uther, "that sumtymes offerit thair childerin unto
Moloch, and yit the Spreit of God affirmeis that thai offerit thame unto devillis,
and nocht unto God. And this day the Turkis thinkis to haif ane better religioune
than the Papistis haif; and yit, I think, ye will excuse nether of thame boith from
committing rebellioun aganis God: nether yit justlie can ye do the Quene, onles
that ye will mak God to be parcyall."
"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "why pray ye nocht for hir without moving onie
doute?"
"Becaus," said the uther, "I haif leirnit to pray in faith. Now Faith, ye know,
dependis upoun the wordis of God, and so it is that the word teichis me, that
prayeris proffettis the sonis and dochteris of Godis electioun, of which noumer,
quhether sche be ane or nocht, I haif just cause to doute; and, thairfoir, I pray
God 'illuminat hir hairt, gif his gude plesour be.'"
"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "ye can produce the exampill of none that so hes
prayit befoir you."
"Thairto I haif alreddy ansuerit," said Johne Knox; "but yit for farther
declaratioun, I will demand ane questioun, quhilk is this, Quhider gif ye think
that the Appossillis prayit thame selves as thai commandit utheris to pray."
"Who douttis of that?" said the haill companie that wer present.
"Weill than," said Johne Knox, "I am assureit that Peter said thir wordis to
Symoun Magus, 'Repent thairfoir of this thy wyckitness, and pray to God, that
gif it be possible the thought of your hairt may be forgevin thee.' Heir we may
cleirlie see that Peter joynes ane conditioun with his commandiment, That
Symoun sould repent and pray, to wit, gif it wer possible that his sin mycht be
forgevin; for he wes nocht ignorant that sum synnis wer unto the deith, and so
without all houpe of repentence or remissioun. And think ye nocht, my Lord
Secretar, (said he,) but the same doute may tuich my hairt, as tuyching the
Quenis conversioun, that then tuiched the hairt of the Appossill?"
"I wald nevir," said Lethingtoun, "heir you or onie uther call that in doubt."
"But your will," said the uther, "is no assurance to my conscience: And to speik
frelie, my Lord, I wonder gif ye your self doute nocht of the Quenis conversioun;
for more evident signes of induratioun haif appeirit, and still do appeir in hir,
than Peter outwartlie could haif espyit in Symoun Magus. For albeit sum tymes
he wes are sorcerar, yit joynit he with the Appossillis, belevit, and wes bapteissit;
and albeit that the venome of avarice remaneit in his hairt, and that he wald haif
bocht the Holie Goist, yit when he heard the feirfull threitnyngis of God
pronunceand aganis him, he trymbillitt, desyreit the assistance of the prayeris of
the Appossilis, and so humblit him self, so far as the jugement of man could
perss, lyke ane true penitent, and yit we see that Peter douttis of his conversioun.
[Quhy then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversioun[1008]] of the
Quene, wha hes usit idolatrie, quhilk is no less odious in the sicht of God than is
the other and still continewis in the same, yea, that dispyseis all threitnyngis, and
refuisses all godlie admonitiounis?"
"Quhy say ye that sche refuisses admonitioun?" said Lethingtoun. "She will
glaidlie heir ony man."
"But what obedience," said the uther, "to God or to his worde, ensewis of all that
is spokin unto hir? Or when sall sche be sene to gif hir presence to the publict
preiching?"
"I think nevir," said Lethingtoun, "so lang as sche is thus intreittit."
"And so lang," said the uther, "ye and all utheris maun be content that I pray so
as I may be assureit to be heard of my God, that his gude will may be done, ether
in making hir comfortable to his Kirk, or gif that he hes appoyntit hir to be ane
scurge to the same, that we may haif patience, and sche may be brydellit."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "lat us cum to the Secound Heid. Whair find ye that
the Scriptour callis onie the bound slaiffis to Sathan? or that the Propheittis of
God speik so irreverentlie of kingis and princes?"
 ACTIS 26

2 TIMO. 2

"The Scriptour," said Johne Knox, "sayis, that 'be natour we are all the soneis of
wraith.' Our Maister, Chryst Jesus, affirmes, 'that sik as do sin ar servandis to
sin,' and that it is the onlie Son of God that settis men at freedome. Now what
difference thair is betwix the sonnis of wraith, and the servandis of sin, and the
slaiffis to the devill, I understand nocht, except I be taught; and gif the scharpnes
of the terme offendit you, I haif nocht inventit that phrase of speich, but haif
leirnit it out of Godis Scriptour; for those wordis I find spokin unto Paul,
'Behauld, I send thee to the Gentillis, to oppin thair eyes, that thay may turn from
darknes to lycht, and from the power of Sathan unto God.' Mark thir wordis, my
Lord, and sture nocht at the speiking of the Holie Goist. And the same Apostle
wryting to his scoller Timotheus, says, 'Instruct with meiknes those that ar
contrarie myndit, gif that God at onie tyme will gif thame repentence, that thay
may knaw the treuth, and that thay may cum to amendment, out of the snair of
the Devill, quhilk ar tackin of him at his will.' Gif your Lordschip rychtlie
considder these sentences, ye sall nocht onlie find my wordis to be the wordis of
the Holie Goist, but also the conditioune quhilk I use to adde, to haif the
assurance of Godis Scriptouris."
"But thay spak nothing aganis kingis in especiall," said Lethingtoun, "and yit
your continewall crying is, 'The Quenis Idolatrie, the Quenis Messe, will
provoke Godis vengeance.'"
"In the former sentences," said the uther, "I heir nocht Kingis and Quenis
excepit, but all unfaithfull ar pronunced to stand in one rank, and to be in
bondage to ane tyrant, the Devill. But belyke, my Lord, ye lyttill regaird the
estait whairin thay stand, when ye wald haif thame so flatterit, that the daingour
thairfoir sould neither be knawin, neither yit declareit to the poore peopill."
"Quhair will ye find," said Lethingtoun, "that onie of the Propheittis did so
intreat Kingis and Quenis, reuleris or magistratis?"
"In mo placeis than ane," said the uther. "Achab wes ane King, and Jesabell wes
ane Quene, and yit what the Prophet Helias said to the one and to the uther, I
suppois ye be nocht ignorant?"
"That wes nocht cryit out befoir the peopill," said Lethingtoun, "to mak thame
odious unto thair subjectis."
"That Helias said, 'Doggis sail lyck the blude of Achab,'" said Johne Knox, "'and
eat the flesche of Jesabell,' the Scriptouris assuris me; but that it wes whisperit in
thair awin eir, or in ane cornar, I reid nocht. But the plane contrair appeiris to
me, quhilk is, that boith the Peopill and the Court understude weill eneuch what
the Propheit had promeissit;[1009] for so witnessit Jehu, efter that Godis
vengeance had strickin Jesabell."
"Thay wer singular motiounis of the Spreit of God," said Lethingtoun, "and
appertene nothing to this our aige."
"Then hes the Scriptour far dissavit me," said the uther; "for Sanct Paule teichis
me, that 'Whatsoevir is wryttin within the Holie Scriptouris, the same is writtin
for our instructioun,' And my Maister said, that 'Everie leirnit and wyise scribe
bringis furth his tresour, baith thingis auld and thingis new.' And the Propheit
Jeremye affirmis, that 'Everie realme and everie cytie that lykwyse offendis, as
then did Jerusalem, sould lykewyse be punischit.' Why then that the factis of the
ancient Propheittis, and the feirfull jugementis of God executed befoir us upoun
the disobedient, appertene nocht unto this our aige, I neither see nor yit can
understand. But now, to put end to this heid, my Lord, (said he,) the Propheittis
of God hes nocht spairit to rebuke wickit kingis, alsweill in thair face as befoir
the pepill and subjectis. Elischa[1010] feirit nocht to say to king Jehoram, 'What
haif I to do with thee? Get thee to the Propheittis of thy [Father, and to the
Propheittis of thy] Mother; for as the Lord of Hostis levis, in quhose sicht I
stand, gif it wer nocht that I regaird the presens of Jehosaphat, the king of Juda, I
wald nocht haif luikit toward thee, nor sene thee.' Plane it is, that the Propheitt
wes ane subject in the kingdom of Israell, and yit how little reverence he gevis to
the King, we heir. Jeremye the Propheit wes commandit to cry to the King and to
the Quene, and to say, 'Behaif your selfis lawlie; execute justice and jugement;
or ellis your carcageis salbe eassin to the heit of the day, and unto the froist of
the nicht.' Unto Cononias, Sallum, and Zedechias, he speikis in speciall, and
schawis into tham, in his publict sermoundis thair misserable endis; and thairfoir
ye aucht nocht to think it strainge, my Lord, (said he,) albeit that the servandis of
God mark the vice[1011] of Kingis and Quenis, evin als weill as of uther
offendouris, and that because thair synnis be moir noisum to the
Commounwelth, than ar the synnis of inferiour persounis."
The moist pairt of this ressounyng, Secretour Lethingtoun leanit upoun the
Maister of Maxwellis breist, who said, "I am almoist werie: I wald that sum
uther wald ressoun in the chief heid, quhilk is nocht tuychit."
Then the Erle of Mortoune, Chancellour, commandit Mr. George Hay to
reassoun aganis Johne Knox, in the heid of Obedience dew unto Magistratis;
who began so to do. Unto whom Johne Knox said, "Brother, that ye sall ressoun
in my contrair I am weill content, because I know you boith ane man of leirnyng
and of modestie: but that ye sall oppone your self in the treuth whairof,[1012] I
suppoise, your awin conscience is no less perswaded than is mine, I can nocht
weill approve; for I wald be sorie that I and ye suld be reputed to ressoun as two
scolleris of Pythagoras, to schaw the quicknes of our ingyne, as it wer to
ressoune on boith the pairtis. I protest heir befoir God, that whatsoevir I sustene,
I do the same of conscience; yea, I dar no moir sustene ane propositioun knawin
unto my self untrew, than that I dar teich false doctrine in the publict place: And
thairfoir, Brother, gif conscience move you to oppone your self to that doctrine,
whilk ye haif heard of my mouth in that maitter, do it bauldlie: it sall nevir
offend me. But that ye sall be found to oppone[1013] your self unto me, ye being
perswaidit in the same treuthe, I say yit agane, it pleisses me nocht; for thairin
may be gritter inconvenient than either ye or I do considder for the present."
The said Mr. George ansuerit, "That I wald oppone my self unto you as willing
to impugn or confute that heid of doctrine, whilk nocht onlie ye, but monie
utheris, yea, and I my self haif affirmit, far be it from me; for so sould I be found
contrarious to my self. For my Lord Secretour knawis my jugement in that heid."
"Marye!" said the Secretour, "ye ar the weall worst of the twa; for I remember
weill your ressonyng whan the Quene wes in Caryke."[1014]
"Weill," said Johne Knox, "seing, Brother, that God hes maid you to occupy the
chyre of verittie, whairin, I assure, we will aggrie in all principall heidis of
doctrine, lat it nevir be said that we disaggrie in disputatioun." Johne Knox wes
moved thus to speik, because he[1015] understood moir of the craft than the other
did.
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I am sumwhat better provydeit in this last heid, then
I wes in the uther twa. Mr. Knox, (said he,) yisterday we heard your jugement
upoun the 13 to the Romanis; we heard the mynde of the Appossill weill opened;
we heard the causses why God hes establissed Poweris upoun the earth; we
heard the necessitie that mankynde hes of the same; and we heard the deutie of
Magistratis sufficientlie declareit: But in two thingis I wes offendit, and I think
sum mo of my Lordis that than wer present. The ane was, ye maid difference
betwix the ordinance of God and the persounis that wer placeit in authoritie; and
ye affirmed, that men mycht refuise[1016] the persounis, and yit nocht to offend
againis Godis ordinance. This is the ane; the uther ye had na tyme to explane;
but this methocht ye menit, that subjectis wer nocht bound to obey thair Princes
gif thai commandit unlauchfull thingis; but that thai mycht resist thair Princes,
and wer nocht ever bound to suffer."
"In verie deid," said the uther, "ye haif rychtlie bayth markit my wordis, and
understand my mynd; for of that same jugement I haif lang bene, and so yit I
remane."
"How will ye prove your divisioun and difference," said Lethingtoun, "and that
the persoun placeit in authoritie may be resistit, and Godis ordinance nocht
transgressit, seing that the Appossill says, 'He that resistis [the poweris,] resisteth
the ordinance of God.'"
"My Lord," said he, "the plane wordis of the Appossill makis the difference, and
the factis of many approved be God, prove my affirmative. First, The Appossill
affirmis, that the poweris ar ordanit of God, [for the preservation of quyet and
peacebill men, and for the punischment of malefactours; quhairof it is plane,
That the ordinance of God,][1017] and the power giffin unto man, is one thing,
and the persone clad with the power or with the authoritie, is ane uther; for
Godis ordinance is the conservatioun of mankynd, the punischment of vyce, the
mentenyng of vertew, quhilk is in it self holie, just, constant, stable, and
perpetuall. But men clad with the authoritie, ar commounlie prophane and
unjust; yea, thai ar mutabill and transitorie, and subject to corruptioun, as God
threitneth thame be his Prophet David, saying, 'I haif said, Ye ar godis, and
everie one of you the sones of the Moist Heichest; but ye sall die as men, and the
princes sall fall like utheris.' Heir I am assureit, that persounis, the saule and
bodie of wyckit Princes, ar threitnit with death: I think, that so ye will nocht
affirm is the authoritie, the ordinance and the power, whairwith God hes indeuit
sik persounis; for as I haif said, as it is holie, so it is the permanent will of God.
And now, my Lord, that the Prince may be resistit, and yit the ordinance of God
nocht violatit, it is evident; for the peopill resistit Saule, when he had sworn be
the leving God that Jonathan sould die. The peopill, (I say,) swair in the contrair,
and delyverit Jonathan, so that ane hair of his heid fell nocht. Now, Saule wes
the anoyntit King, and thai wer his subjectis, and yit thai so resisted him, that
thai maid him no better than mansworne."
"I doute," said Lethingtoun, "if in so doing the peopill did weill."
"The Spreit of God," said the uther, "accuses thame nocht of onie cryime, but
rather praisses thame, and dampnis the King, alsweill for his foolish vow and
law maid without God, as for his crewell mynd, that so seveirlie wald haif
punischit ane innocent man. But heirin I sall nocht stand: this that followis sall
confirm the former. This same Saule commandit Abimelech and the Preistis of
the Lord to be slane, becaus thay had committit tressoune, as he allegit, for
intercommuning with David: His gaird and principall servandis walde nocht
obey his unjust commandiment; but Doeg the flatterar put the Kingis creweltie to
executioun. I will nocht ask your jugement, Whidder that the servandis of the
King, in nocht obeying his commandiment, resisted God or nocht? or whidder
Doeg, in murthering the Preastis, gaif obedience to ane just authoritie? for I haif
the Spreit of God, speiking be the mouth of David, to assure me of the one
alsweill as of the uther; for he, in his 52d Psalme, dampnis that fact as ane moist
crewell murther; and affirmis, that God wald punisch, nocht onlie the
commander, but the mercyles executour. And thairfoir, I conclude, that thai who
ganestand his commandiment, resistit nocht the ordinance of God.
"And now, my Lord, to ansueir to the place of the Appossill, who affirmis, 'That
such as resistis the Power, resistis the ordinance of God;' I say, that the power in
that place is nocht to be understande of the unjuste commandiment of men, but
of the just power whairwith God hes armit his Magistratis and Lievtenentis to
punische syn, and mentene vertew. As gif onie man sould interpryise to tak fra
the handis of ane lauchful juge ane murderare, ane adulterar, or onie [uther]
malefactour that be Godis law deserved deith, this same man resistit Godis
ordinance, and procureit to him self vengeance and dampnatioune, because that
he stayit Godis sworde[1018] to stryke. But so it is nocht, gif that men in the feir
of God oppone[1019] thame selfis to the furie and blynd rage of Princes; for so
thai resist nocht God, but the Devill, who abusis the swerd and authoritie of
God."
"I understand sufficientlie," said Lethingtoun, "what ye mene; and to the one
pairt I will nocht oppone[1019] my self. But I doute of the uther. For gif the Quene
wald command me [to] slay Johne Knox, because sche is offendit at him, I wald
nocht obey hir. But, and sche wald command utheris to do it, or yit be ane
collour of justice tak his lyffe fra him, I can nocht tell gif I be found to defend
him aganis the Quene and aganis hir officiaris."
"Under protestatioun," said the uther, "that the auditour think nocht that I seik
favouris to my self,[1020] I say, my Lord, that gif ye be persuadeit of my
innocency, and gif God hes giffin unto you sik ane power and credyt as mycht
deliver me, and yit sufferit me to perisch, that in so doing ye soulde be cryminall
and gyltie of my blude."
"Prove that, and win the play," said Lethingtoun.
"Weill, my Lord," said the uther, "remember your promeis, and I sail be schoirt
of my probatioun. The Propheit Jeremey wes apprehendit be Preistis and
Prophettis, (who wer ane pairt of the authoritie within Jerusalem,) and be the
multitude of the peopill, and this sentence wes pronunceit aganis him, 'Thou sall
dey the deith; for thou hes said, This hous salbe lyk Siloch, and this cytie salbe
desolat without ane habitant.' The Princes heiring the uprore, come from the
Kingis hous, and sit doune in jugement in the entrie of the new gait of the Lordis
hous, and thair the Preistis find the Prophettis befoir the Princes, and befoir all
the peopill, intendit thair accusatioun, in these wordis, 'This man is worthie to
dye, for he hes propheissit aganis this cytie, as your eiris haif heard.' Jeremey
ansuerit, 'That whatsoevir he had spokin proceidit from God; and thairfoir, (said
he,) as for me, I am in your handis: do with me as ye think gude and rycht: But
knaw ye for certane, that if ye put me to deith, ye sall surelie bring innocent
blude upoun your saulis,[1021] and upoun this cytie, and upoun the
habitatiounis[1022] thairof; for of treuth, the Lord hes send me unto you, to speik
all these wordis.' Now, my Lord, gif the Princes and the hole peopill sould haif
bene gyltie of the Propheittis blude, how sall ye or utheris be jugeit innocent
befoir God, gif ye sall suffer the blude of sik as haif nocht deservit deith to be
sched, when that ye may save it?"
"The cases ar nothing lyke," said Lethingtoun.
"And I wald learn," said the uther, "whairin the dissymilitude standis."
"First," said Lethingtoun, "the King had nocht condampnit him to the deith. And
nixt, the false Propheittis and the Preistis and the peopill accuseit him without
ane caus, and thairfoir thai could nocht but be gyltie of his blude."
"Nether of these," said Johne Knox, "fechtis aganis my argument; for albeit the
King wes nether present, nor yit had condampnit him, yit wer the princes and
cheif counsallouris thair sytting in jugement, who presentit the Kingis persoune
and authoritie, heiring the accusatioune laid unto the chairge off the Propheit;
and thairfoir he foirwairnis thame of the dainger, as befoir I said, to wit, that in
case he soulde be condampnit, and so put to deith, that the King, the Counsell,
and the whole cytie of Jerusalem, soulde be gyltie of his blude, becaus he had
committit no cryme worthy of deith. And gif ye think, that thai souldo haif bene
all cryminall onelie, becaus that thay all accuseit him, the plane text witnesses
the contrair; for the princes defendit him, and so no doute did a greit pairt of the
peopill; and yit he bauldlie affirmis, that thai soulde be all gyltie of his blude gif
that he soulde be put to deith. And the propheit Ezechiell gifis the ressoune why
all are guilty of ane commoune corruptioune, 'Becaus,' sayis he, 'I socht ane man
amangis thame that soulde mak [up] the hedge, and stand in the gappe befoir me
for the land, that I soulde nocht distroy it, but I fand none; thairfoir, haif I powrit
my indignatioune upoun thame.' Heirof, my Lorde, (said he,) it is plaine, that
God craveis nocht onlie that a man do no iniquittie in his awin persoune, but also
that he oppone[1023] him self to all iniquitie, sa far furth as into him lyis."
"Than will ye," said Lethingtoun, "mak subjectis to controlle thair prynces and
reuleris."
"And what harm," said the uther, "soulde the Commounewelth ressaif, gif that
the corrupt effectiounis off ignorant reuleris wer moderatit, and so brydillit be
the wisdome and discretioun of godlie subjectis, that thai soulde do wrang nor
violence to no man?"
"All this ressonyng," said Lethingtoun, "is nocht of the purpois; for we ressoune
as gif the Quene soulde becum sik an ennemye to oure religioune, that sche
soulde persecute it, and put innocent men to deith; whilk I am assureit sche nevir
thocht, nor nevir will do. For gif I soulde see hir begin at that end, yea, gif I
soulde suspect onie sik thing in hir, I soulde be also far fordwarte in that
argument as ye or onie uther within this Realme: Bot thair is nocht sik ane thing.
Oure questioune is, Whidder that we may and aucht to suppres the Quenis
Messe? Or whidder hir Idolatrie salbe laid to our chairge?"
"What ye may," said the uther, "be force, I disput nocht; bot what ye may and
aucht to do be Godis express commandiment, that I can tell. Idolatrie aucht
nocht [only] to be suppressit, but the idolater aucht to dey the deith, unless that
we will accuse God."
"I knaw," said Lethingtoun, "the idolater is commandit to dey the deith; but be
whome?"
"Be the peopill of God," said the uther; "for the commandiment wes gevin to
Israell, as ye may reid, 'Heir, Israell,' sayis the Lorde, 'the statutis and the
ordinancis of the Lord thy God,' &c. Yea, ane [commandment] wes gevin, That
gif it be heard that idolatrie is committit in onie ane cytie, inquisitioune salbe
taikin; and gif it be founde trew, that than the whole bodie of the peopill sall
aryse and destroy that cytie, spairing in it nether man, woman, nor chylde."
"But thair is no commandiment gevin to the peopill," said the Secretour, "to
punisch thair King gif he be ane idoliter."
"I find no moir privilege grantit unto Kingis," said the uther, "be God, moir than
unto the peopill, to offend Godis majestie."
"I grant," said Lethingtoun; "but yit the peopill may nocht be jugeis unto thair
King to punisch him, albeit he be ane idolater."
"God," said the uther, "is the Universall Judge, alsweill unto the King as to the
peopill; so that what his worde commandis to be punischit in the one, is nocht to
be absolved in the uther."
"We agree in that," said Lethingtoun; "but the peopill may nocht execute Godis
jugement, but man leif it unto him self, who will either punische it be deith, be
war, be emprisounment, or be sum uther plaigis."[1024]
"I knaw the last pairt of your ressoune," said Johne Knox, "to be trew; but for the
first, to wit, that the peopill, yea, or ane pairt of the peopill may nocht execut
God jugementis aganis thair King, being ane offender, I am assureit ye haif no
uther warrand except your awin imaginatioun, and the opinioune of sik as moir
feir to offend princes than God."
"Why say ye so?" said Lethingtoun, "I haif the jugementis of the most famous
men within Europe, and of sik as ye your self will confes boith godlie and
leirnit."
And with that he callit for his paperis, quhilk produceit be Mr. Robert Maitland,
[1025] he began to reid with greit gravitie the jugementis of Luther, Melanchton,

the myndis of Bucer, Musculus, and Calvin, how Christianis soulde behaffe
thame selffis in tyme of persecutioun: yea, the Buik of Baruch wes nocht omittit
with this conclusioune.[1026] "The gathering of these thingis," said he, "hes coist
moir travell, than I tuik this sevin yearis in reiding of anie commentareis."
"The moir pitie," said the uther, "and yit, what ye haif proffeitit your awin cause,
let utheris juge. But as for my argument, I am assureit, ye haif infirmit it nothing;
for your first two witnesses speik aganis the Anabaptistis, who deny that
Christianis soulde be subject to magistratis, or yit that is lauchfull for ane
Christiane to be ane magistrate; quhilk opinioune I no less abhore than ye do, or
onie uther that levis do. The uthers speik of Christiane subjectis unto tyrantis and
infidellis, so dispersed that thai haif no uther force but onlie to sobbe to God for
delyverance. That sik indeid sould haisard onie farder than these godlie men
willis thame, I can nocht haistellie be of counsell. But my argument hes ane
uther grounde; for I speik of the peopill assembled togidder in one bodie of ane
Commounewelth, unto whome God hes gevin sufficient force, nocht onlie to
resyst, but also to suppres all kynde of opin idolatrie: and sik ane peopill, yit
agane I affirme, ar bound to kepe thair land clene and unpollutit. And that this
my devissioune sall nocht appeir strange unto you, ye sall understand, that God
requyreit one thing of Abrahame and of his seid, when he and thay wer
strangeris and pilgremes in Egipte and Canaan; and ane uther thing requyrit he
of thame, when thay wer delyverit fra the boundage of Egipt, and the
possessioune of the land of Canaan grantit unto thame. At the first, and during
all the tyme of thair boundage, God craveit no moir but that Abraham soulde
nocht defyle himself with idolatrie. Nether wes he, nor yit his posterittie
commandit to distroy the idollis that wer in Canaan or in Egypt. But when God
gaif unto thame the possessioune of the land, he gaif unto thame this strait
commandiment, 'Bewar that you mak league or confyderacye with the
inhabitantis of this land: gif nocht thy sonnis unto thair dochteris, nor yit gif thy
douchteris unto thair sonnis. But this sall ye do unto thame, cut downe thair
grovis, destroy thair imageis, brek doune thair altaris, and leif thou no kynde of
remembrance of those abominatiounis, whilk the inhabitantis of the land useit
befoir: for thou art ane holie peopill unto the Lorde thy God. Defyle nocht thy
self, thairwith, with thair goddis.'
"To this same commandiment, I say, are ye, my Lordis, and all sik as haif
professit the Lorde Jesus within this Realme bound. For God hes wrocht no less
myrakill upoun you, baith spirituall and corporall, than he did unto the carnell
seid of Abraham. For in what estait your bodyis, and this pure Realme wes,
within this sevin yeir, your selfis can nocht be ignorant: You and it wer boith in
boundage of ane strange natioun; and what tyrrantis rang over your conscience,
God perchance may lat you feill, becaus that ye do nocht rychtlie acknawlege the
benefit ressavit. When oure pure Bretherin befoir us gave thair bodeis to the
flamis of fyre, for the testimonie of the treuthe, and when skairslie coulde ten be
founde into ane contrie, that rychtlie knew God, it had bene folishnes to haif
craveit ether of the Nobillitie, or of the meane Subjectis, the suppressing of
Idolatrie; for that had beene no thing but to haif exponeit the sempill scheip in
ane prey to the woulves. But sen that God hes multipleyit knawlege, yea, and hes
gevin the victorie to his treuthe, evin in the handis of his servandis, gif ye suffer
the land agane to be defyleit, ye and your Princess sall boith drink the coupe of
Godis indignatioun, sche for hir obstinat abydeing in manifest idolatrie, in this
grit lycht of the Evangill of Jesus Chryste, and ye for your permissioune and
mentenyng hir in the same."[1027]
Lethingtoun said, "In that poynt we will nevir agree; and whair find ye, I pray
you, that evir onie of the Prophettis or of the Appossillis taucht sik ane doctrine,
that the peopill soulde be plaigit for the idolatrie of the prince; or yit, that the
subjectis mycht suppres the idolatrie of thair rewleris, or punisch thame for the
same?"
"What wes the commissioune giffin to the Appossillis," said he, "my Lorde, we
knaw: it wes to preche and plant the Evangill of Jesus Chryste, whair darkness
affoir had dominioune; and thairfoir it behuifit thame, first to lat thame see the
lycht befoir that thay soulde will thame to put to thair handis to suppress
idolatrie. What preceptis the Appossillis gaif unto the faythfull in perticular,
other than that thai commandit all to fley frome idolatrie, I will nocht affirme:
But I find two thingis quhilk the faithfull did; the one wes, thay assisted thair
preichouris, evin aganeis the reuleris and magistrates; the other wes, thay
suppressit idolatrie whairsoever God gaif unto thame force, asking no leif at the
Empriour, nor of his deputtis. Reid the Ecclesiasticall Historie, and ye sall find
cxampill sufficient. And as to the doctrine of the Prophettis, we knaw thay wer
interpretouris of the law of God; and we knaw thay spak alsweill to the kingis as
to the peopill. I reid that nether of boith wald heir thame; and thairfoir come the
plaig of God upoun boith. But that thai more flatterit Kingis than that thay did
the peopill, I can nocht be persuadit. Now, Godis lawis pronunces deith, as befoir
I haif said, to idolateris withoute exceptioune of onie persoune: Now, how the
Propheittis coulde rychtlie interpret the law, and schew the causes of Godis
jugementis, quhilk evir thay threitned soulde follow idolatrie, and for the rest of
abominatiounis that accumpaney it, for it is nevir alone; but still corrupt
religioune bringis with it ane fylthie and corrupt lyfe: How, I say, the Propheittis
coulde reprove the vyces, and nocht schaw the peopill thair dewtie, I understand
nocht; and thairfoir I constantlie beleif that the doctrine of the Prophettis wes so
sensible, that the Kingis understude thair awin abhominatiounis, and the peopill
understude what thay aucht to haif done, in punisching and repressing thame.
But becaus that the moist pairt of the pepill wer no less rebellious unto God than
wer thair princes, thairfoir the ane and the uther conveineit aganis God and
aganis his servandis. And yit, my Lord, the factis of sum Propheittis ar so
evident, that thairof we may collect what doctrine thay taucht; for it war no small
absurdity to affirme that thair factis soulde repugn to their doctrine."
"I think," said Lethingtoun, "ye meane of the historie of Jehu. What will ye
prove thairby?"
"The cheif heid," said Johne Knox, "that ye deny, to wit, That the Propheittis
nevir taucht that it appertenit to the peopill to punisch the idolatrie of thair
Kingis; the contrair whairof I affirm: And for the probatioun, I am reddie to
produce the fact of ane Propheit; for ye knaw, my Lord, said he, that Eliseus
send one of the childrene of the Propheittis to anoynt Jehu, who gaif him in
commandiment to destroy the hous of his maister Achab for the idolatrie
commitit be him, and for the innocent blude that Jesabell his wyckit wyff had
sched: quhilk he obeyit, and pat in full execution; for the quhilk God promessit
unto him the stabillatie of the kingdom to the fourt generation. Now, said he, heir
is the fact of ane Propheit, that proveis that subjectis wer commandit to execute
jugementis upoun thair King and Prince."
"Thair is eneuch," said Lethingtoun, "to be ansuerit thairto; for Jehu wes ane
King befoir he pat onie thing in executioun; and besydis this, the fact is
extraordinaire, and aucht nocht to be imitat."
"My Lord," said the uther, "he wes ane meir subject, and no King whan the
Propheittis servand came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow capitanis,
heiring of the message, blew the trumphet, and said, 'Jehu is king;' yit I doute
nocht, but Jesabell boith thocht and said, 'He wes ane traitour;' and so did monie
utheris that wer in Israell and in Samaria. And as tuiching that ye allege, that the
fact wes extraordinarie, and is nocht to be imitat, I say, that it had ground of
Godis ordinary jugement, whilk commandis the idolater to dey the deith; and,
thairfoir, I yit agane affirme, that it is to be imitat of all those that prefferis the
true honour, the true worschip and glorie of God, to the affectiounis of flesch,
and of wickit Princes."[1028]
"We ar nocht bound to imitat extraordinarie exampillis," said Lethingtoun,
"unles we haif the lyke commandiment and assurance."
"I grant," said the uther, "gif the exampill repugn to the law; and gif ane
avaricious and deceitfull man wald borrow [gold,] silver, rayment, or [ony] uther
necessaris from his nychtbour, and withhauld the same, alledging, that so thay
mycht do and nocht offend God, because that the Iseraellitis did so to the
Egiptianis at thair depairtour furth of Egipt. The exampill served to no purpoise
unles that thai coulde produce the lyke cause, and the lyke commandiment that
the Iseraellitis had, and that because thair fact repugnit to this commandiment of
God, 'Thou sall nocht steill.' But whair the exampill aggreis with the law, and is,
as it wer, the executioun of Godis jugementis expressit in the same, I say, that the
exampill approved of God standis to us in place of a commandiment: for, as God
of his natour is constant, immutable, sa can he nocht dampne in the aigis
subsequent, that whilk he hes approvit in his servandis befoir us. But in his
servandis befoir us, He be his awin commandiment hes approvit, that subjectis
hes nocht onlie distroyit thair Kingis for idolatrie, but also hes ruitit out thair
hoill posteritie, so that none of that race wes left efter to impyre above the
peopill of God."
"Whatsoevir thai did," said Lethingtoun, "wes done at Godis commandiment."
"That fortifeis my argument," said the uther; "for be Godis commandiment he
approvit, that subjectis punish thair Princes[1029] for idolatrie and wickitness be
thame committit."
"We haif nocht the lyke commandiment," said Lethingtoun.
"That I deny," said the uther; "for the commandiment, 'The idolater sall dey the
deith,' is perpetuall, as [ye] your self hes grantit: You douttit onlie who sould be
executouris againis the King; and I said the peopill of God, and hes sufficientlie
provin, as I think, that God hes raissit up the peopill, and by his Propheit hes
anoyntit ane King to tak vengeance upoun the King, and upoun his posteritie.
Quhilk fact, God sen that tyme hes nevir retreittit; and, thairfoir, to me it remanis
for ane constant and cleane commandiment to all the peopill professing God, and
haifing the power to punisch vyce, what thay aucht to do in the lyke caise. Gif
the peopill had interprysit onie thing without Godis commandiment, we mycht
haif doutit whidder thai had done weill or evill; but seing that God did bring the
execution of his law agane in practice, efter that it wes cum in oblivioun and
contempt, what ressonable man can doute now of Goddis will, unles we will
doute of all thingis quhilk God renewis nocht unto us be miracallis, as it wer
from age to age. But I am assureit, that the ansuer of Abraham unto the riche
man, who being into hell, desyreit that Lazarus, or sum of the deid, sould be
send unto his bretherin and freindis, to foirwairne thame of his incredable [pane
and] tormentis, and that thay sould behaif thame selfis, so that thai sould nocht
cum in that place of torment: the ansuer, I say, gevin unto him, sall confound sik
as craif farder approbatioun of Godis will then is alreddy expressit within his
holie Scriptouris; for Abraham said, 'Thay haif Moyses and the Propheittis,
whome gif thay will nocht beleif, neither will thay beleif albeit that one of the
deid sould ryise.' Evin so, I say, my Lord, that sik as will nocht be taucht what
thay aucht to do, be commandiment of God anis gevin, and anis put in practice,
will nocht beleif nor obey, albeit that God sould send angellis from hevin to
instruct that doctrine."
"Ye haif but produceit ane exampill," said Lethingtoun.

2 PARALI.2[1030]

"One sufficeth," said the uther; "but yit, God be praissit, we lack nocht utheris;
for the whole peopill conspyreit aganis Amasiath king of Juda, efter that he had
turnit away from the Lord, followit him to Lachess and slew him, and tuik Uziah
and anoyntit him king in steid of his father. The peopill had nocht altogidder
forgottin[1031] the league and covenant quhilk wes maid betwix thair king and
thame, at the inauguratioun of Joash, his father, to wit, 'That the King and the
peopill sould be the peopill of the Lord,' and than sould thai be his faythfull
subjectis: From the quhilk convenant, whan that first the father, and efter the
sonne declynit, thai wer boith punischit to the deith, Joash be his awin servandis,
and Amasias be the whole peopill."
"I doubt," said Lethingtoun, "whidder thay did weill or nocht."
"It salbe free for you," said the uther, "to doubt as ye pleis; but whair I find
executioun according to Godis lawis, and God him self nocht to accuse the
doaris, I dar nocht doubt of the equittie of thair cause. And farder, it appeiris
unto me, that God gaif sufficient approbatioun and allowance to thair fact; for he
blissit thame with victorie, peace, and prosperitie, the space of fifty-two yeiris
thairafter."
"But prosperitie," said Lethingtoun, "does nocht alwayis prove that God
approveis the factis of men."
"Yis," said the uther; "when the factis[1032] of men aggrie with the law of God,
and ar rewairdit according to Godis awin promeise, expressit in his law, I say,
that the prosperitie succeiding the fact is moist infallable assurance that God hes
approvit that fact. Now so it is, that God hes promeissit in his law, that when his
peopill sall exterminat and destroy sik as declyne from him, that he will bliss
thame, and multipley thame, as he hes promeissit unto thair fatheris. But so it is,
that Amasias turneit fra God; for so the text do witness; and plane it is the
peopill slew thair king; and lyke plane it is, that God blissit thame: Thairfoir, yit
agane conclude I, that God approvit thair fact, in so far as it wes done according
to his commandiment, wes blissit according to his promeise."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think nocht the ground sa sure as I durst builde my
conscience thairupoun."
"I pray God," said the uther, "that your conscience haif no worse ground than is
this, when soevir ye sall begin that lyke work whilk God in your awin eis hes
alreddie blessit. And now, my Lord, (said he,) I haif but one exampeill to
produce, and than I will put [an] end to my ressonying, becaus I wearie langer to
stand." (Commandiment wes gevin that he sould sytt doune; but he refuissit it,
and said, "Melancholius[1033] ressouns wald haif sum myrth intermixed.") "My
last exampill, (said he,) my Lord, is this:—Uzzias the King, nocht content of his
royal estait, malepeirtlie tuk upoun him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to
burne incense upoun the alter of incense; 'And Azarias the preist went in efter
him, and with him fourscore preistis of the Lord, vailzeant men, and thay
withstude Uzzias the king, and said unto him, It pertenith thee nocht, Uzzias,
[1034] to burne incense unto the Lord, but to the preistis, the sonnis of Aaroune,
that ar consecratit to offer incense: Go furth of the sanctuary, for thou hes
transgressit, and you sall haif no honour of the Lord God.' Heirof, my Lord, I
conclude, that subjectis nocht onlie may, but also aucht to withstand and resist
thair princes, whensoever thay do onie thing that expreslie repugnis to God, his
law, or holie ordinance."
"Thay that withstude the King," said Lethingtoun, "wer nocht sempill subjectis,
but wer the Preistis of the Lord, and figoureis of Chryste, and sik preistis haif we
none this day, to withstand Kingis gif thay do wrang."
"That the Hye Preist wes the figour of Chryste," said the uther, "I grant: but that
he wes nocht ane subject, that I deny. For I am assureit, that he in his priestheid
had no prerogative above those that had passit befoir him. Now, so it is, that
Aaroune wes subject unto Moyses, and callit him his Lord. Samuell, being boith
propheit and preist, subject him self to Saule, eftor he wes inaugurat of the
peopill. Sadock bowit befoir David; and Abiathar wes depossit frome the
preistheid be Salamoune, quhilkis all confessit thame selfis subjectis to the
Kingis, albeit that thairwith thei ceissit nocht to be the figouris of Christe. And
whairas ye say, that we haif no sik preistis this day, I mycht answer, that nether
haif we sik Kingis this day as than wer annoyntit at Godis commandiment, and
sat upoun the sait of David, and wer no les the figour of Chryste Jesus in thair
juste administratioun, then wer the preistis in thair appoyntit office: and sik
Kingis, I am assureit, we haif nocht now moir than that we haif sik preistis: for
Chryste Jesus being annoyntit in our natour, of God his Father, both King, Priest,
and Prophet, hes put an end to all externall unctioune. And yit, I think, ye will
nocht say, that God hes now diminissit his graceis for those whome he appoyntis
ambassadouris betwix him and his peopill, [more] than that he dois from kingis
and princes; and thairfoir, why that the servandis of Jesus Chryste may not also
justlie withstand kingis and princes, that this day no less offendit Godis majestie
than Uzzias did, I see nocht, onless that ye will say, that we, in the brychtnes of
the Evangill, ar nocht sa straitlie bound to regaird Godis glorie, nor yit his
commandimentis, as wer the fatheris that leiffit under the dark schaddowis of the
Law."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I will dip no farder in that heid. But how resisted the
Preistis the King? Thai onelie spak unto him without farder violence intendit."
"That thay withstude him," said the other, "the text assureis me; but that thay did
nothing but speik, I can nocht understand; for the plane text affirms the contrair,
to wit, that thay caused him haistilie to depairt frome the sanctuarie, yea, and
that he wes compellit to depairt: quhilk maner of speiking, I am assureit in the
Hebrew toung impoirtis uther thing than exhoirting, or commanding by worde."
"Thay did that," said Lethingtoun, "efter that he wes espyit leaprous."
"Thay withstude him hefoir," said the other; "but yit thair last fact confermes my
propositioune so evidentlie, that sik as will oppone thame unto it, moist neidis
oppone thame unto God; for my assertioun is, that kingis haif no previlege moir
than has the peopill to offend Godis majestie; and gif that so thay do, thay ar no
moir exempted from the punischment of the law than is onie uther subject; yea,
and that subjectis may nocht onlie lauchfullie oppone thame selfis to thair kingis,
whensoevir thay do onie thing that expressedlie repugnes to Goddis
commandiment, but also that thay may execute jugement upoun thame according
to Goddis law; so that [if] the king be ane murtherar, adulterar, or idolater, he
soulde suffer according to Godis law, nocht as ane king, but as ane offender, and
that the peopill may put Godis lawis in executioune, this Historie cleirlie
proveis: for how soon that the leprosie appeirit[1035] in his foirheid, he wes nocht
onelie compellit to depairt oute of the sanctuarie, but also he was removeit frome
all publick socyetie and administratioune of the kingdome, and wes compellit to
dwell in ane house ane pairt, evin as the law commandit, and gat no grytter
privilage in that cais than onie uther of the peopill soulde haif done; and this wes
executit be the peopill; for it is no doute mo wer witnesses of his leprossie than
the preistis allone. But we fynd none oppone thame selfis to the sentence of God
pronounced in his law aganis the leprouse; and thairfoir, yit agane say I, that the
peopill aucht to execute Goddis law evin aganis thair princes, when that thair
oppin crymes be Godis law deserve deith, but especialie when thay ar sik as may
infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lordis, (said he,) I will ressoune no
langer, for I haif spokin moir than I intendit."
"And yit," said Lethingtoun, "I can nocht tell what can be concludit."
"Albeit ye can nocht," said the uther, "yit I am assureit what I haif provin, to wit:
—
"1. That subjectis haif delyverit ane innocent frome the handis of thair King, and
thairintill offendit nocht God.
"2. That subjectis haif refuseit to stryke innocentis whan ane King commandit,
and in so doing denyit no just obedience.
"3. That sik as struck at the commandiment of the King befoir God wer reputed
murtheraris.
"4. That God hes nocht onlie of ane subject maid ane King, but also hes airmit
subjectis aganis thair naturall Kings, and commandit thame to tak vengence
upoun thame according to his law.
"And, last, That Godis pepill hes executit Godis law aganis thair King, having no
farther regaird to him in that behalf, than gif he had bene the moist simpill
subject within this Realme.
"And thairfoir, albeit ye will not understand what sould be concludeit, yit I
am[1036] assureit that nocht onlie Goddis pepill [may], but also, that thai ar
bounde to do the same whair the lyke crymes ar committit, and when he gevis
unto thame the lyke power."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think ye sall nocht haif monie leirnit men of your
oppinioun."
"My Lord," said the uther, "the treuthe ceisses nocht to be the treuthe, howsoevir
it be that men [either] misknaw it, or yit ganestand it. And yit, (said he,) I praise
my God, I lack nocht the consent of Godis servandis in that heid." And with that
he presentit unto the Secretour the Apologie of Magdeburgh;[1037] and willit him
to reid the names of the Mynisteris who had subscribed the defence of the Toune
to be ane moist juste defence; and thairwith addit, "That to resist ane tyrant, is
not to resist God, nor yit his ordinance."

Whilk when he had read, he scripped and said, "Homines obscuri."[1038] The
uther ansuerit, "Dei tamen servi."[1039]
And [so] Lethingtoun arose and said, "My Lordis, ye haif hard the ressounis
upoun boith pairteis: it becumis you now to decyde, and [to] put ane ordour unto
preicheouris, that thay may be uniforme in doctrine. May we, think ye, tak the
Queenis Messe frome hir?"
Whille that sum began to geif thair voittis, for sum wer appoyntit, as it wer,
leaderis to the rest, Johne Knox said, "My Lordis, I suppois that ye will nocht
[do] contrair to your [Lordships] promeis, maid to the whole Assemblie, whilk
wes, That nothing soulde be voited in secreit, till that the first all maitteris soulde
be debaittit in publict, and that than the voittis of the whole Assemblie sould put
an end to the controversie. Now haif I onelie sustenit the argument, and haif
rather schawin my conscience in moist simpill maner, than that I haif insystit
upoun the force and vehemence of onie ane argument: And thairfoir I, for my
pairt, utterlie disassent frome all voitting, till that the whole Assemblie haif hard
the propositiounis and the ressounis of boith pairteis. For I unfeinyeitlie
acknawlege, that monie in this cumpanie ar moir abill to sustene the argument
than I am."
"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethingtoun, "that sik ane multitude [as] ar now
convenit, soulde ressoune and voit in these heidis and matteris that concerne the
Quenis Majesties awin persoune and effairis?"
"I think," said the uther, "that whatsoevir soulde bind, the multitude soulde heir,
unless that thai haif resignit thair power unto thair Commissioneris, whilk thai
haif nocht done, sua far as I understand; for my Lord Justice-Clark heard thame
with ane voice say, That in no wayis wald thai consent that onie thing soulde
ether here be voited or concludit."
"I can nocht tell," said Lethingtoun, "[if] that my Lordis that be heir present, and
that beir the burding of sik maitteris, soulde be bounde to thair will. What say ye,
(said he,) my Lordis? Will ye voit in this maitter, or will ye nocht voit?"
Efter lang ressonyng, sum that wer maid for the purpois said, "Why may nocht
the Lordis voit, and than schaw unto the Kirk whatsoevir is done?"
"That appeiris to me," said Johne Knox, "nocht onlie ane backwart ordour, but
also ane tyrranie usurpeit upoun the Kirk: But for me, do as ye list, (said he,) for
as I ressoune, so I voit; yit protesting as befoir, that I dissent frome all voiting,
till that the hoill Assemblie understand alsweill the questiounis as the
ressonyngis."
"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that can nocht be done now, for the tyme is spent;
and thairfoir, my Lorde Chanceler, (said he,) ask ye the voittis, and tak [be
course] everie ane of the Mynisteris, and ane of us."
 MR. JOHNE DOUGLAS RECTOUR.

And so wes the Rectour of Sanctandrois[1040] commanded first to speik his

conscience; who said, "I reffer, to the Superintendant of Fyffe, for I think we ar
boith in one jugement; and yit, (said he,) gif ye will that I speik first, my
conscience is this, That gif the Quene oppone hir self to oure religioun, whilk is
the onelie trew religioun, that in that caise the Nobillitie and Estaitis of this
Realme, professouris[1041] of the trew doctrine, may justlie oppone thame selffis
unto hir. But as concernyng hir awin Messe, I knaw it is idolatrie, but yit I am
nocht yit resolved, whidder that be violence we may tack it frome hir or nocht."
The Superintendant of Fyffe[1042] said, "That same is my conscience." And so
affirmit sum of the Nobillitie. But utheris voitted frankley, and said, "That as the
Messe wes abominatioun, so wes it juste and rycht that it soulde be suppressit;
[1043] and that in so doing, men did no moir wrong to the Quenis Majestie than

thay that soulde be force tak frome hir ane poysonit coupe when sehe wes going
to drink it."

MR. JOHN CRAIG.

At last, Mr. Johne Craig,[1044] fellow-minister with Johne Knox in the Kirk of
Edinburgh, wes requyreit to gif his jugement and vote, who said, "I will glaidlie
schaw unto your Honouris what I understand; but I gritlie doubt whidder my
knawlege and conscience sall satisfy you, seing that ye haif heard so monie
ressounis and ar so lyttil moved be thame. But yit I sall nocht conceill from you
my jugement, adhering first to the protestatioun of my Brother, to wit, That our
voitting prejudge nocht the lybertie of the Generall Assembly. I wes, (said he,) in
the Universitie of Bononia,[1045] in the yeir of God 1554,[1046] whair, in the place
of the Blak-Freiris of the same toune, I saw in the tyme of thair Generall
Assemblie this Conclusioun set furth: This same I hard ressoned, determined,
and concludit:—

CONCLUSIO.
"PRINCIPES omnes, tam supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et debent
reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur, confirmantur, vel
admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide præstita subditis per juramentum
deficiunt: Quoniam relatio juramenti subditorum et principum mutua est, et
utrinque æquo jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem
 juramenti ab utraque parte facti."

"That is, All Reuleris, be thay supreame or be thay inferiour, may and aucht to
be reformed or deposed be thame be whom thay ar chosin, confirmed, or
admitted to thair office, as oft as thay brak that promeis maid be the oath to thair
subjectis: Because that thair Prince is no less bound be oath to the subjectis, then
is the subjectis to thair Princeis, and thairfoir aucht to be keipit and reformed
equallie, according to the law and conditioun of the oath that is maid of other
partie."
"This Conclusioun, my Lordis, I heard sustenit and concludit, as I haif said, in
ane moist notabill auditour. The sustenar wes ane leirnit man, M. Thomas de
Finola, the Rectour of the Universitie, ane man famous in that cuntrie. Magister
Vincentius de Placentia, affirmed the Conclusioun to be moist true and certane,
agreable boith with the law of God and man. The occasioun of this Disputatioun
and Conclusioun, wes ane certene disordour and tyrranie that wes attempit be the
Paipes Governouris, who began to mak innovationis in the cuntrie aganis the
lawis that wer befoir establischit, alledging thame selfis nocht to be subject to sik
lawis, be ressoune that thay wer nocht institute be the peopill, but be the Paip,
who wes King of that cuntrie; and, thairfoir thay, haifing full commissioun and
authoritie of the Paip, mycht alter and change statuteis and ordinanceis of the
cuntrie, without all consent of the peopill. Aganis this [thair] usurped tyrranie,
the leirnit and the peopill opponcit thame selffis opinlie: and when that all
ressounis whilk the Paipis governouris could allege wer heard and confuted, the
Paip him self wes fane to tak up the maitter, and to promeis to keip nocht onlie
the lybertie of the peopill, but also that he sould neither abrogat[1047] onie law
[or] statute, neither yit mak onie new law without thair awin consent. And,
thairfoir, my Lord, (said he,) my vote and consience is, that Princes ar nocht
onlie bound to keip lawis and promeisses to thair subjectis, but also, that in caise
thai faill, thay justlie may be deposeit; for the band betwix the Prince and the
Peopill is reciproce."
Then start [up] ane claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wat nocht
what ye say; for ye tell us what wes done in Bononia; we ar ane kingdome, and
thai ar but ane Commounwelth."
"My Lord," said he, "my jugement is, that everie kingdom is, or at leist, sould be
ane Commounwelth, albeit that everie Commounwelth be nocht ane kingdom;
and, thairfoir, I think, that in ane kingdom no less dylligence aucht to be taikin,
that lawis be nocht violatit, than is [in] ane Commounwelth; because that the
tyrranie of Princeis who continwallie ring[1048] in ane kingdom, is moir hurtfull
to the subjectis, than is the misgovernment of those that from yeir to yeir ar
chaingit in fre Commounwelthis. But yit, my Lordis, to assure you and all
utheris farder, that heid wes disputed be the utermoist; and than, in the end, it
was concludit,[1049] that thay spak nocht of sik thingis as wer done in diverse
kingdomis and natiounis be tyrranie and negligence of peopill. 'But we
conclude,' said thai, 'what aucht to be done in all Kingdomis and
Commounwelthis, according to the law of God, and unto the just lawis of man.
And gif be the negligence of the peopill, or be tyrranie of Princes, contrair lawis
haif bene maid, yit may that same peopill, or thair posteritie, justlie craif all
thingis to be reformed,[1050] according to the originall institutioun of Kingis and
Commounwelthis: and sik as will nocht [do] so, deserve to eit the frute of thair
awin folischnes.'"
Maister James Makgill,[1051] than Clark of Register, persaifing the voittis to be
different, and heiring the bauld plainess of the foirsaid servand of God, said, "I
remember that this same questioun wes lang debaittit aneis befoir this in my
house, and thair, be ressoune that we wer nocht all of ane mynd, it wes concludit,
that Mr. Knox sould in all our names haif writtin to Mr. Calvin for his jugement
in the contraversie."
"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretour wald nocht consent that I sould
wrytte, alleging, that the grittest weycht of the ansuer stude in the narrative, and
thairfoir [promeisit that] he wald wryte, and I sould sey it. But when, (said he,)
that diverse tymes I requyreit him to remember his promeis, I fand no thing but
delay."
Whairto the Secretour did ansuer, "True it is, I promeist to wryte, and true it is,
that diverse tymeis Mr. Knox requyreit me so to do. But when I had moir deiplie
consydderit the weycht of the maitter, I began to find mo douttis than that I did
befoir, and this one amangis utheris, How I durst, I being ane subject, and the
Quenis Majesties Secretarie,[1052] tak upoun me to seik resolutioun of
contraverseyis depending betwix hir Heyness and hir subjectis, without hir awin
knawlege and consent." Than wes thair ane acclamatioun of the claw-backis of
the Courte, as if Apollo had gevin his response: It wes wyselie and faythfullie
done.
"Weill," said Johne Knox, "let warldlie men praise warldlie wisdome so heichlie
as thay pleise, I am assureit, that be sik shiftis, idolatrie is mentenit, and the
treuth of Jesus Chryste is betrayit, whairof God one day will be revengit." At
this, and the lyke scherpnes, monie offendit, the voitting ceissit, and everie
factioun began planelie to speik as effectioun moveit thame.
Johne Knox in the end wes commandit yit to wryte to Mr. Calvin, and to the
leirnit in uther Kirkis, to knaw thair jugementis in that questioune; quhilk he
refuissit, schawing his ressoun, "I myself am nocht onlie fullie resolved in
conscience, but also I haif heard the jugementis in this, and all uther thingis that
I haif affirmit within this Realme, of the moist godlie and moist leirnit that be
knawin in Europe. I come nocht to this Realme without thair resolutioun; and for
my assurance I haif the hand wrytingis of monie; and, thairfoir, gif I sould [now]
move the same questioun agane, what sould I do uther, but either schaw my awin
ignorance and forgetfulness, or ellis inconstancey: And, thairfoir, it may pleise
you to appardoune me, albeit I wryte nocht. But I will teich you the surer way,
whilk is [this], that ye wryte and complayne upoun me, that I teich publictlie and
affirme constantlie sik doctrine as offendis you, and so sall ye knaw thair plane
myndis, and whidder that I and thay aggrey in jugement or nocht."

THE END OF THE RESSONYNG BETWIX JOHN KNOX AND THE SECRETOUR IN JUNE
1564.

Diverse said the offer wes gude; bot no man wes founde that wald be the
secretour. And so did that Assemblie in lang ressonyng brek up. Efter the whilk
tyme, the mynisteris, that wer callit preceissit, wer haldin of all the Courteouris
as monstouris.

In all that tyme[1053] the Erle of Murray wes so formed[1054] to Johne Knox, that
nowther be word nor write wes there ony communicatioun betwix thame.[1055]
 THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE REFORMATION OF
THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH.

IN the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of THE HISTORY OF
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND were written by Knox, between the years 1559
and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as completed by himself,
without being either mutilated or interpolated, except in the common printed
editions of the work. But of the Fifth Book, no manuscript copy has been
discovered; and although there may be sufficient reason to prevent us from
ascribing its composition to the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the
propriety of annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.
This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from September
1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to abdicate the
throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was first published in folio,
in the year 1644, by DAVID BUCHANAN, a person of literary distinction, of whom
some account will be given in the Appendix to the present volume. The volume
has this title:—
"THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND; Containing five
Books: Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History. Published by
Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) LONDON, Printed by John Raworth, for
George Thomason and Octavian Pullen, and are to be sold at the Signe of the
Rose in Paul's Church-yard. MDCXLIV."
In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared under a
similar title:—"THE HISTORIE, &c. Printed at LONDON for G. T. and O. P. And Re-
Printed at EDINBURGH by ROBERT BRYSON, and are to be sold at his Shop at the
Signe of JONA. 1644."
It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal reprint. The
greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch that the words and letters in
most of the lines correspond in the two editions; still there are some changes
which it is not improbable were introduced under Buchanan's immediate
inspection. The Preface "To the Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I
have thought fit in this place to point at some main occurrences from that time
(1567) till now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills
eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death of John
Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An Acrostick" (8 lines),
and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the pretious memorie of John Knox,
that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The
historical "Preface," relating to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling
thirty leaves in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no
alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the close of Book
Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them being transposed from the
commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions occur towards the latter part of
Book Fifth. And in the subjoined Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief
Exhortation," dated from Geneva, 12th January 1557.
The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the HISTORY
OF THE REFORMATION, is worthy of notice. After mentioning Knox's education
and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers to his sufferings, and says,
"For the cause of the truth, he suffered very much by sea and land, in minde and
body; among forraigners, and amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in
this History of the Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History,
namely so much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly
under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken thorowout the
whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent agent in the businesse of the
Reformation in the Church: Next, because he hath penned with his own hand, or
spoken by word of mouth, the most part of the most remarkable and most usefull
things for Posterity in the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of
his Papers and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of
JOHN KNOX. But to return to his Life," &c.
In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as follows:—
after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the prime publike actors
in that worthy worke of our Primitive Reformation," Buchanan says, "And
because some singular fruit, more then ordinare, is expected from him who hes
some singular enduements, more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world
how farre his thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little
he did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many choise and
worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and judicious minde, the
truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout the whole progresse of this
Church-Historie, which may justly bee published and sent abroad under his
name, because the most part thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand,
or spoken and uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of
his Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without partialitie. Hee
hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin. And therefore I hope his
unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable to no good man, be hee never so
great. Wearie not then in reading, but adventure your patience as he hes done his
paines, and I doubt not, but in each particular, you shall get such a full and
satisfactorie information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike
fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to his Life," &c.
In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement of facts, the
occasional modes of expression, and the above declaration by the Editor, that
"the whole History is gathered out of Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite
opposed to the general notion that it was written or even compiled by David
Buchanan. Neither can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as
the style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from 1570 to
1573, which has been published under his name; and from which portions at
least ought to be included in a collection of the Reformer's Works. This will form
part of the concluding volume.
On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy to give any
tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems probable that Mr. David
Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps he was beholden to Mr. Knox's
scrolls, but I wish he had carefully distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his
own, and forborn his interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty
no person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;) have given
the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave it to the Reader to
value it as he finds cause." But these Editors have taken an unusual liberty,
which they have not specified, in altering the language to correspond to the more
antiquated orthography of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present
edition, the text is given from that of London, 1644.
Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from Knox's
papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded claims to be
regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the previous Books, I have not
thought it necessary to devote much time to its elucidation by encumbering the
pages with foot-notes; and the more so, as the period of three years which it
embraces, has been so fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger
share of literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National
History.

There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan, of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary
to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]

IN the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the hunting;
and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and returned to Fyfe in
September.[1057] All this while there was appearance of love and tender
friendship betwixt the two Queens; for there was many letters full of civility and
complements sent from either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides
costly presents for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured
to come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at
Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's Majestie;
namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her letters, written in his
favour: And because he could not be restored to his lands without Act of
Parliament, therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh,
the 13. day of December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a
Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly the said
Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word be spoken, or at
least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parliament. But he answered,
That he could not promise it. In the mean time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of
Lenox were agreed.[1060]
At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the said Earle
of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He was banished, and
forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule. There were some Articles
given in by the Church, especially for the abolishing of the Masse universally,
and for punishment of vice; but there was little thing granted, save that it was
Statute, That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then
publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not put in
execution.
In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the Church
was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for setling of the affairs
of the Church.
In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the Gentlemen's
houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that such superfluity was
never seen before within this Realme; which caused the wilde fowl to be so dear,
that partridges were sold for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act
of Parliament, the confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of
divers Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's
absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear Masse; and
seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some of them thinking
thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an
Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the quire, and one
or two on the other side, with Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children,
and making marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy,
alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament than to a
tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church.
The said superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many
were offended with it; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the
Privy Councell, especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the
Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such things
were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised, That the
like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also alleadged, That they were a
great number; and that she could not trouble their conscience.
About the 20. of this moneth, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart, Lord
Darnley;[1064] from thence he passed to Fyffe: And in the place of Weemes he
was admitted to kisse the Queen's hand; whom she liked so well, that she
preferred him before all others, as shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon
after, in the moneth of March, the Earle Bothwell arrived out of France; whereat
the Earle of Murray was highly offended, because of the evil report made to him
of the Lord Bothwell; and passing immediately to the Queen's Majestie,
demanded of her, If it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home;
and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should leave the
countrey, and therefore desired that he might have justice. Her answer was, That
seeing the Earle Bothwell was a nobleman, and had done her service, she could
not hate him: Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be prejudiciall to the
Erle of Murray, but desired that the matter might be taken away. Within few days
she caused summon the Earle Bothwell to answer to the course of law the 2d of
May, for the conspiracy which the Earle of Arrane had alledged two years
before, and for the breaking of the ward of the Castle. In the meanwhile there
was nothing in the Court but banquetting, balling, and dancing, and other such
pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite; and all for the
entertainment of the Queen's cousin from England, the Lord Darnley, to whom
she did shew all the expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse.[1065]
Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to Secretary
Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The chief point of his message was,
to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen was minded to marry her
cousin the Lord Darnley; and the rather, because he was so near of blood to both
Queens: for by his mother, he was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also
of near kindred, and of the same name by his father: His mother was cousin-
german to the Queen of England. Here mark God's providence: King James the
Fifth having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earle of
Lenox his heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that design
ceased. Then came the Earle of Lenox from France, with intention to marry King
James his widow; but that failed also: He marries Mary[1066] Dowglas, and his
son marrieth Mary, King James the Fifth his daughter. And so the King's desire
is fulfilled, to wit, The Crown continueth in the name and in the family. The
Queen of England, nevertheless, shewed her self nothing pleased therewith, but
rather declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such
contracts or alliance that might be prejudiciall to her; and for the same purpose
sent a post to the Queen with letters, wherein she complained greatly of the mind
of our Mistris, seeing the great affection she bare to her, intending to declare her
heretrix of her Realme of England, providing only that she would use her
counsell in marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord
Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was below the rank
of the Queen by condition, being but a private subject. At the same time she
wrote to the Earle of Lenox, and to his son, commanding them to repair both into
England. Some write, That all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England,
and from her heart she was glad of the marriage, for by that means the
Succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darnley being the
right heir after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see
her married to one of inferior rank, for by that means she thought the Scots
Queen would be less proud.
 At this time an Italian named Davie, entered in great familiarity with the Queen so that there was
nothing done without him.

During this time there were certain letters directed to the Brethren of Edinburgh,
to Dundie, Fyfe, Angus, and Mernes, and other places, from the Brethren of
Kyle, and other places in the West Countrey, desiring the professors of the
Evangel in all places, to remember what the Eternall God had wrought, and how
potently he had abolished all kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed his
word in this Realm, so that no man could say otherwise but it was the work of
God, who also had delivered this countrey from the bondage and tyranny of
strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that idol the Masse
not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that the maintainers thereof are
like, by all appearance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of
our destruction: And for that the Papists purposed to set up their idol at Easter
following, in all places, which was to be imputed to the slothfulness and want of
godly zeal of the professors. Therefore they admonished the Brethren to strive to
avert the evil in time, and not to suffer such wickedness to continue and
encrease, lest God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire.
By these letters many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened,
minding to provide as God should give them grace. And first of all, by the
advice of the most learned in Edinburgh, there was a Supplication made, and
given to the Queen's Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing, in
effect, That the Church in generall of the Realme, had divers times most humbly
craved of her Majesty, That committers of adultery should be punished
according to the law of God and the Acts of Parliament, nevertheless they
continued in their wickednes; and the Papists, of obstinate malice, pretended
nothing else but to erect and set up their idolatry and superstition; and at Easter
day following, they intended to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and
Professors of the Evangel could not suffer; therefore wished her Majestie to take
heed of the matter.
This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the Superintendents of
Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queen's name, That there should
be such provision made as should serve to their contentment: And for the same
purpose, the Queen's Majestie writ to all such places as were suspected,
especially to the Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine, (as was said,) not to
use any Masse, and that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the
Protestants, or convene any Councell, and thereto commanded them. Now the
Communion was administred in Edinburgh, the 1st day of April 1565: At which
time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Masse; and as
some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having with them
one of the Bayliffs, took one Sir James Carvet, riding hard, as he had now ended
the saying of the Masse, and conveyed him, together with the master of the
house, and one or two more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately
revested him with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market-
Crosse, where they set him on high, binding the chalice in his hand, and himself
fast tyed to the said Crosse, where he tarried the space of one hour; during which
time the boyes served him with his Easter eggs. The next day following, the said
Carvet, with his assistants, were accused and convinced by an assize, according
to the Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offence he deserved death, yet
for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the space of three or
four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping him, the boyes and others
were busie with eggs casting; and some Papists there were that stopped as far as
they could: And as the presse of people encreased about the Crosse, there
appeared to have been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with
some Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith. The Queen
being advertised, and having received sinister information that the Priest was
dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some extreme punishment; for
she thought that all this was done in contempt of her, and of her Religion; and it
was affirmed, That the Towne should have been sacked, and a great number
executed to death: she sent to such as she pleassed, commanding them to come
to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces; and in the mean time she
sent her Advocate, Master Spence of Condie, to Edinburgh, to take a sure triall
of the matter. The Provost and Councell wrote to the Queen the truth of the
matter as it was, desiring her Majestie to take the same in good part, and not to
give credit to false reports, and therewith sent to her Majestie the processe and
enrolment of the Court of the Priest convict. Thus the Queen's Majestie being
informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent againe, and stayed the said
meeting of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the copie
followeth:—

The Queen's Letter to the Provest, Bailiffe, and Councell

of Edinburgh.
"PROVEST, Bayliffe, and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh, We received
your letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report what diligence
you took to stay the tumult in the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh;
wherein, as you did your duty in suppressing the tumult, so can We not take
 in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a thing, without
certain seditious persons, who were pleased to do justice perforce and
without the Magistrates authoritie, be condignly and really punished for
their rashnesse and misbehaviour; for if all private persons should usurpe to
take vengeance at their own hands, what lies in ours? And to what purpose
hath good laws and statutes been established? Since, therefore, We have
never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders, prescribed by
the lawes, but have alwayes maintained justice in that case without respect
of persons, it is our will, and We command you, as you will answer to us
upon your obedience and allegiance, that you will take before you certane
of the most responsall persons which are declared authors of the said
sedition, and usurpers of our authority, and to administer justice upon them,
in such sort as We may know a sinceritie on your parts, and our authority no
wayes slighted. But if you faile, perswade your selves, (and that shortly,)
We will not oversee it, but will account this contempt not only to be in the
committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us
on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution, which We
look for so soon as reason will permit.
"Subscribed with our hand at Sterlin, this 24. of April,
Anno 1565."

By this manner of writing and high threatning, may be perceived how grievously
the Queen's Majestie would have been offended if the said Tarbot[1067] and
Messe-monger had been handled according to his demerite, being not only a
Papist idolater, but a manifest whoremaster, and a common fighter and
blasphemer; nevertheless, within few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and
Bailiffs to set him at libertie, commanding them further, that no man should
trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded
him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John Low and John Kennedie, set
at libertie in the same manner. At this Easter-tyde, in Sterlin, the Queen made her
domestick servants use Papisticall rites and ceremonies, and more, she
perswaded others by faire means to do the same, and threatned those that were
most constant at the Earle of Cassels house.
Upon the second day of May 1565, conveened at Edinburgh, the Earl of Murray
with his friends in great numbers, to keepe the day of law against the Earle of
Bothwell; who being called, appeared not, only the Laird of Rickerton protested,
That the personall absence of the Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to
him, by reason, that for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man,
since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queen's
Majesty, was of greatest estimation and authority of any man within this Realm,
to whom assisted at this present day of law, seven or eight hundred men, which
force he could not resist, and therefore had absented himself; which protestation
being made, those that had been sureties for his appearance, were outlawed. The
said Earle Bothwell, a few dayes after, past into France, after he had been in
Liddesdale, where, suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance
of his life, notwithstanding he was not put to the horne; for the Queen
continually bore a great favour towards him, and kept him to be a souldier, as
appeared within lesse than half a year; for she would not suffer the Lord Morton,
nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murray's great friends, to keep the day. There
assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earles of Argyle, Glenearne, and Crawford,
with great numbers, and many Lords and Barons, who for the most part
conveened the same afternoon to treat and consult for the maintaining of
Religion; where some articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray
to be presented to the Queen's Majestie and Privie Councell; which articles were
enlarged at the Generall Assembly following, as shall be declared.
In the meane time, as they were informed in Court of this great Assembly of
people in Edinburgh, they were affraid, for naturally the Queen hated and
suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own presence, and devised by
her self. The chief Counsellors in the Court were the Earls of Lenox and Athole.
The Queen writ incontinent for all the Lords to come to Sterlin, so soone as she
was advertised that they had treated in Edinburgh of Religion; she writ likewise
for the Superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being there,
they caused to keep the ports or gates, and make good watch about the towne.
The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darnley title of
honour, openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the marriage.
The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin, where he was well
received by the Queen's Majestie, as appeared; and immediately, as he past with
her to my Lord Darnley's chamber, they presented to him a contract, containing
in effect, That forasmuch, as, or since, the Queen had contracted marriage with
the Lord Darnley, and that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-
written, ratified, and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto
him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall, (by a new Court solecisme in
policie, the Crowne for the second time is surnamed Matrimoniall; before, when
the Queen was first married, it was so called also,) to serve and obey him and her
as their lawfull Soveraignes. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe,
as many others had done before; which hee refused to do, "Because, (said he,) it
is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at least the principall,
and such as he himself was posteriour unto, before that so grave a matter should
be advised and concluded."
The Queen's Majesty no wayes content with this answer, insisted still upon him,
saying, The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there present and content with the
matter, wished him to be so much a Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the
Crown in the family, and the surname, according to their Father's will and desire,
as was said of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes
above written.
Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassadour from England, named Sir
Nicholas Throckmorton,[1068] arrived at Sterlin, and in his company the Laird of
Lethington; the Ambassador was at the Castle gate or ever they were aware; and
as he stood there in the entry, he was desired to passe to his lodgings. The next
day he had audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the
dignity of his message. The whole summe of this his message was, to shew and
declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistris was offended with this
precipitated marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man of
inferiour rank and condition to her selfe: and therefore disswaded her therefrom.
And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home her subjects, the Earle of
Lennox and the Lord Darnley: but all in vaine; for the matter was well farre
proceeded. In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first,
because if Queen Mary had married a foraign Prince, it had been an accesse to
her greatnesse, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other;
next, both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of consanguinitie
unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being children to her
Father's sister.
With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart, promising to do all
she could to satisfie the Queen of England; and for the same purpose she would
send an Ambassador to her.

The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent gave his, which before he refused.

In the meane time the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was prepared and
propounded in Councell, and the chief of the Nobilitie, such as the Duke, the
Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glenearne, with the rest, granted freely to the same,
providing that they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the
Queene, and the idolatrous Masse and Superstition abolished; shortly it was
concluded, that they should convene again to Saint Johnstoun, where the Queen
promised to take a finall order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the
last of May, at Perth: my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queen's Majestie
communed with the Lords, who were very plain with her, saying, Except the
Masse were abolished, there should be no quietnesse in the countrey. The twelfth
day of May the Lord Darnley was belted, (that is, created) Earle of Rosse, with
great solemnity, a belt or girdle being tyed about his waist or middle; and albeit
all kinde of provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time
it came not to effect, albeit the crown and robe-royall were prepared to him for
the same. For the entertainment of this triumph there were many Knights made,
to the number of fourteen.[1069] The next day, which was the thirteenth of May,
the Queen called for the Superintendants, by name John Willock, John Winram,
and John Spotswood, whom she cherished with faire words, assuring them, that
she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory of God, and satisfying of men's
consciences, and the good of the Commonwealth; and albeit she was not
perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she
promised to them that she would hear conference and disputation in the
Scriptures: And likewise she would be content to hear publike preaching, but
alwayes out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majestie; and above all others,
she said, she would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus, (for he was a mild
and sweet natured man,) with true honesty and uprightnesse, John Ariskin[1070]
of Dun.
Soon after the Queen past to Saint Johnston, after that she had directed Master
John Hay,[1071] Prior of Monimusk, to passe to England, who sped at the Queen
of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas Throckmorton did in Scotland.
Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston, my Lord
of Murray, most carefull of the maintenance of Religion, sent to all the principall
Churches, advertising them of the matter, and desiring them to advise, and send
the most able men in learning and reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and
dissimulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of
France,[1072] with others, such as Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne,[1073]
afterward Bishop of Rosse, caused the Queen to understand that thing whereof
she was easily perswaded, to wit, That there ought to be given to all men libertie
of conscience, and for this purpose to shun or put off the first day appointed. The
Queen writ to the Nobility, That because she was informed that there was great
meetings out of every shire and town in great number; and then the other partie,
(so termed she the Papists,) were minded to gether to the said Convention, which
should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather than any other thing; therefore
she thought it expedient, and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to
deferre the same till such a day that she should appoint with advice of her
Councell. At this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at
Edinburgh the twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants
having best judgement, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the
inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Councell at this time was only
the Earles of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthven, but chiefely David Rizio the
Italian ruled all; yet the Earle of Rosse[1074] [was] already in greatest credit and
familiarity.
These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and twentieth day of
May; and within twelve dayes thereafter, she directed new missives to the chief
of the Nobility, desiring, or commanding them, to come to Saint Johnston the
three and twentieth day of June following, to consult upon such things as
concerned Religion, and other things, as her Majesty should propose; Which day
was even the day before that the Generall Assembly should have been held in
Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that the
Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the Earle of
Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said day, he chanced to
fall sick of the fluxes in Lochleven, where he remained till the Queen came forth
of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh, where the Generall Assembly of the whole
Church of Scotland was held the four and twentieth day of July.[1075] The Earles
of Argyle and Glencarne assisted the Church, with a great company of Lods,
Barons, and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain Gentlemen,
as Commissioners from the Church National, should passe to the Queen's
Majestie, with certain Articles, to the number of six, desiring her most humbly to
ratifie and approve the same in Parliament.
And because the said ARTICLES are of great weight, and worthy of memory, I
thought good to insert the same word by word.[1076]

Imprimis, That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse, with all Papisticall
idolatry, and Papall jurisdiction, be universally supprest and abolisht
thorowout this Realme, not only in the subjects, but also in the Queen's own
person, with punishment against all persons that should be deprehended to
transgresse and offend in the same: And that the sincere word of God, and
Christ's true Religion, now at this present received, be established,
approved, and ratified, thorowout the whole Realme, as well in the Queen's
own person as in the subjects: And that the people be [astricted] to resort
upon the Sundays at the least, to the prayers and preaching of God's word,
even as they were before to the idolatrous Masse: And these Heads to be
provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's Majesty.
Secondly, That [sure] provision be made for sustentation of the Ministry, as
well for the time present, as the time to come: And that such persons as are
presently admitted to the Ministry, may have their livings assigned unto
them, in places where they travell in their calling, or at least next adjacent
thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath been vacant since the
month of March 1558, or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be
disponed to qualified and learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and
discharge the vocation concerning the Ministry, by tryall and admission of
the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no Benefice or Living, having
many Churches annexed thereunto, be disponed altogether in any time to
come, to any [one] man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally
disponed, and that to severall persons; so that every man having charge may
serve at his own church according to his vocation: And to that effect,
likewise the Gleebs and the Manses be given to the Ministers, that they may
make residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge their
consciences according to their vocation; and also, that the Kirks may be
repaired accordingly; and that a law be made and established hereupon by
Act of Parliament, as said is.
Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls, [Schools,]
Colledges, or Universities, neither privately or publickly to teach and
instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents or
Visitors of churches, and found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by
them to their charges.
Fourthly, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands founded for
hospitality of old be restored again to the same use; and that all lands,
annual-rents, or any other emoluments, pertaining any ways sometimes to
the Friers, of whatsoever Order they had been of; as likewise the annuities,
alterages, obits, and other duties pertaining to Priests, to be applied to the
sustentation of the poor, and uphold of the town-schools in towns, and other
places where they lie.
 Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this Realme,
without any correction, to the great contempt of God and his Word; such as
Idolatry, blasphemie of God's name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath-day,
witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, adultery, manifest whoredome,
maintenance of bordals, murther, slaughter, oppression, with many other
detestable crimes, may be severely punished; and Judges appointed in every
province and diocesse, for execution thereof, with power to do the same,
and that by Act of Parliament.
Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the poor
labourers of the ground, concerning the [un]reasonable payment of the
tythes, who are oppressed by the leasers of the tythes set over their heads,
without their own consent and advice.

The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles, and
present them to the Queen's Majestie, were the Lairds of Cunninghamhead,
Lundie, Spot, and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for the Broughs:[1077]
These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said
Articles to the Queen's Majestie, desiring and requiring her Highnesse most
humbly to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere they
were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed;
and after they had gotten audience, they desired the Queen's Majestie most
humbly to give their dispatch. She answered, That her Councell was not there
present, but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes, and there they
should receive their answer.
At the same time, as the Generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh, the
Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be, they assembled
themselves at Saint Leonard's Craig,[1078] where they concluded they would
defend themselves; and for the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most
able, two of every quarter, to see that the Brethren should be ready armed.
And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court four
or five days after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh, there the matter was
proposed in Councell: And after long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles,
at length it was answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, That the
Queen's Majesties command was, That the matter should be reasoned in her
presence; which for the gravitie of the same, there could nothing be concluded at
that time, albeit the Queen's Majestie had heard more in that matter then ever she
did before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great part of
the Nobilitie should be present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final
answer.
At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer in writing
in her presence, according to the tenour hereof, as followeth:—

THE QUEEN'S MAJESTIES ANSWER TO THE ARTICLES PRESENTED TO HER

HIGHNESSE, BY CERTAIN GENTLEMEN, IN THE NAME OF THE WHOLE
ASSEMBLIE OF THE CHURCH.
To the first, Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and abolished, as well in
the head as in the members, with punishment against the contraveners; as
also, the Religion professed to be Established by Act of Parliament: It was
answered first, for her Majesties part, That her Highness is no way yet
perswaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any impiety is in the Masse;
and therefore believeth, that her loving subjects will not press her to receive
any Religion against her conscience, which should be unto her a continuall
trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a perpetuall unquietness.
And to deal plainly with her subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may
leave the Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and
believeth the same to be well-grounded; knowing, besides the grudge of
conscience that she should receive, upon the change of her own Religion,
that she should lose the friendship of the King of France, the married Allia
of this Realme, and of other great Princes her friends and confederates, who
would take the same in evil part, and of whom she may look for their great
support in all her necessities. And having no assured consideration that may
countervail the same, she will be loth to put in hazard all her friends at an
instant; praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had experience of
her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, not yet intends hereafter,
to press the conscience of any [man,] but that they may worship God in
such sort, as they are preswaded in their conscience to be best, that they will
also not presse her conscience.
As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the Realme, they
themselves know, as appears by their Articles, that the same cannot be done
only by consent of her Majestie, but requires necessarily the consent of the
[three] States in Parliament; and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds,
those things which the [three] States agree upon amongst themselves, her
Majestie shall consent unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure,
that no man be troubled for using [themselves in] religion according to
 conscience; so that no man shall have cause to doubt, that for religion's sake
men's lives and heritage shall be in any hazard.
To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majestie thinks it no wayes
reasonable, that she should defraud her self of so great a part of the
patrimony of the Crowne, as to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her
own hands; for her owne necessity in bearing of her port and common
charges will require the retention thereof, and that in a good part, in her
owne hands: Neverthelesse her Majestie is well pleased, that consideration
being bad of her owne necessity, and what may be sufficient for [her, and
for] the reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a speciall assignation he
made to them in places most commodious and meet: with which her
Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer the same to come to them.
To the third Article, it is answered, That her Majestie shall do therein as
shall be agreed by the States in Parliament.
To the fourth Article, Her Majesties liberality towards the poore shall
alwayes be so far extended, as can be reasonably required at her hands.
To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking order
therein unto the States assembled in Parliament.[1079]

As the Queen's Majestie came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the Callender,
she was conveyed to the water side of Forth with two hundred spears: For at that
time it was bruted, that there was some lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In
the mean time the Earle of Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle
with him. Now in the Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the
Queen's Majestie to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was
lately delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon
and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen's Majestie came in the end, and
said to the Lord Levingston, "That she would shew him that favour that she had
not done to any other before;" that is, that she would give her presence to the
Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.
The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and letters by
false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately
convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and there made a conspiration against
her; and had chosen for the same purpose certain Captains to governe the rest:
And without any tryall, or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest
and Bayliffs of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander
Guthrie, Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in
prison in the Castle.[1082]
This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange:
And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she sent the next day a
charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her owne great Treasurer, to passe to
the houses of the said foure men, and likewise to their booths or shops, and there
to take inventory of all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said
Treasurer to take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said
inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said Alexander
Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of the greatest in
estimation within the towne: his wife and children were shut out of their house,
and compelled to seek some other lodging in the town.
By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and judgement were
wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving these things so
furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information, men never called to their
answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she
came to Edinburgh, she called to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there
complains of the said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest
treason. And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of
Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great army to
invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter it was concluded by
the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that
purpose appointed the Queen's Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083]
and Master Robert Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said
Advocates had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their
depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing found
worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons were summoned to
answer at law.
For the [other] matter, That the Queen's Majestie should send to the Earles of
Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants to take order
touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice Clarke, and Lord of Saint
Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of Argyle, they found no such thing; but in
Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations,
the Fire-crosse (which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole.
Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to consult
before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the Commonwealth, the
fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the Duke, the Earles of Argyle,
and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and Barons; and as they were devising and
consulting, the Queen's Majesty taking their meeting in evill part, sent her
Advocates, Master John Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at
Sterlin, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall
occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance
thereof, according as they had lately written to the Queen's Majesty in Seaton
from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.
Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to come to
Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to the Queen's
Majestie according as they had found.
In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's Majesties
command to the first of September next after following; for it was thought, that
the least part and principall of the chief Nobility being absent, there could no
Parliament be holden: at the same time the Queen's Majestie perceiving that the
matter was already come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and
secrecy of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of
Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus,
Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to resort to her,
in this form of words hereafter following:—

The Queen's Letter.

"TRUSTY FRIEND, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by the evill
bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have molested any man
in the using of his Religion and conscience freely, a thing which never
entred into our minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such
reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes us to be
carefull for the safety and preservation of our State; wherefore we pray you
most affectionately, that with all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our
Letter,) you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished
with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen dayes after your coming,
addresse you to come to us, to write and attend upon us, according to our
expectation and trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection
you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do us therein
acceptable service.
 Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day of July, 1565."

There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen minded
not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations made in the Shires
above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all freeholders and other gentlemen
should resort, (in the aforesaid manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse
was made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same
afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open
audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the Earl of
Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen's marriage were proclaimed. About
this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In the mean time there were
divers messages sent from the Queen's Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first,
Master Robert Crichton, to perswade him by all means possible to come and
resort to the Queen's Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come
to her self, according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as
were most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had
conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in Court.
Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St. Andrews,
rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her Highness; after
them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar; but all
this did not prevail with him; and when all hope of his coming was past, an
herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen's Majesty, and
answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within eight and fourty
hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not
the next day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put to
the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for the Queen
said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to
others, meaning the said Argyle.
In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all means and
ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been
lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle:
the Lord Lindesay against the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants;
for they had contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no
such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had remained
neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little travell of his friends,
received by the Queen; and being thus received into favour, was restored first to
the Lordship of Gordon, and soon after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his
lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to
the Earl of Murray.
 The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage: Before which, according to the Romish
law, it was unlawful to marry, being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister's children, and so the degree
of consanguinity forbidden.

The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the sun's going down,
there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of Edinburgh, containing in
effect:
"THAT forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen had
taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry Duke of
Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her will, that he should
be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King: Commanding all letters and
proclamations to be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming."

The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were married[1088] in
the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of Restalrig; the Queen
being all clothed in mourning: But immediately, as the Queen went to Masse, the
King not with her, but to his pastime. During the space of three or four days,
there was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banquetting.
of Halyrudhous, at sex houris
in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh greit
magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this Realme." (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 80.)
In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of Pitcur,
with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for non-appearance; and
immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were stricken or beaten, for men of
war to serve the King and Queen's Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden
alteration and hasty creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.
Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged, That the
cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for hatred, envie of
sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes: But they that considered
the progress of the matter, according as is heretofore declared, thought the
principall cause to be only for Religion.
In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently, little care of the
trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into England Master Nicolas
Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys in this countrey, to the sum of
ten thousand pounds sterlin. There came one forth of England to the Queen, who
got presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089]

Note this for our time.

About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke of
Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord Boyd and
Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle, where they
concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the four and twentieth day
of August. But the King and Queen with great celerity prevented them; for their
Majesties sent thorow Lowthian, Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and
Cliddisdaile, and other shires, making their Proclamations in this manner, "That
forasmuch as certain Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing
but the trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such
as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all manner of men,
under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at
Linlithgow, the 24. day of August."

The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of
Religion, he went to the Kirk to hear John Knox preach.

This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said month. Upon
Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to the High Kirk of
Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text was taken out of the six
and twentieth chapter of Esayas his Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where,
in the words of the Prophet, he said, "O Lord our God, other lords then thou have
ruled over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of
wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants and scourges
to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, "That God sets in that room,
(for the offences and ingratitude of the people,) boys and women." And some
other words which appeared bitter in the King's ears, as, "That God justly
punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order with that
harlot Jezabel." And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the
time appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was so
moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled, with great
fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.
Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in the
Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord Ruthven, the
Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There passed along with the
Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Towne. When he was
called, the Secretary declared, "That the King's Majestie was offended with some
words spoken in the Sermon, (especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring
him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig
supply the place."

In answering he said more than he had preached, for he added, That as the King had (to pleasure the
Queen) gone to Masse, and dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an
instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but the Queen being incensed with these
words, fell out in tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.

He answered, "That he had spoken nothing but according to his text; and if the
Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as
the Word of God would permit him."
Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of Edinburgh,
commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to receive the Laird
[of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was presently obeyed.
The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen's Majesties past from
Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from Sterlin to
Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were not come. The next day
after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained
that night, being in company about one thousand horses. On the morrow they
came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow,
where the King and Queen easily might behold them. The night following,
which was the penult of August, they remained in Hamilton with their company;
but for divers respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry;
especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was not afore
the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton.
Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did the next
day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under the Lord his brother,
caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of cannon, they being near the town;
and likewise that the Laird [of] Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold
the Lords forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the
convening of the town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-
Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as they
esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses. Immediately they
dispatched messengers southward and northward to assist them; but all in vain:
And immediately after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat
the drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence of the
glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the Church, where they
should receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could they in
Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted unto them; yet,
they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh then they had done in
five or six nights before.
The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray, Glencarne,
and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of Grange,
Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the Lairds of Barr,
Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of Pittarow, Comptroller, went with
them. Some said merrily, That they were come to keep the Parliament; for the
Parliament was continued till the first day of September: Upon the which day
they wrote to the King and Queen's Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That
albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded not
of the King and Queen's Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsell, yet
notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of
the Realme, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, and
the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed: beseeching their Majesties most
humbly to grant these things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their
blood, they should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice,
almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen's Majesties, after their passing
from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a letter to the King and
Queen's Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned, but soon after released;
nevertheless they got no answer.
The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen's
Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing towards
Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of Cadder. As they
mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his knees, and made a long
oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever
laid the whole burden upon the Earl Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in
battell array: The Earl of Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the
middle battell, and the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about
five thousand men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.
As the King and Queen's Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton, they
were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but where they
pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon after their return to
Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly advertised that they were past to
Edinburgh; and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass
with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning, long before the
sun was risen, began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind
and rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long time; so
that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river; and the raging storm
being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty went they forward: And albeit the
most part waxed weary, yet the Queen's courage encreased man-like so much,
that she was ever with the foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day
in the water of Carron; and amongst others, the King's master, a notable Papist,
who, for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god of
bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save] him.
Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's Majestie, sent by
Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the town of
Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons, and therefore
desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded incontinent, that he should
return again to the said Alexander, and command him, in her name, That he
should shoot so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for any
body.
At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where they
remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of September, the
post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen's command to Alexander
Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof
the marks appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen's
command.
The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor souldiers
for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could; and being advertised of
the Queen's returning with her whole company, they took purpose to depart. And
so the next day betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole
company, and came to Laurik,[1096] and from thence to Hamilton, where the
Master of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And
after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majestie, that being
required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come
to them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their army, they
thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them, where they would
consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to their Majesties; and thus
beseeching their Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent
two of the Councell of the town to make their excuse.
The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to Edinburgh, and
caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to return to Glasgow,
where, having remained three or four days, and understanding that the Lords
were past to Dumfries, they returned to Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in
their passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without
impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar.
Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from Edinburgh two
ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the meantime, the Burroughs
were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the payment of the souldiers:
Farther, there was raised divers troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six
hundred horse. The souldiers had taken two poor men that had received the
Lords wages; which two men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen's
command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At
this time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the guiding
in the Court.
The third day after the Queen's coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and Lairds of
Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews, where the said
Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were commanded to subscribe to a
Band, containing in effect, That they obliged themselves to defend the King and
Queen's persons, against Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come
to Fyfe, they should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man
obeyed.
The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a band, or
troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at midnight took out the
Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then they past to Fawside, and took
likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him to Saint Andrews; where they, with the
Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some others, were commanded to prison. This manner
of handling and usage being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a
great terrour to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to
come.
In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the houses of
divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased, after that
their children and servants had been cast out.
At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the Lords Boyd
and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the rest, were charged to
come and present themselves in Saint Andrews, before the King and Queen's
Majesties, to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge, within six
days, under the pain of rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not
appearing, were denounced rebells, and put to the horn.
As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie, being sore
afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the Queen, as if they had
troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and suffered some to be raised in
their town for the Lords; for there was nothing done in Dundie, but it was
revealed to the Queen; especially that the Minister[1100] had received a letter
from the Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to
assist the Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for
trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at length,
the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two thousand marks, five
or six of the principall left out, with some others, that were put to their shift.
After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they
came to Saint Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to
Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and
Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.
The next day after the King and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, there was a
Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very notable, I
thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be somewhat long.

"HENRY and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of Scots; To all
and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concern, and to
whose knowledge these letters shall come, greeting.

Note how this agrees with our times.

Let this be conferred with our times.

Note diligently.

"Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by certain rebels

and their assistants, the authors thereof, (to blind the eyes of the simple
people,) have given them to understand, that the quarrell they have in hand
is only Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designs,
and so, under that plausible argument, to draw after them a large train of
ignorant persons, easy to be seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good
subjects, whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer
themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath
pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and
writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts,
albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough before:
For what other thing[1102] might move the principal raisers of this tumult to
put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally, upon whom We had
bestowed so many benefits; but that the great honour We did them, they
being thereof unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their
ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and honour
upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and our whole Realme, to
be led, used, and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude
have perceived, if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled
them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now by letters, sent
from themselves to us, which make plain profession, that the establishing of
Religion will not content them, but We must be forced to govern by
Councell, such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre beyond
all measure, that We think the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is
sufficient to make their nearest kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all
men to run on them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their
native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom: For what other thing
is this, but to dissolve the whole policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the
very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The
like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble progenitors
heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents; but the Prince, and such as
have filled their place, chose their Councell of such as they thought most fit
for the purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our first
returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of our Councell at our
pleasure, and now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought
back to the state of pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of
them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in question;
but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do and undoe all at their
pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouthes, and give us a Councell
chosen after their fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you
beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which they would have
you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in the company of a certain
number of rebels against your naturall Prince. To speak in good language,
they would be Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare name
 and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration of the
kingdome.
"We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew, that you suffer
not yourselves to be deceived under pretence of Religion, to follow them,
who prefering their particular advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and
having no care of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would
hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter destruction.
Assuring you, that you have heretofore good experience of our clemency,
and under our wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and
lived at liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the
like hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes, to so
many as shall continue your selves in due obedience, and do the office of
faithfull and naturall subjects.
"Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of
December [September], and of our Reigns the first
and twentie three years, 1565."

Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the Queens
Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth, should use the
counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood of the same; whereas in
the mean time the councell of David, and Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with
Fowler the Englishman, and Master James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was
preferred before all others, save only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be
a man of grosse jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the
Queen. It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice, and
equity, only will ruled in all things.
There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King and Queen's
names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at Sterlin, the first day
of October following, with twenty dayes provision, under pain of life, lands, and
goods. It was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or
not, and I beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report was,
that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept fortified and
victualled at the Duke's command, that they would passe to siege the said
houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others said, they would passe
towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people alwayes armed, whereof his
neighbours were afraid, especially the inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at
length it was concluded that they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.
During this time there were propositions made continually to the King and
Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly to receive
them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to these two heads, viz.,
To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and establish the true Religion: And that
they and the affaires of the Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell
of the true Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be tried
by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor taken in good
part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means to redresse the matter,
who also entertained the Lords most honourably in Dumfreis, for he had the
goverment of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen's wrath so, that
he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the King and Queens
Majesties, after the same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and
also commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he
had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the
horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of his good will
and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean time sent Robert Melvin to the
Queen of England, and declared their state to her Majesty, desiring support.
Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what means
they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great preparation for
war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinewes of
war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of
Tillibardin, had disbursed many thousands; yet there was no appearance of
payment of souldiers, nor scarcely how the King and Queen's houses and
pompous trains should be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides
the guard and three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount
to £1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of Scotland.

So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland, vexed for the leavie money.

At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and graciously
received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell, and made
Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one of the
Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the Earl of Athole
demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused to pay it;
notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number of the principall and
rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to pass to the Palace of
Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own
mouth's speaking that they had use for money, and therefore knowing them to be
honest men, and the inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must
needs charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for
pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000 sterling,
and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but Parson Flisk standing
by, said, that seeing the King and Queens Majesties desired them so civilly, in a
thing most lawfull in their necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to
keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of
them which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained by
the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved hanging,
(said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the King and Queen's
enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly suffer great punishment.
Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they would
lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were that offered
to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend £20. To him the
Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of £20, seeing
the Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers
set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even
in the house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day till
night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen
out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketteers
round about them, as if they had been murtherers or most vile persons. At length,
(the third day,[1109]) by means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some
others, the summe was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid
immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to wit,) upon
condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling,
they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at Dumfries. At the day appointed, for
electing the officers, the Queen sent in a ticket, such as she would have them
chuse for Provest, Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists,
the rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such as
should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird [of]
Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself most willing to set
forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All this
time the Ministers cried out against the Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more
advanced by the Queen then before.
The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of Lothian, with
all the Ministers under his charge, according to their ordinary custom; for every
Superintendant used to convene the whole Ministry, and there it was complained
on, that they could get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but
thorow the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they
framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately
presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood,
Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of Leith: It
contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the King and Queen's
Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to grant unto the Ministers of the
Word their Stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends
are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing
of the Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most humbly
craved the King and Queen's Majesty to cause them to be paid. Their answer
was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to their contentment.
Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part of his
people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for hope of his good
service to be done, restored him to his father's place, to the Earldom of Huntley,
the lands and heritage thereof.
October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards Dumfries,
and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all men were warned with
jack and spear. The first night they came to Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The
day after, the Lairds of Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they
had been with the Lords familiar enough.
The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they rode to
Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to Dumfries, and then
they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell, who had entertained the Lords
familiarly, and subscribed with them, and had spoken as highly against their
enemies as any of themselves, and had received large money by that means, to
wit, £1000, to raise a band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King
and Queen came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them,
conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls
of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon
condition that he should be a faithfull and obedient subject hereafter. The same
day they made musters; the next day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000
men: the King and Queen past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell
gave a banquet, and then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then
to Edinburgh.

Note diligently.
 Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.

Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great inconstancy.

The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were the principal
instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and therefore were called the Lords
of the Congregation, in manner above rehearsed, were banished and chased into
England: they were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford,
Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of Murray took
post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at Newcastle; every man
supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been graciously received of the
Queen of England, and that he should have gotten support according to his
heart's desire; but far beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the
Queen of England: But by means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur
De Four, his true friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair
countenance, demanded, "How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst
take the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?" These, and the like
words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally,
after private discourse, the Ambassadour being absent, she refused to give the
Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised any such thing as
to support them, saying, "She never meant any such thing in that way;" albeit her
greatest familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to her,
"Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof
ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithfull promises
of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and familiar servants, in your name:
and further, we have your own hand-writting, confirming the said promises."
And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London, towards
Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen
sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour:
Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or whether
she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.
At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted, insomuch as there
was no matter or thing of importance done without his advice. And during this
time, the faithfull within this Realm were in great fear, looking for nothing but
great trouble and persecution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions
were made thorowout all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted
and banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and
constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox used to
call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility, Chief members of the
Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to
revile and bewray his sayings, alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired
the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in
presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Councell, confessed that he
heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time spoken by the
minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and further, declared plainly,
That by the Scripture it was lawfull to pray for all men.
In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned to
appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and Lœse-majestie: But in the
mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the evangell of Christ, and had
communicate with the Brethren at the Lord's Table, were ever longer the more
suspected by the Queen, who began to declare her self, in the months of
November and December, to be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the
Earls of Lennox, Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any
dissimulation known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet,
nevertheless, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they
were in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in hunting
and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite, having
in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will and affections.

About this time, in the beginning of[1112] [the year 1565-6,] as the Court
remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means possible, by writings
and their friends, made suit and means to the King and Queen's Majesties, to be
received into favour.
At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh, and
after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen, with great difficulty he got
pardon for the Duke and his friends and servants, upon this condition, that he
should pass into France; which he did soon after.[1113]
The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the Commissioners
of the churches within this Realm, for the Generall Assemblie: There assisted to
them the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington,
with some Barons and gentlemen. The principall things that were agreed and
concluded, were, That forasmuch as the Masse, with such idolatry and
Papisticall ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the Act of
Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's arrivall; and that the
Queen had promised that she would hear conference and disputation; that the
Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of God, that the doctrine
preached within this Realm was according to the Scriptures; and that the Masse,
with all the Papisticall doctrine, was but the invention of men, and mere idolatry.
Secondly, That by reason of the change of the Comptroller, who had put in new
collectors, forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry, and by these
means the Ministry was like to decay and faill, contrary to the ordinance made in
the yeer of God 1562, in favour and support of the Ministry.
During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making court, some of
them that had been Friers, as black Abercrommy and Roger, presented
supplication to the Queen's Majesty, desiring in effect, that they might be
permitted to preach; which was easily granted. The noyse was further, that they
offered disputation: For as the Court stood, they thought they had a great
advantage already, by reason they knew the King to be of their Religion, as well
as the Queen, with some part of the Nobility, who with the King after declared
themselves openly: And especially the Queen was governed by the Earls of
Lennox and Athole; but in matters most weighty and of greatest importance, by
David Rizio, the Italian afore mentioned, who went under the name of the
French Secretary; by whose means, all grave matters, of what weight soever,
must pass; providing always, that his hands were anoynted. In the mean time he
was a manifest enemy to the Evangell, and therefore a greater enemy to the
banished Lords. And at this time, the principall Lords that waited at Court were
divided in opinions; for the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Marr,
and Secretary Lethington, were on the one part; and the Earls of Huntley and
Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain drynesse was amongst them;
nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Athole, they were reconciled. Now, as
there was preparation made by the Papists for Christmas, the Queen being then
at Masse, the King came publikely, and bare company; and the Friers preached
the days following, always using another stile then they had done seven years
before, during which time they had not preached publikely: they were so little
esteemed, that they continued not long in preaching.

At the end of this Book you shall finde this.

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the Generall Assembly[1114] of the

Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this Realm:
There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord
Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with others. The chief things that were
concluded in this Assembly, were, That for the avoyding of the plagues and
scourges of God, which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and
ingratitude, there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a Publike Fast,[1115] to
be universally observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches; which manner of
Fasting was soon after devised by John Knox, at the command of the Church,
and put in print, wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place. What
followed upon the said Fast, shall be plainly, God willing, declared. The second
thing that was ordained in this Assembly, was, concerning the Ministers, who,
for want of payment of their stipends, were like to perish, or else to leave their
Ministry; wherefore it was found necessary, that Supplication should be made to
the King and Queen's Majesties: And for the same purpose, a certain number of
the most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to lament and
bemoan their case; which persons had commission to propose some other things,
as shall be declared.
The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queen's Majesties,
were, Master John Spotswood, Superintendent of Lowthian; John Winrame,
Superintendent of Fyfe; Master John Row, Minister of Perth; Master David
Lindsay, Minister of Leith; who easily obtained audience of the King and
Queen's Majesties: And after their reverence done, Master John Row, in name of
the rest, opened the matter, lamenting and bewailing the miserable state of the
poor Ministers, who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three
years or more, by virtue of the Act made with advice of the Honourable Privie
Councell, for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices, which was especially
made in their favours: Nevertheless the Laird of Tillibardin, new Comptroller,
would answer them nothing; wherefore, they besought their Majesties for relief.
Secondly, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King and Queen's
Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most earnestly that all idolatry
and superstition, and especially the Masse, should be rooted out and abolished
quite out of this Realm; and that in the last Generall Assembly of the Church, by
their Commissioners, they had most earnestly desired the same; and that their
answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Masse; therefore, the
Assembly desired, That it might please their Highnesses to hear disputation, to
the end that such as now pretend to preach in the Chappell Royall, and maintain
such errours; the truth being tryed by disputation, that they might be known to be
abusers, submitting themselves always to the word of God written in the
Scriptures.
To this it was answered by the Queen, That she was always minded that the
Ministers should be paid their stipends; and if there was any fault therein, the
same came by some of their own sort, meaning the Comptroller Pittarow,[1116]
who had the handling of the Thirds: Always by the advice of her Councell she
should cause such order to be taken therein, that none should have occasion to
complain. As to the second, She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as
were there present; for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more
learned.
The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but delay, and
driving off time in the old manner, went home every one to their own churches,
waiting upon the good providence of God, continually making supplication unto
Almighty God, that it would please him of his mercy to remove the apparent
plague. And in the mean time the Queen was busied with banquetting about with
some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all men of law,
having continually in her company David Rizio, who sat at table near to her self,
sometimes more privately then became a man of his condition, for his over-great
familiarity was already suspected; and it was thought, that by his advice alone
the Queen's sharpness and extremity towards the Lords was maintained.
In the end of January, arrived an Ambassadour from France, named Monsieur
Rambullet,[1117] having with him about fourty horse in trayn, who came thorow
England. He brought with him the Order of the Cockle from the King of France,
to the King, who received the same at the Masse, in the Chappell of the Palace of
Halyrud-house. There assisted the Earls of Lenox, Athole, and Eglington, with
diverse such other Papists as would please the Queen; who, three days after,
caused the herald to convene in Councell, and reasoned what armes should be
given to the King: some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland; some
others said, Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament, that he should have the
Crown Matrimoniall, he could have armes but only as Duke of Rothesay, Earl of
Rosse, &c. The Queen bade give him only his due; whereby it was perceived her
love waxed cold towards him. Finally, his armes were left blank; and the Queen
caused put her own name before her husband's in all writs; and thereafter she
caused to leave out his name wholly: And because formerly he had signed every
thing of any moment, she caused to make a seal like the King's, and gave it to
David Rizio, who made use of it by the Queen's command, alleadging, That the
King being at his pastime, could not always be present.
About the same time, the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his own
country. Soon after the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the Earle of Huntley
his sister. The Queen desired that the marriage might be made in the Chappell at
the Masse; which the Earle Bothwell would in no wise grant. Upon Sunday, the
third day of March, began the fasting at Edinburgh. The seventh day of March,
the Queen came from the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town, in wondrous
gorgious apparell, albeit the number of Lords and train was not very great. In the
mean time the King, accompanied with seven or eight horse, went to the Leith to
pass his time there, for he was not like to get the Crown Matrimoniall.
In the Tolbooth was devised and named the heads of the Articles that were
drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, and Saturday following,
there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder: some alleadged, that the
summons was not well libelled or dressed; others thought the matter of treason
was not sufficiently proved; and indeed they were still seeking proof, for there
was no other way but the Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the time
was very short; the twelfth day of March should have been the day, which was
the Tuesday following.
Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by the Lords, (upon the
Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, about supper-time,) David Rizio
the Italian, named the French Secretary, was slain in the gallery, below stairs,
(the King staying in the room with the Queen, told her, that the designe was only
to take order with that villain,) after that he had been taken violently from the
Queen's presence, who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life: which
act was done by the Earle of Morton, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Lindsay, the
Master of Ruthven, with divers other Gentlemen. They first purposed to have
hanged him, and had provided cords for the same purpose; but the great haste
which they had, moved them to dispatch him with whingers or daggers,
wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes. They sent away, and put forth
all sich persons as they suspected.
The Earles Bothwell and Huntley hearing the noise and clamour, came suddenly
to the Close, intending to have made work, if they had had a party strong
enough; but the Earle Morton commanded them to pass to their chamber, or else
they should do worse: At the which words they retyred immediately, and so past
forth at a back window, they two alone, and with great fear came forth of the
town to Edmistone, on foot, and from thence to Crichton.
This David Rizio was so foolish, that not only he had drawn unto him the
managing of all affaires, the King set aside, but also his equipage and train did
surpass the King's; and at the Parliament that was to be, he was ordained to be
Chancellour; which made the Lords conspire against him: They made a bond to
stand to the religion and liberties of the countrey, and to free themselves of the
slavery of the villain David Rizio: The King and his father subscribed to the
Bond,[1118] for they durst not trust the King's word without his signet.
There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised David Rizio to
make his fortune, and be gone, for the Scots would not suffer him long. His
answer was, That the Scots would bragg but not fight. Then he advised him to
beware of the bastard. To this he answered, That the bastard should never live in
Scotland in his time; (he meant the Earl Murray,) but it happened that one
George Dowglas, bastard son to the Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. The
Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, and declared she would study
revenge, which she did.
Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh, that there was murther
committed within the King's Palace, wherefore the Provest caused to ring the
common bell, or, Sonner le toksain, (as the French speaks,) and straightway past
to the Palace, having about four or five hundred men in warlike manner; and as
they stood in the utter court, the King called to the Provest, commanding him to
pass home with his company, saying, The Queen and he were merry. But the
Provest desired to hear the Queen speak her self; whereunto it was answered by
the King, "Provest, know you not that I am King? I command you to pass home
to your houses;" and immediately they retired.
The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh) there was
a proclamation made in the King's name, subscribed with his hand, That all
Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists should avoid and depart the town; which
proclamation was indeed observed, for they had "a flea in their hose." There
were letters sent forth in the King's name, and subscribed with his hand, to the
Provest and Bailiffs of Edinburgh, the Bailiffs of Leith and Canongate,
commanding them to be ready in armour to assist the King and his company, and
likewise other private writings directed to divers Lords and gentlemen, to come
with all expedition. In the mean time, the Queen, being above measure enraged,
offended, and troubled, as the issue of the matter declared, sometime railing
upon the King, and sometime crying out at the windows, desired her servants to
set her at libertie; for she was highly offended and troubled.
This same tenth of March, the Earl of Murray, with the rest of the Lords and
Noblemen that were with him, having received the King's letter, (for after the
Bond, above named, was subscribed, the King wrote unto the banished Lords to
return into their countrey, being one of the articles of the said Bond,) came at
night to the Abbey, being also convoyed by the Lord Hume, and a great
company of the Borderers, to the number of 1000 horses. And first, after he had
presented himself to the King, the Queen was informed of his sudden coming,
and therefore sent unto him, commanding him to come to her; and he obeying,
went to her, who, with a singular gravitie received him, after that he had made
his purgation, and declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to
her Majestie. The Earles of Athole, Cathnes, and Sutherland, departed out of the
town, with the Bishops, upon the Munday, the third day after the slaughter of
David Rizio. The Earls of Lenox, Murray, Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven,
Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltrie, sitting in Councell, desired the Queen, that
forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone, that she would (for
avoiding of greater inconveniences) forget the same, and take it as good service,
seeing there were so many Noblemen restored. The Queen dissembling her
displeasure and indignation, gave good words, nevertheless she desired, That all
persons armed or otherwise, (being within the Palace at that time,) should
remove, leaving the Palace void of all, saving only her domestick servants. The
Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of Murray,
condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two hours before day,
past to Seaton, and then to Dumbar, having in her company the simple King,
who was allured by her sugred words. From Dumbar immediately were sent
pursuivants with letters thorowout the countrey; and especially letters to the
Noblemen and Barons, commanding them to come to Dumbar, to assist the King
and Queen within five days. In the mean time the Lords being informed of the
[Queen's] sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not what were best
for them to do: But because it was the self-same day (to wit, the twelfth day of
March) that they were summoned unto; therefore, having good opportunity, they
past to the Tolbooth, which was richly hung with tapistry, and adorned, (but not
for them,) and set themselves, making protestations, the Earl of Glencarne, and
some others being present. The Earl of Argyle, who was written for by the King,
came to Lithgow; and being informed of the matter, he remained there.
After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David Rizio, the
Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored to their places and rooms:
And likewise the Church Reformed, and all that professed the Evangell within
this Realm, after fasting and prayer, was delivered and freed from the apparent
dangers which were like to have fallen upon them; for if the Parliament had
taken effect, and proceeded, it was thought by all men of the best judgement, that
the true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt, and Popery erected; and
for the same purpose, there were certain woodden altars made, to the number of
twelve, found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-House, which
should have been erected in Saint Gyles his Church.
The Earls Bothwell and Huntley being informed of the King and Queen's sudden
departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dumbar, where they were most graciously
received by the Queen's Majesty; who consulting with them and the Master of
Maxwell, together with Parson Owin[1119] and Parson Fliske,[1120] chief
Councellors, what was best to be done, and how she should be revenged upon
the murtherers. At first they did intend to go forward, and leaving no manner of
cruelty unpractised, putting to death all such as were suspected: This was the
opinion of such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury for their own
advantage; but in the end they concluded, that she should come to Edinburgh
with all the force and power she could make, and there proceed to justice: and
for the same purpose, she caused to summon, by open proclamation, all persons
of defence, and all Noblemen and Gentlemen, to come to her in Dumbar
incontinent. In the mean time, the Captains laboured by all means to take up, and
enroll men and women. The Earles of Morton, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse,
with the rest that were in Edinburgh, being informed of the Queen's fury and
anger towards the committers of the slaughter; and perceiving they were not able
to make any party, thought it best to give place to her fury for a time; for they
were divided in opinions, and finally, departed out of Edinburgh, upon Sunday
the seventeenth of March, every one a severall way; for the Queen's Majesty was
now bent only against the slayers of David Rizio; and to the purpose she might
be the better revenged upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as
before had been attainted, for whatsoever crime.
The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to Edinburgh, having in
their company horse and foot to the number of 8000 men; whereof there were
four companies of foot-men of war. The Town of Edinburgh went out to meet
them, for fear of war. And finally, coming within the town, in most awfull
manner they caused to place their men of war within the town, and likewise
certain field-pieces against their lodging, which was in the middle of the town,
over against the Salt Trone: Now, a little before the Queen's entrance into the
town, all that knew of her cruell pretence and hatred towards them, fled here and
there, and amongst others, Master James Macgill the Clerk Register, the Justice
Clerk, and the common Clerk of the town:[1121] The chief Secretary Lethington
was gone before; likewise John Knox past west to Kyle: The men of war
likewise kept the ports or gates. Within five days after their entry, there was a
proclamation made at the Market-Cross, for the purgation of the King from the
aforesaid slaughter; which made all understanding men laugh at the passages of
things, since the King not only had given his consent, but also had subscribed the
bond afore-named; and the business was done in his name, and for his honour, if
he had had wisdom to know it.
After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men, and so his
friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in the mean time, the men of
war committed great outrages in breaking up doors, thrusting themselves into
every house: And albeit the number of them were not great, yet the whole town
was too little for them. Soon after, the King and Queen past to the Castle, and
caused to warn all such as had absented themselves, by open proclamation, to
appear before their Majesties and the Privy Councell within six days, under pain
of rebellion; which practice was devised in the Earl of Huntley's case, before the
battle of Corrichy. And because they appeared not, they were denounced rebells,
and put to the horne, and immediately thereafter, their escheats given or taken up
by the Treasurer. There was a certain number of the townsmen charged to enter
themselves prisoners in the Tolbooth, and with them were put in certain
gentlemen: where, after they had remained eight days, they were convoyed down
to the Palace by the men of war, and then kept by them eight days more: And of
that number was Thomas Scot,[1122] Sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was
condemned to death, and executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered, for
keeping the Queen in prison, as was alleadged, although it was by the King's
command: And two men likewise were condemned to death, and carried
likewise to the ladder foot; but the Earl Bothwell presented the Queen's ring to
the Provest, which then was justice, for safety of their life. The names of those
two were John Mowbray, merchant, and William Harlow, sadler. About the same
time, notwithstanding all this hurliburly, the Ministers of the Church and
professors of Religion ceased not; as for the people, they convened to publike
prayers and preaching with boldness; yea, a great number of Noblemen assisted
likewise. The Earl Bothwell had now, of all men, greatest access and familiarity
with the Queen, so that nothing of any great importance was done without him;
for he shewed favour to such as liked him; and amongst others, to the Lairds of
Ormeston, Hawton, and Calder,[1123] who was so reconciled unto him, that by his
favour they were relieved of great trouble.
The Earls of Argyle and Murray, at the Queen's command, past to Argyle, where,
after they had remained about a month, they were sent for by the Queen; and
coming to Edinburgh, they were received by the Queen into the Castle, and
banquetted, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell being present. At this time the
King grew to be contemned and disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was
done to him, and his Father likewise.
About Easter, the King past to Sterlin, where he was shriven after the Papist
manner: and in the meane time, at the Palace of Halyrud-house, in the Chappell,
there resorted a great number to the Masse, albeit the Queen remained still in the
Castle, with her Priests of the Chappell Royall, where they used ceremonies after
the Popish manner.
At the same time departed this life, Master John Sinclair, Bishop of Rosse
[Brechin], and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention, President of
the Colledge of Justice, called the Session; who also succeeded in the said office
and dignity after the decease of his brother, Master John [Henry] Sinclair,
Bishop of Rosse, Dean of Glasgow, who departed this life at Paris, about a year
before. They were both learned in the laws, and given to maintain the Popish
religion, and therefore great enemies to the Protestants. A little before died
Master Abraham Crichton, who had been President likewise.[1124] Now, in their
rooms, the Queen placed such as she pleased, and had done her service, (always
very unfit.) The patrimony of the Kirk, Bishopricks, Abbeys, and such other
Benefices, were disposed by the Queen to courtiers, dancers, and flatterers. The
Earl Bothwell, whom the Queen preferred above all others, after the decease of
David Rizio, had for his part Melrosse, Hadington, and New Battell; likewise the
Castle of Dumbar was given to him, with the principall lands of the Earldom of
Merche, which were of the patrimony of the Crown.
At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other Ministers of the Churches,
perceiving the Ministery like to decay for lack of payment of stipends to
Ministers, they gave this Supplication at Edinburgh.

The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen.

"UNTO your Majesty, and your most honourable Councel, most humbly and
lamentably complains your Highnesse poor Orators, the Superintendents,
and other Ministers of the Reformed Church of God, travelling thorowout
all your Highnesse Realm, in teaching and instructing your lieges in all
quarters, in the knowledge of God, and Christ Jesus his Sonne; That where
your Majesty, with the advice of the Councell and Nobility aforesaid,
moved by godly zeal, concluded and determined, that the travelling
ministry thorowout this Realm, should bee maintained upon the rents of the
Benefices of this Realm of Scotland; and for that cause your Majestie, with
the advice of the Counsell and Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15. day of
 December 1562, in like manner concluded and determined, That if the said
part of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiasticall within this Realm
would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers thorowout the whole Realm,
and to support your Majesty in the setting forward of your common affaires,
should be employed accordingly: Failing thereof, the Third part of the said
fruits, or more, to be taken up yearly in time comming, untill a generall
order be taken therein; as the act made thereupon at more length bears:
Which being afterward considered by your Majestie, the whole Thirds of
the fruits aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of
Councell. And we your Majestie's poore Orators, put in peaceable
possession of the part assigned by your Majestie to us, by the space of three
years, or thereabouts, which we did enjoy without interruption;
notwithstanding all this, now of late, we your Majestie's poore Orators
aforesaid, are put wrongfully and unjustly from their aforesaid part of the
above specified Thirds, by your Majestie's officers, and thereby brought to
such extreme penury, and extreme distress, as we are not able any longer to
maintain our selves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry
complaints to your Majestie herein, and have received divers promises of
redress, yet have we found no relief: Therefore, we most humbly beseech
your Majesty to consider our most grievous complaint, together with the
right above specified, whereon the same is grounded. And if your Majesty,
with the advice of your Councell aforesaid, finds our right sufficient to
continue us in possession of our part assigned to us, while, and untill a
generall order be taken; which possession was ratified by the yearly
allowance of your Majesties Exchequer's accompt, that your Majestie
would grant us letters upon the aforesaid Act and Ordinance past thereupon,
against all intromettors and medlers with the aforesaid Thirds, to answer
and obey, according to the aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession
proceeding thereupon; and likewise, that we may have letters, if need be, to
arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the possessor's hands, while, and
untill sufficient caution be found to us for our part aforesaid. And your
Answer most humbly we beseech."

This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of Lowthian, and

Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was graciously received by the
Queen, who promised that she would take sufficient order therein, so soon as the
Nobility and Councell might convene.
The 19. of June, the Queen was delivered of a man childe, (the Prince in the
aforesaid Castle,) [who after was named James,][1125] and immediately sent into
France and England her posts, to advertise the neighbour Princes, and to desire
them to send gossips or witnesses to the Prince's baptisme. In the mean time,
there was joy and triumph made in Edinburgh, and such other places where it
was known, after thanks and praises given unto God, with supplications for the
godly education of the Prince; and principally, wishing that he should be
baptized according to the manner and forme observed in the Reformed Churches
within this Realm.
 [The order Of Paul Methven's repentance.]

About the same time, to wit, the 25. of June, the Generall Assembly of the whole
Church convened at Edinburgh. The Earles of Argyle and Murray assisted at the
Assembly: Paul Methven, who before, as we heard, was excommunicate, gave in
his Supplication, and desired to be heard, as he had done divers times; for the
said Paul had written oft times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to divers
others, most earnestly desiring to be received again into the fellowship of the
Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was finally granted, that he should be
heard: And so being before the Assembly, and falling upon his knees, burst out
with teares, and said, He was not worthy to appeare in their presence; alwayes he
desired them, for the love of God, to receive him to the open expression of his
repentance. Shortly after, they appointed certaine of the ministers to proscribe to
him the forme of his declaration of repentance, which was thus in effect; First,
That he should present himselfe bare-foot and bare-head, arayed in sack-cloth, at
the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in Edinburgh, at seven hours in the
morning, upon the next Wednesday, and there to remain the space of an hour, the
whole people beholding him, till the prayer was made, psalmes sung, and [the]
text of Scripture was read, and then to come into the place appointed for
expression of repentance, and tarry the time of sermon; and to do so likewise the
next Friday following, and also upon the Sunday; and then, in the face of the
whole church, to declare his repentance with his owne mouth. The same forme
and manner he should use in Jedwart and Dundie: And that being done, to
present himself again at the next Generall Assembly following in winter, where
he should be received to the communion of the Church. When the said Paul had
received the said Ordinance, he took it very grievously, alleadging, they had used
over-great severity: Neverthelesse, being counselled and perswaded by divers
notable personages, he began well in Edinburgh to proceed, whereby a great
number were moved with compassion of his state; and likewise in Jedwart: but
he left his duty in Dundie, and passing againe into England, the matter, not
without offence to many, ceased.

See in what sense proud ambitious men takes the name of Bishop.

As is said before.

The Ministers complaining that they could not be payed their stipends, were
licensed by the Assembly to passe to other churches to preach, but in no wise to
leave the ministery. And because that the Queen's Majesty had promised often
before to provide remedy, it was thought expedient that supplication should be
yet made, as before, That the Queen's Majestie should cause such order to be
taken, that the poore ministers might be payed their stipends. The Bishop of
Galloway, who was brother to the Earle of Huntley, and now a great man in the
Court, travelled much with the Queen's Majesty in that matter, and got of her a
good answer, and faire promises. A few years before, the said Bishop of
Galloway desired of the Generall Assembly to be made Superintendent of
Galloway; but now being promoted to great dignity, as to be of the number of the
Lords of the Privy Councell, and likewise one of the Session,[1126] he would no
more be called Over-looker, or Over-seer of Galloway, but Bishop: Alwayes
truth it is, that he laboured much for his nephew the Earle of Huntley, that he
might be restored to his lands and honours; for the said Earle was new
Chancellor,[1127] since the slaughter of David Rizio, and had for his clawback the
Bishop of Rosse, Master John Lesley, one of the chief Councellors to the Queen:
But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queen's favour, so far, that all
things past by him; yea, by his meanes the most part of all those that were
partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio, got remission and relief. But from that
day he was not present at any sermon, albeit before he professed the Evangel by
outward speaking, yet he never joyned to the Congregation. But this time the
Earle of Cassils[1128] was contracted with the Lord of Glames sister, by whose
perswasion he became a Protestant, and caused, in the moneth of August, to
reforme his churches in Carrick, and promised to maintaine the doctrine of the
Evangell.
The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, caused in August
to be apprehended a man called Hary,[1129] who sometime had been of her
Chapell-Royall, but afterward became an exhorter in a Reformed Church; and
for want of stipend, or other necessaries, past in service to my Lord Ruthven,
and chanced that night to be present when the said David was slaine; and so,
finally, he was condemned, and hanged, and quartered.

This inconstant young man sometimes declared himselfe for the Protestant; witnesse his last band. And
now for the Papists. And as he left God, so he was left by him.

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queene cared not for
him, he went sometime to the Lenox to his father, and sometime to Sterlin,
whither the Prince was carried a little before. Alwayes he was destitute of such
things as were necessary for him, having scarcely six horses in trayn. And being
thus desolate, and halfe desperate, he sought means to go out of the countrey:
and, about the same time, by the advice of foolish cagots, he wrote to the Pope,
to the King of Spaine, and to the King of France, complaining of the state of the
countrey, which was all out of order, all because that Masse and Popery were not
againe erected, giving the whole blame thereof to the Queen, as not managing
the Catholike cause aright. By some knave, this poore Prince was betrayed, and
the Queen got a copie of these letters into her hands, and therefore threatened
him sore; and there was never after that, any appearance of love betwixt them.
The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basill, with other Reformed Churches of
Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of Scotland the sum of the
Confession of their Faith,[1130] desiring to know if they agreed in uniformity of
doctrine, alleadging, that the Church of Scotland was dissonant in some Articles
from them: Wherefore the Superintendents, with a great part of the other most
qualified Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading the
said letters, made answer, and sent word again, That they agreed in all points
with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them: albeit in the keeping of
some Festivall days, our Church assented not; for only the Sabbath-day was kept
in Scotland.
In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of the theeves in
Liddisdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief; for he believed surely to
have departed forth of this life, and sent word thereof to the Queen's Majestie,
who soon after past forth of Jedwart to the Hermitage to visit him,[1131] and give
him comfort: And within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme
manner, for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without breath, or any
sign of life: at length she revived, by reason they had bound small cords about
her shackle bones, her knees, and great toes, and speaking very softly, she
desired the Lords to pray for her to God. She said the creed in English, and
desired my Lord of Murray, if she should chance to depart, that he would not be
over extreme to such as was of her Religion; the Duke and he should have been
Regents. The bruit went from Jedwart in the month of October 1565, that the
Queen was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any time, wherefore
there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church of Edinburgh, and
divers other places, for her conversion towards God, and amendment. Many
were of opinion that she should come to the preaching, and renounce Popery; but
all in vain, for God had some other thing to do by her. The King being
advertised, rid post from Sterlin to Jedburgh, where he found the Queen
somewhat convalesced, but she would scarce speak to him, and hardly give him
presence or a good word; wherefore he returned immediately to Sterlin, where
the Prince was, and after to Glasgow to his father.
There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and especially in the
countreys near the Borders, if the Queen had departed at that time. As she began
to recover, the Earl Bothwell was brought in a charriot from the Hermitage to
Jedburgh, where he was cured of his wounds; in whose presence the Queen took
more pleasure then in all the rest of the world: always by his means, most part of
all that were outlawed for the slaughter of David Rizzio, got relief, for there was
no other means, but all things must needs pass by him; wherefore, every man
sought to him, where immediately favour was to be had, as before to David
Rizio.
Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came within the bounds of
Barwick, where she viewed the town at her pleasure afar off, being within half a
mile and less. All the ordnance within Barwick were discharged; the Captain
came forth, with fourscore horses bravely arrayed, to do her honour, and offer
her lawfull service. Then she came to Craigmiller, where she remained in
November, till she was advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the
baptisme of the Prince; and for that purpose there was great preparation made,
not without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store,
especially of Edinburgh; for there was borrowed a good round summe of money
for the same businesse. All her care and solicitude was for that triumph. At the
same time arrived the Counte de Briance, Ambassadour of the King of France,
who had a great train. Soon after the Earl of Bedford went forth of England, with
a very gorgious company, to the number of fourscore horses, and passing to
Sterlin, he was humanly received of the Queen's Majestie, and every day
banquetted. The excessive expences, and superfluous apparell, which was
prepared at that time, exceeded farr all the preparation that ever had been
devised or set forth afore that time in this countrey.
The 17. of December 1566, in the great hall of the Castle of Sterling, was the
Prince baptized[1132] by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, at five a clock at even,
with great pomp, albeit with great pain could they find men to beare the torches,
wherefore they took boyes. The Queen laboured much with the Noblemen to
bear the salt, grease, and candle, and such other things, but all refused; she found
at last the Earls of Eglington, Athole, and the Lord Seaton, who assisted at the
baptisme, and brought in the said trash. The Counte de Briance, (being the
French Ambassadour,) assisted likewise. The Earl of Bedford brought for a
present from the Queen of England a font of gold, valued to be worth three
thousand crowns. Soon after the said baptisme, as the Earl was in communing
with the Queen, who entertained him most reverently, he began to say merrily to
her, amongst other talking, "Madame, I rejoyce very greatly at this time, seeing
your Majestie hath here to serve you so many Noblemen, especially twelve
Earls, whereof two only assist at this baptisme to the superstition of Popery." At
the which saying the Queen kept good countenance. Soon after they banquetted
in the said great hall, where they wanted no prodigality. During the time of the
Earl of Bedford's remaining at Sterlin, the Lords, for the most part, waited upon
him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and after to banquetting.
The King, who remained at Sterlin all that time, (never being present,) kept his
chamber: His father hearing how he was used, writ to him to repaire unto him;
who soon after went (without good-night) toward Glasgow, to his father. He was
hardly a mile out of Sterlin, when the poyson (which had been given him)
wrought so upon him, that he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his
body. At length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters brake out, of a blewish
colour; so the Physitians presently knew the disease to come by poyson: He was
brought so low, that nothing but death was expected; yet the strength of his
youth at last did surmount the poison.
During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberall in all things that
were demanded of her: amongst other things, she subscribed a writing for the
maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable proportion, which was to be taken
up of the Thirds of Benefices: which writing being purchased by the Bishop of
Galloway, was presented at the Generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh,
the five and twentieth day of December 1566, where were conveened the
Superintendents, and other Ministers in reasonable number, but very few
Commissioners. The first matter that was there proposed, was concerning the
said writing lately obtained; and the most part of the Ministers being demanded
their opinions in the matter, after advice, and passing a little aside, they answered
very gravely, That it was their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly
and sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary for their
sustentation, as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of their flock; and, further,
it became them not to have any care. Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into
consideration, that the said gifts granted by the Queen's Majestie was not to be
refused, they ordained, That certain faithfull men of every Shire should meet,
and do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn and
money; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian, and Master
John Row,[1133] to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway, and concurre and assist
him for further expedition in the Court, that the said gift might be dispatched
through the Seales.
In the same Assembly, there was presented a remonstrance by writ, by some
gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect, That inasmuch as the Tythes ought to be
given only to the Ministers of the Word, and Schools, and for maintenance of the
poore, that therefore the Assembly would statute and ordain, That all the
Professors of the Evangell should keep the same in their own hands, to the
effects aforesaid, and no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This
writing took no effect at that time, for there was none else but the gentlemen of
Kyle of that opinion. It was statuted in the said Assembly, That such publike
fornicators, and scandalous livers, as would not confesse their offences, nor
come to declare their repentance, should be declared by the Minister to be out of
the Church, and not of the body thereof, and their names to be declared publikely
upon the Sunday.

The Queen intending vengeance upon the poor King, and being in love with the Earl Bothwell, grants
to the Protestants their petitions, that they may be quiet and not trouble her plots.

After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Superintendent of

Lowthian and Master John Row) passing to Sterlin, obtained their demands in an
ample manner at the Queen's Majesties hand, according to their desire; and
likewise, they obtained for every borough, a gift or donation of the altarages,
annuals, and obites, which before were given to the Papists, now to be disposed
for the maintenance of the Ministers and Schools within the boroughs, and the
rest to the Poor, or hospitall.

[It was ordained[1134] that humble supplication should be made to the Lords of
Secret Councell concerning the Commission of Jurisdiction supposed to be
granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews, to the effect their honours may stay the
same, in respect that the causes for the most part judged by his usurped
authoritie, pertaine to the true Kirk; and also, because in respect of that coloured
Commission, he might assume againe his old usurped authoritie, and the same
might be a mean to oppresse the whole Kirk. The tenour of the Supplication
followeth.

"THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND CONVEENED AT

EDINBURGH THE 25. OF DECEMBER 1566, TO THE NOBILITIE OF THIS REALME
THAT PROFESSE THE LORD JESUS WITH THEM, AND HAVE RENOUNCED THAT
ROMANE ANTICHRIST, DESIRES CONSTANCIE IN FAITH, AND THE SPIRIT OF
 RIGHTEOUS JUDGEMENT.

John Knox his supplication to the Councell, to recall the commission granted to the Archbishop
of Saint Andrews.

"SEEING that Satan, by all our negligences, (Right Honourable,) hath so far
prevailed within this Realme of late dayes that we do stand in extream
danger, not onely to losse our temporall possessions, but also to be deprived
of the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so we and our posterity to be
left in damnable darknesse; We could no longer contain our selves, nor keep
silence, lest by so doing we might be accused as guilty of the blood of such
as shall perish for lack of admonition, as the Prophet threatneth. We
therefore, in the fear of our God, and with grief and anguish of our heart,
complain unto your Honours, (yea, we must complain unto God, and to all
his obedient creatures,) that that conjured enemie of Jesus Christ, and cruell
murtherer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled Archbishop of Saint
Andrews, is reponed and restored, by signature past, to his former tyrannie:
For not only are his ancient jurisdictions (as they are termed) of the whole
Bishoprick of Saint Andrews granted unto him, but also the execution of
judgement, confirmation of testaments, and donation of benefices, as more
amply in his signature is expressed. If this be not to cure the head of that
venomous beast, which once within this Realm, by the potent hand of God,
was so broken downe and banished, that by tyranny it could not have hurt
the faithfull, judge ye. His ancient jurisdiction was, that he with certaine
colleagues collaterals, might have damned of heresie upon probation as
pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected of heresie. What they
have judged to be heresie heretofore, ye cannot be ignorant of; and whether
they remaine in their former malice or not, their fruits and travels openly
declare. The danger may be feared, say ye. But what remedie? It is easie,
and at hand, (Right Honourable,) if ye will not betray the cause of God, and
leave your brethren, who will never be more subject to that usurped
tyrannie then they will be to the Devill himselfe. Our Queene belike is not
well informed: She ought not, nor justly may not break the laws of this
Realm; and so consequently, she may not set up against us, without our
consents, that Romane Antichrist againe: For in a lawfull and the most free
Parliament that ever was in this Realm before, was that odious beast
deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within the Realm. Her
Majestie at her first arryvall, and by divers proclamations sensyne, hath
expressly forbidden any other forme and face of Religion, then that which
 she found publikely established at her arryvall: Therefore she may not bring
us (the greatest part of the subjects of this Realm) back again to bondage,
till that as lawfull and free a Parliament as justly damned that Antichrist and
his usurped tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us and him. If hereof, and
of other things which no lesse concerne your selves then us, ye plainly and
boldly admonish our Soveraigne, and without tumult only crave justice, the
tyrants dare no more be seen in lawfull judgment, then dare the owles in
day light. Weigh this matter as it is, and ye will finde it more weighty then
it appeareth to many. Farther at this present we complain not, but humbly
crave of your Honours a reasonable answer what ye will doe, in case such
tyrants and devouring wolves begin to invade the flocke of Jesus Christ
within this Realm, under what title soever it be: For this we boldly professe,
That we will never acknowledge such either pastors to our soules, or yet
judges to our causes. And if [that], for denyall thereof, we suffer either in
body or in goods, we doubt not but we have not only a Judge to punish
them that unjustly trouble us, but also an Advocate and strong Champion in
Heaven to recompense them, who for his name's sake suffer persecution:
Whose Holy Spirit rule your hearts in his true fear to the end.
"Given in the Generall Assembly and third Session thereof,
at Edinburgh, the 27. of December, 1566."

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned (as appeareth
by the style) by John Knox, a Letter was written by John Knox in particular to
the Professors, to advertise them of the danger of this commission or power
granted to the said bastard, Bishop of Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth
follow.

"The Lord cometh, and shall not tarrie; Blessed shall he

be whom he shall finde fighting against impietie.

John Knox his Letter to the Professors,

"To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked dayes (Beloved
Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither yet relieve us of our present
calamities; and yet utterly to keep silence, cannot lack the suspicion of
apostacie, and plain defection from God, and from his truth, once by us
publikely professed. For now are matters (that in years bypast have been
denyed) so far discovered, that he who seeth not the plaine subversion of all
true Religion within this Realm to be concluded, and decreed in the hearts
of some, must either confesse himselfe blinde, or else an enemie to the
Religion which we professe: For besides the open erecting of Idolatry in
divers parts of this Realme, and besides the extreame povertie wherein our
Ministers are brought, (by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that which
justly appertaineth to such as truely preach Jesus Christ, and rightly and by
order minister his blessed Sacraments,) that cruell murtherer of our
brethren, falsly called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and
against all law, hath presumed to his former tyrannie, as a signature past for
his restitution to his ancient jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully doth
proport. What end may be looked for of such beginnings, the halfe blinde
may see, as we suppose. And yet, we have heard, that a certaine summe of
money and victuals should be assigned by the Queen's Majestie for
sustentation of our Ministrie. But how that any such assignation, or any
promise made thereof, can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman
Antichrist (by just laws once banished from this Realme) shall be intrused
above us, we can no wise understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what
assurance any within this Realme that have professed the Lord Jesus can
have of life or inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured amongst
us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of Christ Jesus, crave of you
to look into this matter, and to advertise us again, with reasonable
expedition of your judgements, that in the feare of God, and with unitie of
minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and oppone our selves to such
tyrannie, as most unjustly is intended against us: For, if we think not that
this last erecting of that wicked man, is the very setting up againe of that
Romane Antichrist within this Realme, we are deprived of all right
judgement. And what is that else, but to separate us and our posteritie from
God; yea, and to cut our selves from the freedome of this Realme. We
desire therefore that the wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this
cause, which long hath been neglected, partly by our slouth, and partly by
believing faire promises, by which to this hour we have been deceived. And
therefore we ought to be the more vigilant and circumspect, especially
seeing a Parliament is proclaimed.
"We have sent to you the forme of a Supplication and Articles, which we
would have presented to the Queen's Majestie. If it please you, we would ye
should approve it by your subscriptions; or if you would alter it, we desire
you so to do, and we shall allow whatsoever you shall propound, not
repugnant to God. If it shall be thought expedient that Commissioners of
 Countries shall conveene, to reason upon the most weighty matters that now
occurr, the time and place being appointed by you, and due advertisement
being given to us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us; but as
from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor life, so minde we
not to faint unto the end, to maintaine the same, so long as we can finde the
concurrence of brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet are
we determined never to be subject to that Roman Antichrist, neither yet to
his usurped tyrannie. But when we can doe no further to suppresse that
odious beast, we minde to scale with our blood to our posteritie, that the
bright knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sinne, and his
venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our Letter and
request beare witnesse before God, before his angels, before the world, and
before our own consciences, that we require you that have professed the
Lord Jesus within this Realme, as well Nobilitie, as Gentlemen, Burgesses,
and Commons, to deliberate upon the estate of things present; and specially
whether that this usurped tyrannie of that Romane Antichrist shall be any
longer suffered within this Realme, seeing that by just law it is already
abolished. Secondly, Whether that we shall be bound to feed idle bellies
upon the patrimonie of the Kirk, which justly appertaineth unto Ministers.
Thirdly, Whether that Idolatrie, and other abominations, which now are
more then evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and defended.
Answer us as ye will answer to God, in whose feare we send these letters
unto you, lest that our silence should be counted for consent unto such
impietie. God take from our hearts the blinde love of our selves, and all
ungodly feare. Amen. Let us know your mindes with expedition."]

Notwithstanding the domestick troubles that the Church of God had in Scotland
in this turbulent time within the kingdome, yet they were not unmindfull of the
affliction of Jacob every where upon the face of the earth; namely, they had
before their eyes the state and condition of the Church of God in England:
Witnesse this Letter from the Generall Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of
God in England; [wherein they intreat them to deal gently with the preachers
their brethren about the Surplice and other apparell. John Knox formed the
Letter in name of the Assembly, as follows.[1135]]

"THE SUPERINTENDENTS, WITH OTHER MINISTERS AND COMMISSIONERS OF THE

CHURCH OF GOD IN THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND, TO THEIR BRETHREN, THE
BISHOPS AND PASTOURS OF GOD'S CHURCH IN ENGLAND, WHO PROFESS WITH
US IN SCOTLAND THE TRUTH OF JESUS CHRIST.
"BY word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend Brethren,
Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,) that divers of our
Brethren (of whom some be of the most learned in England,) are deprived
from all Ecclesiasticall function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by
you are stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a
scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority such garments as
idolaters in time of greatest darknesse, did use in their superstitious and
idolatrous service; which report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts,
considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and devour one another,
take heed ye be not consumed one of another.' We intend not at this present
to enter into the question, which we hear is agitated and handled with
greater vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit, Whether
such Apparell be accounted amongst things indifferent or not; wherefore,
(through the bowels of Jesus Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may
so farr prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of Christ's flock in
England, that ye doe one to another, as ye desire others to do to you. You
cannot be ignorant what tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all
that have knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some of
you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the other side, many
thousands (both godly and learned) are otherwayes perswaded, whose
consciences are continually strucken with these sentences, 'What hath
Christ to doe with Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and
darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been the badges of
idolaters in the very act of their idolatry, what hath the preachers of
Christian libertie, and the rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of
that Romish Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to take in
his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of that odious Beast? The
brethren that refuse such unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor
molest you who use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these
things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but therein you shall
please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wounded to see
extremitie used against these godly brethren. Humane arguments or
coloured rhetorick, we use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire
you to mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which is
committed to your charge, caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly; not
being as lords of God's heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We
further desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no offence,
neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of God.' In what condition
you and we both travell, at least are bound to travell for the promoting of
 Christ's kingdom, you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to
exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly for such vanities;
for all things which seem lawfull, edifie not. If Authority urge you farther
than your consciences can bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers
of the Church are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the earth;' all
civill authority hath not alwayes the light of God shining before their eyes,
in statutes and commands, for their affections savour too much of the earth
and worldly wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your
selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it self against God, but
also against all such as dare burthen the consciences of the faithfull, farther
than God chargeth them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our
freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we intended in
the beginning. Now, again we return to our former request, which is, That
the brethren among you, who refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who
use and urge them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each
one of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive of your
courtesie, not only because you will not offend God in troubling your
brethren for such vain trifles, but also because you will not refuse the
earnest request of us your Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom,
although there appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem
us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory against the Roman
Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie aboundeth, and charitie (alas)
waxeth cold; wherefore we ought to walk diligently, for the hour is
uncertain when the Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an
account of our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire you
to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule your hearts in his fear
unto the end, and give to you and us victorie over that conjured enemy of
true Religion, (the Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives
to cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his maintainers, by the
power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty protection we commit you.
"From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the superstitious
Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren, what would he have written,
think you, in another case. It is to be observed, that at the same time our worthy
Brethren in England made their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their
complaint, wrote a letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall,
Bishop of London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell
appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all significant
ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his Epistles. But obtaining
no favour, he wrote the year following, (which was in Anno 1567,) another letter
to this purpose, which is the twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he
giveth his beloved brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their
consents to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and surplice,
and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the Church of England,
that they should give place to manifest violence, and live as privat men. It is also
to be observed, that the sincerer sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet
assaulted the jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the
year 1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition to the
Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious apparell, and some other
faults in the Service Booke. By the former Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate
was censured for baptizing of infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but
a simple Reader, and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the
parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers, that is,
that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to preach the word.]
[1136]

As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting their Petition, so at this time she yeelds unto the
Papists their demands also, that she might be stopped by neither of them in her designe of vengeance
and new love.

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl Bothwell,
procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed within the diocese of
his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before in time of Popery were used in the
Consistory, and therefore to discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same
purpose came to Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred
horses, or more, intending to take possession, according to his gift lately
obtained. The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent
to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist from the said
matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might rise thereupon; whereby he was
perswaded to desist at that time.
Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few days. In the
moneth of January she was informed that the King was recovered of the poyson
given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past to Glasgow to visit him, and there
tarried with him six days, using him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious
and good words; and likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all
men marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and
drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen, notwithstanding all
the contempt that was given him, with a known design to take away his life, yet
by her sweet words gains so far upon the uxorious husband, and his facile father,
that he went in company with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge
him at the Church of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James
Balfour, Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted often
to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although her lodging was
in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled at this reconciliation and
sudden change. The ninth of February, the King was murthered, and the house
where he lay burned with powder, about twelve of the clock in the night: his
body was cast forth in a yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There
was a servant likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber
with him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat some
judged one thing, some another.
Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men of
war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next house; where,
after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the Queen's command to view
and consider the manner of his death; most part gave out, to please the Queen,
that he was blown in the ayre, albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was
strangled. Soon after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.
[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse, the
Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners. She behold
the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or sorrow. When the Lords
had concluded amongst themselves that he should be honourablie buried, the
Queen caused his corpse to be carried by some pioners in the night without
solemnitie, and to be layed beside the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had
been any solemn buriall, Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing
there would have been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the
contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie here to convoy
a lee.
The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself 40. days
within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed in token of
mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light, the fourth day. Before
the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun, Bothwell never parting from her side.
There she went out to the fields to behold games and pastimes. The King's
armour, horse, and household stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A
certain taylour, when he was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said
jestingly, He acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes
of the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]
This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen moneths.
A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was of a comely stature,
and none was like unto him within this island; he died under the age of one and
twenty years; prompt and ready for all games and sports; much given to hawking
and hunting, and running of horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also
to Venus chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but
he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy;
and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all others: He had learned
to dissemble well enough, being from his youth misled up in Popery. Thus,
within two years after his arriving in this Realm, he was highly by the Queen
alone extolled; and, finally, had this infortunate end by her procurement and
consent. To lay all other proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the
main executioner of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that
the King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully give
her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt. Those that laid hands
on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert
Balfour, David Chalmers, black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de
Bourdeau, and Joseph, the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the
Queen's domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so
hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could not bear so
long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce required, although the
Romish clergie offered their service willingly to the business, namely, Bishop
Hamilton, and so he came great again at Court; and he for the advancement of
the business, did good offices to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen;
yea, some that had been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and
Queen, offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's inclination
lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own ends, further them in all
their inclinations and undertakings, be they never so bad or destructive to
themselves.
The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause punish
Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King. The Queen, not
daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his solicitation, did appoint a day for
the triall of Bothwell, by an assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of
Cathnes, President, the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter,
being threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was present
by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothok, Lord
Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord Olyphant; the Master of
Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton, Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and
Boyne: They, to please the Queen, and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not
guilty, notwithstanding the manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by
Bothwell, who, before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means;
namely, by the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst
not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to Sterlin, and
had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this was done in February.
In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come to
Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some before, made
them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of their private state, and then
of advancing the Papist's Religion, to consent by their subscriptions to the
marriage with the Queen. Then the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son:
Bothwell makes a shew as if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers,
and so he raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth
towards the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment
betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force, although
every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime Nobility convened at
Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know whether or not she was taken
against her will: She answered, That it was true she was taken against her will,
but since her taking, she had no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous
entertainment she had, made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those
expressions were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted
immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was pardoned by
the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie, and for all other crimes.
So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the King was pardoned. During the Queen's
abode in Dunbar, there was letters of divorce demanded and granted unto
Bothwell from his Lady, (who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she
was sister to the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being
within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next, because
Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of divorce was
granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of Saint Androis. And here
mark how they juggle in sacred things; for when it pleaseth them, they untie the
bond of marriage, as now, and as we have seen in the First Book of this History.
When the Queen fell in distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed
unto her to have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first
ear was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too tedious, (as we
have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore the King must be
dispatched.

Note.

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of divorce
from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand to Master John
Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish the band of
matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the next sermon day
thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had received such a command,
but in conscience he could not obey it; the marriage was altogether unlawfull;
and of that he would declare the reasons to the parties, if he had audience of
them, otherwise he would make known his just reasons in the hearing of the
people. Immediately thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell,
where Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was forbidden
to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The divorce of Bothwell
from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse the quick dispatch thereof; for
it was sought and had within ten days, and his contracting with the Queen
instantly thereafter; then his rapt of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death,
which was confirmed by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the
Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told publikely to
the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took heaven and earth to
witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and infamous marriage; and that he
discharged his conscience unto the Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many
slaves, what by flattery, what by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon
this, he was called to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had
exceeded the bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of
his commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against which
he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this marriage to be
scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by Bothwell, and sent from the
Councell. Notwithstanding all this done and said by Master Craig, and the
opposition of many that wished well to the Queen, and were jealous of her
honour, the marriage went on, and they were married the 15. of May. This makes
good the Latino proverb, Mala nubunt mense Maio; and a Bishop must bless the
marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a good work
to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference betwixt this worthy
minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.
The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had retired home,
waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death: But seeing this abominable
marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other honest Lords with him had a meeting,
and made a bond, to defend the young Prince from the murtherers of his father;
as already they had had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did
prevent. The Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole,
Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle thereafter,
seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a great factionary for
Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the marriage, was advised to send
abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her forraigne friends and kindred; and this
must be a Bishop: It is pity that any good work should be done without a Bishop:
was not this a worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]
Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write to sundry
of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found a bond tendred unto
them, by which they were to bind themselves to defend the Queen and Bothwell.
Some that were corrupt, did willingly subscribe; others for fear did the same: and
there was not one that went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who
refusing absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the part
of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him some time
before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to enter into a bond with
the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he was to obey her in all lawfull and
just things. Upon this, he gat leave, although with great difficulty, to go into
France.
The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into favour
since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to her, then he was a
good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed her, and disobeyed God. With
this a Proclamation comes out in favour of the poor Protestants, whereby the
Queen declares, That she will keep and confirm all that she had promised at her
arrivall into Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in
vain, for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.
Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under pretext to go
to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in effect to go to Sterlin, to have
the Prince in their custody, that they might dispose of him according to their
mind. Then a new Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule
only by the advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done.
The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and to this purpose
they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the Castle of Borthwicke, where
the Queen and Bothwell was: But because the Earle of Athole did not come at
the houre appointed, they had not men enough to environ and compass the
Castle; so that Bothwell having notice given him of the business, escaped to
Dumbar, and the Queen after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their
designe at Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves
masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding the Earl
Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the contrary. These
two, with their associates, were constrained to retire to the Castle, where they
were received by Sir James Balfour, left there by Bothwell.
The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at Edinburgh
caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared, That the Earle
Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser, and actor of the cruell
murther of the late King, had since laid hand upon the Queen's person, and had
her for the present in Dumbar in his power; and finding her utterly destitute of
all good counsell, had seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with
himselfe; yea, that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the
young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had murthered
the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved to withstand, and
deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they did charge all lieges within
the kingdom that could come to them, to be in readiness at three hours warning
to assist them (the Nobles) for the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and
bringing the said Earle Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for
the aforesaid murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the
Lords were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within
four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.
Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these Lords as
was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to the business, others
stood as neuters; and withall, those that were convened together were not well
provided of armes and munition for exploits of warr; so that they were even
thinking to dissolve and leave off their enterprize till another time, and had
absolutely done so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if
the Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three or
four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having gathered
together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their force, (the Queen
being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched towards Leith: Being come
forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused publike Proclamation against the
aforesaid Lords, calling them a number of conspirators, and that she now
discerned their inward malice against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney,
(for so now they called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her
and her husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under
pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to free her
from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a minde to invade the
Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the Duke her husband had used all
means to clear himself, both by a legall way and by the offer of a combate to any
that did accuse him, as they knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she
was in none, but was in company with her husband, unto whom she was
publikely married in the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given
their consent unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a
specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their naturall
Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to overthrow; wherefore she
declared her self necessitated to take armes, hoping that all her faithfull subjects
would adhere unto her, and that those who were already assembled with her,
would with good hearts and hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence
of their valour they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels.
After this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to
Seaton, where she lay.
About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's
approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were at
Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest. The Queen's
camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that the Lords had sent out,
brought word that the enemie was marching towards them; presently they put
themselves in two batallias; the first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the
Lord Hume; the second by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay,
Ruthven, Semple, and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden,
Cesfoord, and Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as
the Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say nothing
of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords
(by reason of the steepness of the ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they
wheeled about to get a more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie
was, and to have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the
Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing away to
Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she found her self
deceived.
The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up the
business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords, telling them,
that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and pardon this
insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to agree in a peaceable
way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the rest) answered, That they had
taken up armes, not against the Queen, but against the murtherer of the King;
whom if she would deliver to be punished, or at least put from her company, she
should find a continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good
subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for any offence
done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to stand to the right of their
cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.
 Note how God changeth things in a moment.

While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for accommodation,

Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that the Englishmen
had left at their last being in these places, as we have said in the former Books,)
well mounted, with a defie to any that would fight with him. James Murray,
brother to the Laird of Tullibardin, who before had accepted of Bothwell's
challenge, when he made the rodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the
King's death; but then James Murray did not make known his name. Bothwell
refused to fight with James Murray,[1148] alleadging he was not his equall. Upon
this the elder brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardin, answered, That he
would fight with him, as being his better in estate, and in antiquitie of house
many degrees above him; yet Bothwell refused him, saying, That he was not a
Peer of the Kingdom, as he was; then sundry Lords would have gone to fight
with Bothwell; but the Lord Lindsey namely, who said to the rest of the Lords
and Gentlemen, That he would take it as a singular favour of them, and as a
recompence of his service done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight
with the braggadocio. Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor
excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this challenge and
answers, Bothwell's complices and followers were very earnest to fight, but
others that had come only for the Queen's sake, became little cold, saying, That
Bothwell would do well to fight himself, and spare the blood of divers
gentlemen that were there. Some counselled to delay the battell till the
Hamiltons came, whom they did expect. All this the Queen heard with anger;
and riding up and downe, burst out in teares, and said, They were all cowards
and traytors that would not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, the Queen,
perceiving sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to look unto himself, for
she said to him, she would render her selfe unto the Noble-men.[1149] Upon this
she sent for James Kirkaldie of Grange,[1150] with whom she kept discourse for a
while, till that she was assured that Bothwell was out of danger. Then she went
to the Lords, whom she did entertain with many fair words, telling them, That it
was neither fear, nor want of hope of victorie, that made her come unto them, but
a meer desire to spare shedding of innocent blood: withall she promised to be
ruled and advised by them. With this she was received with all respect: But
shortly after, declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons, with promise to
returne, they restrained her liberty, and brought her along with them to
Edinburgh at night: She was very slow in marching, looking to be rescued by the
Hamiltons; but in vain. She lay that night in the Provest his house. The next day,
the Lords sent the Queen to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin. Sir
James Balfour, seeing the Queen committed, and Bothwell consequently
defeated, he capitulated with the Lords for the deliverie of the Castle. Bothwell,
finding himselfe thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James Balfour, to save a
little silver cabinet which the Queen had given him. Sir James Balfour delivers
the cabinet to the messenger, and under-hand giveth advice of it to the Lords. In
this cabinet had Bothwell kept the letters of privacy he had from the Queen:
Thus he kept her letters, to be an awe-bond upon her, in case her affection should
change. By the taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt the Queen and
Bothwell were clearly discovered. These letters were after printed:[1151] They
were in French, with some sonnets of her owne making.
[About this time the Earle Bothwell was declared by open Proclamation not only
the murtherer of the King, but also the committer of it with his owne hand; and a
thousand crownes were offered to any man that would bring him in.][1152]
Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glencarne with his
domesticks went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house, where he brake down the
altars and the images: which fact, as it did content the zealous Protestants, so it
did highly offend the Popishly affected. The Nobles, who had so proceeded
against Bothwell, and dealt so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons had a
great number of men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their
side, sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there to joyn with them, for the
redress of the disorders of the Kirk and State: But the Hamiltons, thinking now
they had a faire occasion fallen unto them to have all again in their hands, and to
dispose of all according to their own mind, did refuse audience to the message
sent by the Lords.

Upon this, the Lords moved the Generall Assembly then met in Edinburgh,[1153]
in the moneth of June, to write to the Lords that either were actually declared for
the Hamiltons or were neuters: And so severall letters were directed to the Earls
of Argyle, Huntley, Cathnes, Rothesse, Crauford, and Menteith; to the Lords
Boyd, Drummond, Graham,[1154] Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Levingston, Seaton,
Glams, Uchiltry, Gray, Olyphant, Methven, Innermeth,[1154] and Somervile, as
also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of the Assembly,
Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords above-named; to wit,
John Knox, John Dowglas, John Row, and John Craig, who had instructions
conforme to the tenour of the letters, to desire these Lords and others, to come to
Edinburgh, and joyne with the Lords there, for the setling of God's true worship
in the Church, and Policie reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for
the Ministers, and support for the Poor: But neither the Commissioners nor the
letters did prevaile with these men; they excused, that they could not repair to
Edinburgh with freedom, where there was so many armed men, and a garrison so
strong: But for the Church affairs they would not be any wayes wanting, to do
what lay in them.
The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joyneth absolutely with the Assembly,
(which had been prorogated to the 20. of July,[1155] upon the occasion of these
Letters and Commissioners aforesaid,) and promiseth to make good all the
Articles they thought fit to resolve upon in the Assembly: But how they
performed their promises, God knows. Alwayes the Articles they agreed upon
were these:[1156]
1. That the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24. of August 1560,
touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's authoritie, should have the force of
a publike law; and consequently this Parliament defended as a lawfull
Parliament, and confirmed by the first Parliament that should be kept next.
2. That the Thirds of the Tythes, or any more reasonable proportion of Benefices,
should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery; and that there
should be a charitable course taken concerning the exacting of the tythes of the
poor labourers. [Moreover, that nothing should pass in Parliament till the affaires
of the Kirk be first considered, approven, and established.]
3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colledges, or Schooles, for
instruction of the youth, but after due tryall both of capacitie and probitie.
4. That all crimes and offences against God, should be punished according to
God's word; and that there should be a law made there anent, at the first
Parliament to be holden.
5. As for the horrible murther of the late King, husband to the Queen, which was
so haynous before God and man, all true professors, in whatsoever rank or
condition, did promise to strive that all persons should be brought to condigne
punishment, who are found guilty of the same crime.
6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence, lest he
should be murthered as his father was; and that the Prince should be committed
to the care of four wise and godly men, that by a good education, he might be
fitted for that high calling he was to execute one day.
7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and abolish
Popery, Idolatry, and Superstition, with any thing that may contribute unto it; as
also to set up and further the true worship of God, his government, the Church,
and all that may concern the purity of Religion and life; and for this to convene
and take arms, if need require.
8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm, before their Coronation,
shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now professed in the Church of
Scotland, and suppress all things contrary to it, and that are not agreeing with it.

To these Articles[1157] subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, the
Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanchar, Lindsey, Grame, Innermeth, and Uchiltrie, with
many other Barons, besides the Commissioners of the Burroughs.
This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the Lords Lindsay
and Ruthven were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen, to present unto her two writs;
the one contained a renunciation of the Crowne and Royall dignitie in favour of
the Prince her son; with a Commission to invest him into the Kingdome,
according to the manner accustomed: which after some reluctancy, with tears,
she subscribed[1158] by the advice of the Earle of Athole, who had sent to her;
and of Secretary Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melvill[1159] for that
purpose: So there was a procuration given to the Lords Lindsey and Ruthven, by
the Queen, to give up and resign the rule of the Realm, in presence of the States.
The second writ was, To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent during the Prince's
minority, if he would accept the charge: And in case he refused [to accept the
said office upon his single person, that he with] the Duke Chattelarault, the
Earles of Lenox, Argyle, Athole, Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, should govern
conjunctly.
These writs were published the 29. of July 1567, at the Market Crosse of
Edinburgh. Then at Sterlin was the Prince crowned King, where John Knox
made the sermon. The Earle Morton and the Lord Hume took the oath for the
King, that he should constantly live in the profession of the true Religion, and
maintain it; and that he should govern the Kingdom according to [the] law
thereof, and doe justice equally to all.
In the beginning of August, the Earle Murray being sent for, cometh home;[1160]
in all haste he visits the Queen at Lochlevin, strives to draw the Lords that had
taken part with the Hamiltons, or were neuters, to joyne with those that had
bound themselves to stand for the King's authoritie: He was very earnest with
divers, by reason of their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentie of
August, he received his Regency, after mature and ripe deliberation, at the desire
of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, and so was publikely proclaimed
Regent, and obedience showed unto him by all that stood for the young King.
THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, TILL
THE YEAR 1567, AND MONETH OF AUGUST.
 APPENDIX.
No. 1.

INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN THE EDITIONS OF KNOX'S HISTORY OF

THE REFORMATION, BY DAVID BUCHANAN, PRINTED AT LONDON, 1644,
FOLIO, AND REPRINTED AT EDINBURGH, 1644, QUARTO, (CONTINUED FROM
VOL. I. PAGE 494.)

BOOK THIRD.
(THE PAGES AND LINES AT THE LEFT-HAND SIDE REFER TO THE PRESENT EDITION.)

Page 9, line 18. that they destroyed not—to stop them from destroying.—
22. all credibility—almost credit.—28. they slew—was slain.
10, l. 9. but a cowart—a very coward.—13. the said—and.
11, l. 10. schybaldis—scybalds and rascals.—13. glansing ... feirceness,
stamered almost—glasing ... fear stumbled.—20. scatring ... creatures
—straying and wandering ... people.
13, l. 1. xxiij. day—the thirteenth.—3. sea-cost—coast.—11. seased—
seized upon.—15. foir-ryderis—forwarners.—17. the ryveing of a
baird—pulling of bairds for anger.
14, l. 8. Verry tyme reteiring—time returning.—10. fouchtein—foughton
with.
15, l. 30. of Ingland—of State in England.
16, l. 7. occupyed—taken up.—10. as it—as the favour it.—12. these my
presentis—my present letter.—13. breve—few.
17, l. 9. and p. 21, l. 28. defectioun—desertion.
19, l. 9. cruellie—rudelie.—19. guid—cleare.
20, l. 14. against—against, or answered.
21, (Marginal note wanting.)—9. dejectioun—defection.—10. thair faces—
 faire faces.—21. ather yet of any continuance to remaine in England—
or yet to remain any long time in England.—23. furthe to my awin—
thorow to my.
22, l. 12. theirefter, (omitted.)—18. Yff England, (in margin,) As England
had interest then not to suffer Scotland to perish, so likewise Scotland
hath interest now [1644,] not to see England undone.
25, l. 17. naturall—wise.—32. humill—most humble.
26, l. 6. in tennour as efter followis—The tenour whereof follows thus.—
11. in a few and simple words of my.—15. writter—writers thereof.
27, l. 1. Chryst Jesus—for Christ.—2, 3. of the same to, (omitted.)—7. nott
—not should.—20. Quenis Grace—Queen's favour.—21. not,
(omitted.)—23. The common things here.
28, l. 17. retract—recant.—19. that either your Grace, either yitt ony—that
your Majesty, or any.—29. thristit—wished.
29, l. 3. that—that book.—14. crouche—crouche and bows.—23. factioun
—fact.—27. woman—women to command and bear rule over men.—
30. before men, (omitted.)
30, l. 4. be long, prosperouse—be both prosperous.—14. hasard—travall.
—21. idollatrie—idolatry, going to Masse under your sister Mary, her
persecution of God's saints.—33. contrair to nature—contrary to the
ordinary course of nature.
31, l. 5, 6. gif the premisses ... neglected, ye sall—if you neglect ... these
things, and shall.—19. discretioun of spreittis—direction of his spirit.
33, l. 8. Lords—Lords of the Congregation.
39, l. 7, 8. amanges which ... is maid, (omitted.)
45, l. 27, 28. Hamyltoun, second ... the Counsalle—Hamilton and others of
the Councell.
46, l. 9. ministeris—Monsieurs, I had almost said monsters.—14. so
intollerable—hath been, I say, so intolerable.—22. gentillie ...
covenantes—willingly ... conditions.
49, l. 10. (Margin,) Let us mark our advantage from France.
53, (The names arranged in a different order.)
57, l. 1. army—armie by land.—22. catyveis awin quhynger—wretches
own dagger.—29. army be land—of the land.
61, l. 15. (Margin,) The Fourth Covenant.
63, l. 13. before ... please—as it pleaseth them.—In pp. 63 and 64, the
passage in brackets, and the marginal note in p. 64, omitted.
64, (Margin,) Let the Princes now adayes make use of this.—23. (Margin,)
So now [1644] the worldlings speak unto the King concerning the
Scots into England.
65, l. 12. geving us in—delivering and giving into.—18. hir affectiouns—
their affections.—(Margin,) The Hamiltons, namely.
66, l. 23. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
67, l. 19. (Margin,) We must go to the first cause in all things.
70, l. 23. (Margin,) Let the Princes now make use of these words of this
dying Queen.
71, l. 12. annoyntit of—anointed with extreme unction, after.—28 to 72, l.
4. God, for ... to appeir. The Guisian councells, as they were wicked
and cruell to the people, so they proved mischievous to themselves,
and to them that followed them, to this day.
72, l. 15. (Margin,) Note a Character of Popishly addicted French Officers
of State.
73, l. 3. transactit and aggreit be the Reverend Father in God, Johne—
translated and agreed by John—10. anent the—and the.
74, l. 11. be not affirm it—be affirmit.—16. deprivation—ruine.
75, l. 25. (Margin,) Note how they limit the Prince.
76, l. 27. (Margin,) Note how the Prince is limited; and his will is not a
Law.
77, l. 4. sevintene—five.—17. the saidis xvii—the said five.
78, l. 10. not be lefull—be lawfull.
79, l. 4. saidis sall oblisse thame—said States shall oblige them.—27.
pairtis, (omitted.)—31. denude—take from these any of them, their
subjects, the offices.—32. bruikit—brooked, and enjoyed.
83, l. 7. (omitted.)—11, 12. To the loving ... Christians—To the glory of the
Almighty Lord God, and to the comfort of all Christians.—23. charge
to the brekaris—charge that none shall break the same.
86, l. 21. aith and covenant—(margin,) Note a Covenant betwixt England
and Scotland, 1560.
88, l. 8-12. (Margin,) Some Prelats left Antichrist and did adhere unto
Christ.
92, l. 8. haif—leave.—19, 20. (Margin,) See how this agrees with our
times.—22. are not injust—and are unjust.
93, l. 8. Godis word—God.
95, l. 13. laitlie—now again borne.
97-120, l. 24 inclusive, (The marginal notes to the Confession of Faith are
omitted, and the Scripture references multiplied.)
102, l. 33. visibillie and apparently returne.
103, l. 7. unfaithfull—unthankful.—12. refranit—reservit.—22. and
supreame, (omitted.)
106, l. 6, 10, and 20, and 108, l. 6. (Marginal notes omitted.)
113, 114, 116, and 117, (Marginal notes omitted.)
120, l. 5, 13, 16. (Clauses in brackets wanting.)—27. 28. August—28. July.
—(Margin,) This we confirmed, 1567, in the first Parliament of James
6, held by the Earle Murray, and all Acts in any Parliament before
whatsoever, against the truth, abolished.
121, l. 2. Articles, (Margin,) The Lords of the Articles are a Committee of
twenty-four, whereof in former times there was eight Lords, eight
 Church-men, who were called Lords, and eight Commons: So from the
greater part they were named Lords, and of the Articles, because all
Articles and Heads that are to passe in Parliament are first brought to
them, who, having discussed them, sends them to the House of
Parliament. The Latin Histories calls their (thir) Lords of the Articles
Apolecti.—7. could, any—could say any.
122, l. 2, 3. and many, the rather, because that the Bischoppis wold nor
durst—and the rather, because that fain the Bishops wold, but durst.—
(Margin,) vote pious voice.—7. my God, who this day.—21. that thei
—that have.
123, l. 6. (Margin,) This Act is particularly confirmed 1567, in the
Parliament under James VI., holden by the Earl Murray.—19. usurpit,
(omitted.)
124, l. 7. [ ... ] (omitted.)—11. justifieing to the dead—chastising by death.
—14. judges whatsumever—judges. The Act for abolishing of the
Pope, and his usurped authority in Scotland.—23. (Margin,) This also
was confirmed by one particular Act, 1567, by the Parliament holden
by the Earle Murray.
125, l. 2, 6. [ ... ] omitted.—8. sute—claim.
126, l. 6. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
127, l. 3. (Margin,) Note this, I pray you, for these dayes sake.—11. great
counsallouris.—12. just commandiment.—21. since it was; (he meanes
untill 1566, when this book was written.)—22. misled Prince.
128, l. 10. (Margin,) See how this agrees with the worldlings now adayes.
—20. hanged—crucified.—23. a verray Jesabell—a very evill
woman.—(Margin,) What blessings hath been since in the house of
Erskin, they know best.
129, l. 18. Galloway, (this Bishop of Galloway, as he renounced Popery, so
did he Prelacie, witnesse his subscription of the Book of Discipline, as
the rest of the Prelats did who did joyne to the Reformation,)
Alexander Campbell, &c.
130, l. 2. thairto eikked—thereto asked.—(Margin.) Note how although the
Prelats being convinced of the truth, did subscribe unto it, yet it was
 with this Proviso, That they should enjoy their rents for their lives.—
17. invasion, and common enemies.—(The remainder of the
paragraph, referring to the Earl of Arran, omitted.)—20. hard
besieged.
131, l. 13. (Margin,) Note men to their own country.
132, l. 10. (Margin,) Note this for our dayes.—18. (ib.) Let this teach us to
seek God.—25. (Margin,) Jesabell—Queen.
133, l. 9. Mother of the King.—11. Prince of Conde his brother.
134, (Marginal note omitted.)—14. (Date also on margin.)
135, l. 3. The godlie.... (to 136, l. 19,) devoir you, (omitted.)

(Instead of the verses, Buchanan has inserted the following statement,

and in thus bringing the matter down to his own time, he has mistaken
the allusion in the verses to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, as if it
referred to Charles the Ninth of France:)—Some in France, after the
sudden death of Francis the 2d, and calling to mind the death of
Charles the 9t in blood, and the slaughter of Henry the 2d, did remark
the tragicall end of these three Princes, who had persecuted God's
servants so cruelly by their instruments the Guisians; and by their
pens, both in prose and verse, did advise all other Princes not to
authorize any persecution or wrong done unto God's servants, lest they
should have the like end. And indeed the following Kings of France
unto this day hath found this true by their infortunate and unexpected
ends.
137, l. 4-8. Ambassadouris ... the pryde (omitted.)—12. The Erle of Arrane
having suffered repulse in his designe to marry the Queen of England,
he begane to fancie unto himselfe that the Queen of Scotland.—18.
Such answer.—21. then his friends wold have wissed, for grief he was
troubled in his understanding.—24. churches abroad, and some.—25.
letteris, (omitted.)
138, l. 4. conference alone, the Erle of Arrane was in Jedburgh, to whom.—
11. purposes; and he comforting them; For whill (we say) thei three—
18. devulgat and, (omitted.)—24. sub-principall, and under-master of
one of the schools of Abirdene.
139, l. 13. (Margin,) Note this well.
140, l. 16. Messe is said to be a sacrifice.
141, (First marginal note taken into the text.—Second marginal note
omitted.)—10. (Margin,) Note Lesly his answer.—12. "That is Anno
1566 when this book was written."—14. for we understand that ... gett
and bastard.—20. doted and endowed.
142, l. 18. (Margin,) Note the liberality of the Earle Murray.
143, l. 30. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
144, l. 1, 3. Superintendent, and all other ministers at Edinburghe.—4.
minister—then preacher.—6, 7. Superintendents, or overseers.—8.
Fourth and.
145, l. 10. Superintendent or overseer.—25. (Margin,) Where then are
pluralities and fatnesse of livings in our dayes.
146, l. 5. Marie, (omitted.)—31. (Margin,) Let the Churchmen now adayes
look to this.
147, l. 24. (Margin,) What can the Prelates say to this.—29, 30.
Superintendent, or overseer and minister.
148, l. 3. ministry and watching over you against.—23. so luifit—loved.—
25. ignominious deyth ... thy most precious and innocent.—27. thy,
(omitted.)—in recent memory.
149, l. 9. dregis—degrees.—22. and then, (omitted.)
151 to p. 154 inclusive (omitted.—See footnote, p. 151.)
155, l. 10. fleschour or boutcher.
156, l. 1. boistit and threatened.—4. (Marginal note enlarged.)—See the
study of France to divide the two kingdoms newly bound for
maintenance of Religion against the common enemies.—21. (Margin,)
The Protestants faithfulness ill rewarded.
157, l. 7. (Margin,) A foolish play used in time of darknesse, hence we say
any foolish thing to be like a play of Robin-Hood.
158, l. 20. unhonest—and honest.—28. quhilk—till.
159, l. 10. five deaconis—six deacons.—25. penny, or afternoon's pint.
160, l. 5, 6. spare it, nor forget it.—11. haif heard befoir.—23. to purge—to
repugne.—(Margin,) death—buriall.—25. was wrapped in a coffin of
lead.
161, l. 3, 4. It may ... this Realme—As men do, so they receive.—10. calsay
or street.—20. usaris—hanters.
162, l. 10. and that ... thairupoun, (omitted.)
163, l. 1. (Margin,) Note diligently.—20. (ib.) Let this also be considered,
and referred to our times.
165, l. 14. upone the now decayed Pont of Change.
166, after l. 16. The Lords answer to the French Ambassadour.—17.
(Margin,) Reader, remark the advantages that Scotland hath from
France.—29. (Margin,) A good character of Bishops.
167, l. 9. (Buchanan's edition has the words in brackets.)
168, l. 5. (Margin,) Let us stick to God, and he will not leave us.
169, (Inserted,) The Ambassador's letter, followed by Madame.—1. (The
date is put to the end.)—(All omitted before) I send.—8. so, I told her,
did.—10. offices of civilitie.—12. proporte—tenour.—20. answer, as
followeth, (title.)—23. a verray gude case, and in way of a full
recoverie.—26. respect—defer.—(Margin,) Faire words to no purpose.
171, l. 24. (Margin,) Lyet not—said not amisse.
172, l. 15. the King of France.—23. dissimulatioun and policy, as thay
terme it now adayes.—30. (Margin,) The consecratioun ... you,
(omitted.)
173, l. 9. my Lord, the.—12. Caiaphas—The High Priest.—23. (Margin,)
Bot ... him self, Notwithstanding his own disorder.—30. (Marginal
note omitted.)
174, l. 13. amitie, of which there should be no want on hir behalf.—23.
renuncit—renewit.—oure ill-counselled and misled Queen.—29. And
 ... thrid, (omitted.)
175, l. 25. (Margin,) Note this false lye, and see how it answers to the
calumnies of these dayes.
177, l. 1. (Margin,) Princes hath regarded that.—4 or 5. (Marginal note
omitted.)—30. (Margin,) All power is not then in the Prince, if the
States have any, as they have. Note this.
178, l. 31. Madame, Pleis.
179, l. 8. in Goddis presence, (omitted.)—13. allegeance—obedience.—21.
Note the Scots acknowledgement.
180, l. 12. Thorntoun—Throgmorton.
181, l. 2. Roman harlot—Roman Antichrist.—7. to p. 182, l. 5. (This
paragraph is wholly omitted; and in its place we read:—)

The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published, that we

shall forbeare to print them at this time, hoping that no good men will
refuse to follow the same, till God in a greater light establish a more
perfect.

183-260, THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE: see No. II. of this Appendix, page 587.

BOOK FOURTH.

264, l. 7. (Margin,) As it was then, so it is now, by God's mercies to that

nation.—11, 12. our own wisdome.—24. (Margin,) Let this be noted
for example.
265, l. 5. till that mo Pharaoes then—till that now the Pharaohs then.—11,
12. 1566 in May—in May 1561.—15. (Margin,) the words, of the
Kirk, (omitted.)—26. may nott these men have their Masse, and the
form of their.
266, l. 9. (Margin,) He means the Lord James, Earle Murray.—16. suche
deape root in flesche and bloode, and was (as yet alas they are)
preferred to God, and to his messengeris rebucking vice and vanity,
that from thence hath all our miserie proceeded.—33. (Margin,)
Wicked Councellours fathers all their mischievous plots upon misled
 Princes, and causeth them to take all things upon them.
267, l. 10. to justice, (omitted.)—17. (Margin,) The Queen's arrival from
France, 1561.
268, l. 4. (Margin,) Triste et Lugubre Cœlum.
269, (Margin,) (Buchanan agrees with footnote 1.)
270, (The footnotes 1, 3, and 5, agree with MS. G.)—16. to bolden—to be
emboldened.
271, l. 2. (Margin,) Lord James, notwithstanding his former zeal to the
Truth, complying with the Court, favoureth Idolatry.—8. (Note
omitted.)—12. (Margin,) A godly resolution.
272, l. 20. may be, to their serious consideration. And lest that.
273, l. 1. thame selflis in the meanetyme, while.—5. contentment of all, the
law bidding, That nane.—20. derisioun—assault.—31. (Margin,) The
Lord Arran's stout and godly protestation against the Queen's Masse.
274, l. 31. (Margin,) Good resolution, if followed.
276, l. 23. (Margin,) The Courteouris making (mocking.)—31. (ib.) Note
diligently how wise and godly men are so mistaken oft, as to play after
games: and this M. Knox doth acknowledge here.
277, l. 5. (Marginal note omitted.)—9. slokin—slacken.—34. (Margin,)
Note how that Princes are informed against God's servant.
278, l. 11, 12. (Margin,) Let this be noted diligently.—15. (ib.) Let the
Prince note this.—33. (ib.) Let this wise reply be noted.
279, l. 18. Nero, the Roman Emperour.—23. Jesabell—Mary.—28.
authoritie—anxietie.
280, l. 12. (Margin,) Note this undertaking.
281, l. 27, 29, and 282, l. 10. (Marginal notes omitted.)—13. (Margin,)
Note this comparison.
283, l. 1. shall not only obey you. (Marginal note omitted.)
284, l. 1. (Margin,) Strong imagination called conscience.—4. (ib.)
Question.—12. and 23. (ib.) (omitted.)
285, l. 20. my lyeff—my self.—25. so say you, (quoth the Queen,) and I
believe it hath been to this day. (Quoth he,) for how.
286, l. 7. (Margin,) Note this.—20. faileth me: and this, I say, with a grieved
heart, for the good I wish unto her, and by her to the Church and State.
—22. chosen, where were.—24. Lord James, after Earle Murray; and
these were appointed as certain to wait.—27. Duck D'Omell—Duke
D'Anville.
287, l. 4. idolatrie—idolatrous Masse. Fyre followed the Court,
commounlie.—7. they returned.—8. the Queen was received.
288, l. 5. (Margin,) Note the disposition of a misled soul.
289, l. 9. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
290, (Both marginal notes omitted.)—11. iniquitie, Jessabellis letter—
impiety, the misled Queen's letter.—16. that the Queen's unreasonable
will.—19. (Margin,) Yet in the Parliament holden in 1563, there is ane
express Act for punishing of adultery by death: It is the Act 74.—25.
from this bondage of sin.
291, l. 2. Queen (evil men abusing her name and authority) took upoun hir.
—3. Baalles—Balaam's.—7. (Margin,) Note this.
292, l. 26. Liddisdaill, except that execution was then made in Edinburgh,
for her twenty-aught.
294, l. 12. sche could dissemble in full perfection, but how soon that ever
the French people had her alone, they told her, "That since she came to
Scotland," she saw nothing there but gravitie which repugned
altogether to her breeding, for.
296, l. 6. (Margin,) The Queen fain would have all Assemblies discharged.
—24. (ib.) Note this diligently.
297, l. 8, 9. Quene to—be sent to her Majestie, if.—14. scripped at—
stopped. (Margin as at 296, l. 24.)—28. dayis, the hearers thereof were
resolved, as all.—(Margin,) Note this passage.
298, l. 4. The Baronis—Thomas Borrows.—7. provisioun—propositions.—
13. But, when.—16, 17. intromitted and middled: and so.—19. wold
no moir cause rents to be paid unto any that formerly belonged to the
Churchmen, nor suffer any thing to be collected for the use of any
whosoever, after the Quenis.
299, (The date of the Art, vicesimo; and the Sederunt omitted.)
300, l. 10. the rest of the States mycht have appeared.—23. content with the
two partis ... and the third parte.
301, l. 3. Ferd—fourth.—8. mair, quhill—more, if.
304, l. 21, 22. Superintendentis, overseers, ministers.
306, l. 5. mailles, tythes, or teynds, fermes ... canis—fruits.—28.
furtheumand—forth commanded.
307, (The Sederunt omitted.)—11. hir Majestie's present wants, and other
particulare.—25. thair rentattis, whole and full, intromissioun.
308, l. 4. fundin and declarit—ordained and declared.—33. Elgin in
Murray—Elgmen, Murray.
309, l. 10. the voting and maiking.—17, 18. (for) the Cleark of Registre,
and the Secretar—the Steward and Controller.
311, l. 6. 100 markis, (Margin,) That is five old pieces.—10. nygartnesse—
ingratitude,—17, 18. Comptrollare ... his awin—Controllers ... their
own.—19. (Margin,) Ane Proverb upon Pittaro, Controller.
312, l. 16. a thousand pound—a hundred will suffice.—23. smyled—
singled.—29. (Margin,) The right that Princes have to the patrimony of
the Church.—32. Quenis flatterers bettir.
313, l. 5 Queene, and her—Queene's.—7. but her flatterers.—10. sche and
hir faction—the Court faction.—13. Quene and King.
314, l. 1. Earle of Murray.—3. At the blessing of the marriage.—(Margin,)
Marriage of the Earl of Murray.
315, l. 13. who was suspected to have been in love with the said Alison.—
14. raritie—veritie.
316, l. 21. 317, l. 10. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
318, l. 3, 4. for sche lacks ... in especiall, (omitted.)—10. others—Scotland.
—is free—she did see so free.
319, l. 15, 22. joyousitie—jollity. It had been good for our Queene that she
had been brought up in better company, both for her credit and for the
course of her life: And it may be, that her excellent naturall
endowments had been better employed for her reputation and
happinesse then they were to her great misfortune, and to the grief of
those that wished her truely well. But punishment, &c.—(Both
marginal notes in this place omitted.)—25 to 320, l. 1. Some ...
lamented, (omitted.)
320, l. 15, 16. Erle Bothwell and his son, that.
321, l. 6, 7. but as hap ... keapt him, (omitted.)—10. The Master of
Maxwell, (after Lord Herreis) gave.
322, l. 12. convened—remained.
323, l. 3. (Margin,) The Earl of Bothwell's communication with John Knox,
1562.—25. my great grandfather, grandfather—and father.—(Margin,)
Note the compliment.
324, l. 7, 8. of God, wherefore he often.—12. (Margin,) Note diligently.—
21. commonyng—coming.—23. Borthwick—Berwicke.
325, l. 3. certane—vertue—8. Gavin—Gabriel.
326, l. 6. Gawane—Gabriel.—7. Kynneill—Enmell.—11. upon the third
day.—19. reasonably betrayed.
327, l. 8. (Margin,) Note diligently.—24. (line omitted.)
330, l. 10. dansing—mirth.—14. Quenne had been merry, excessively
dancing till after.—15. persecutioun—pacification.
331, l. 21. (Margin,) Note diligently.
333, l. 19, 22. (Margin,) Note diligently.
334, l. 4. (Margin,) Let Princes note this.—24. (Margin,) Let Court
chaplains and unthrifts of the time note this.
335, l. 20 to 336, l. 3. liked not our Queene one whit, for as yet she could
not resolve to be wife to the King of Sweden, having been lately
Queene of France: And yet she refused not one much inferiour to a
Soveraigne King.
336, l. 4. (Margin,) The Earle of Lennox and his lady imprisoned in the
Tower of London for traffiquing with Papists.
337, (Margin,) Anno 1566 in Maij, (omitted.)
338, l. 5, 6. From the Father.—8, 9. by the Eternall God, (omitted.)—25.
and base service.—31. Word and, (omitted.)
339, l. 11. and body, if you do not repent.
340, l. 2. for lack of punishment, (omitted.)—(Marginal note omitted.)—15.
neglecting the execution of his.—20. (Margin,) Note diligently.—23,
24. pay their hire, that.
341, l. 19, 20. that some ... releaf and, (omitted.)
342, l. 17. Last—Sixthly.—22. Seventhly, we desire.—33. Farther, we most
—Eightly, we most.
343, l. 8. dyttament—judgment.—15. (Margin,) Note that diligently.—20.
(Margin,) Note this for our times.
344, l. 31. and wemen, (omitted.)
345, l. 8, 9. hurt, and was for a long time mutilat.
346, l. 2, 18. broke the prison.—(Margin,) ward or prison.
347, l. 10. (Buchanan substitutes for the note)—Note another wavering of
the Hamiltons.—21. (Margin,) Commissionaris, (omitted.)
348, l. 3. (Margin,) A new Covenant 1562.—6. and assist, (omitted.)—7.
offered and granted unto.—21. Erratum 1552.
352, (Marginal vote omitted.)
353, l. 25. malice—matter.
354, l. 6. inflammed—angred.—11. sone to James.—12. of soldartis,
 (omitted.)—(Margin,) the day of Corrichie-fiold, Octob. 22. 1562.
355, l. 9. houris in the morning.
356, l. 5. foote and maid.—10. (Marginal note omitted.)—16, 17. keapt
thame ... The Erle, (omitted.)—(Margin,) at Corrichie, (omitted.)
357, l. 2. this day, (omitted.)—3, 4. injustlie—justlie.—5. on the sweird.—
9. joyned—rejoyned.—15. ney, (omitted.)—21. over-thorte or upon a
pair.—(Marginal note omitted.)
358, l. 3. (Note taken into the text.)—11, 12. against ... plainess, (omitted.)
—29. (Margin,) Let others that yet live mark this.
361, l. 2. unhappilie—truely.—14. tacken upon me the.
362, l. 6. (Margin,) Upon the Courteouris.—18. Like MS. G, in footnote.
363, l. 1. (Marginal note altered,) The end declared their words to be true.
—22. youth amongst them, whom.
364, l. 25. (Margin,) The tryall of Paul Meffene's fact.
365, l. 6. oppressed—suppressed.—30. (Marginal note omitted.)
366, l. 6. Edinburgh—Dundie.
367, l. 1. light and darknes betwix, (omitted.)
368, l. 3, 4. fassionis not agreeable to the gravity of honest women.—7 to
13. All this winter Chattellet was so familiar with the Queen, that the
Nobilitie being by this means stopped to have so free accesse as they
thought fit and due unto them, were highly offended; at length
Chattelett having conveyed himselfe privately under the Quenis bed.
—30. lyeth in me to give your Majestie content.
369, l. 13. luvaris may devine—I leave to conjecture.—18. (Margin,) death
and famine.—22 to 370, l. 1. the famyn in the wheat, the beare or
barley, the meale, the oates, beefe, mutton, &c., were exceeding dear
and scanty; yea, all things.
370, l. 4, 5. wicked rulers.—suffered hir—suffered them.—8. court—city
—that wicked woman—the prophane Court,—14. (Note omitted.)
371, l. 18. of God, (omitted.)—20, 21. the Quene—the Court she, they.—
22. she send for Johne—the Queen advised to send.
372, l. 24-27. And in this case—unpunissed, (omitted.)—34. and that not,
but in God ye are bound.
374, l. 23. (Margin,) Bishop of Cathnes.
375, l. 13. (Margin,) The Lady Argile was naturill Sister to the Queen, as
the Earle Murray was naturall Brother.
377, (After the 7th, insert) My Lord.—17. withdraw your conversation from
hir.—21. unto hir in all due benevolence.
378, l. 9. convict hir of any fault since.
379, l. 9. the Parliament of Pope's knights appeared. The, &c.—16.
unfreindis—friends.—19. (Margin,) The Clergie did pretend to be free
from all Jurisdiction, save the Popes.
380, l. 1. Norwell—Horwell.—(Marginal note omitted.)—8, 9. parenthesis,
(omitted.)—13. gioun. At that Parliament, (new paragraph.)
381, l. 3. Lairdis—Earles.—5. law or Counsellor.—5-7. in that ... Whytlaw,
(omitted.)—12. (Marginal note omitted.)—16. the superfluities of their
cloathes, and.
382, l. 1. (Margin,) Note diligently. And so was religion, &c.—8. (Margin,)
Occasion painted with a bald hind-head.—27. long to.
383, l. 7. betwix ... Knox—betwixt them.—11. slocken—slacken.—11.
(Margin,) God knowes if our times be better.
384, l. 2. (Marginal note omitted.)—21. the charges of Edinburgh.
385, l. 3. Queen sayes you will not agree with us.—6 with them in.—27.
But this my Lordis will (I say) note.
387, (The marginal notes omitted.)
388, l. 4. (Margin,) Let this serve for our times.—17. conscience—office.—
20. shall be content, and consent.—unfaythfull—unlawfull.
389, (Margin,) Note women.
390, l. 4. fard—heat.—6. (Marginal note omitted.)
391, l. 14. (Marginal note omitted.)—22. (ib.) Note diligently.
392, l. 8. wickedness—fury, (also, 393, l. 5.)—18. thair ... throttes ...
mouthes—his ... throat ... mouth.
394, l. 19. hamesukken—having made.
395, (2d marginal note,) quhingar—weapon.
396, l. 2. 15th—five and twentieth.—23. Messe, publikely to.
397, l. 3. be made to the country, and that.—7. (Margin,) Bond to a mutuall
defence in the cause of Religion.—(The note is omitted.)
398, l. 8. (Margin,) Note Pastors.
399, (In the foot-note to line 12, Buchanan agrees with MS. G. Instead of
the 2d marginal note, he adds to the 1st, "and their reasoning
together.")
400, l. 2. day, (omitted.)
401, (2d marginal note omitted.)
402, l. 19. (Margin,) Note a wise reply.—29. trouble me.
403, l. 8. noumer—number.
401, l. 5. lackit nathing of an womanly gravitie.—11. caused me to crie, and
shed never.—12. greit—grieve.
405, l. 23, 25, 27, 32. convocation—vocation.
406, l. 5. (Margin,) Note diligently.—23. unlauchfull—lawfull.
408, l. 1. (Margin,) As the Irish Papists have done to Protestants in Ireland.
—18. (Margin,) Let this be noted for this day.—28. ane liar and,
(omitted.)—32, 33. I am commanded in my conscience to speak the
truth, and therefore the truth I speak, impugne.
409, (Margin,) quhat, ensued.—11, 12. and conjureit ... Christ, (omitted.)
—smyleit—singled.
410, l. 2. (Margin,) Note Pastors.—5. onie upfall, (omitted.)—20-22. to see
... rejoise, (omitted.)
411, l. 19. (Margin,) Note diligently.
412, l. 17. (Margin,) Note the craft of the Court.—24. (Note taken into the
text.)—27. (Marginal note omitted.)
413, l. 5, 6. but of ... Borrowis, (omitted.)—18. (Margin,) Note.
414, l. 10. als—all.—haif power to.—23. Sir Johne Ballentyne, (omitted.)
415, l. 5. (Margin,) Remark false brethren.—(ib.) Sempill and Levingstoun,
(omitted.)
417, l. 1. delyver us from the wickedness of this corrupt Court, for thy own
name's sake.—(Margin,) Prayit ... authoritie, (omitted.)—10-12. And
... houris—(this sentence is nearly repeated on margin.)—20. the
suspitioune of, (omitted.)—(The three last marginal notes omitted.)
418, l. 20. sik, him.—Nobill-wemin—Nobleman.—23. coule—kowll.—
(Margin,) Cucullus.—29. (Marginal note omitted.)
420, l. 1. (Margin,) Note how this agrees with our time.—25. Papists—
Priests.
421, (Buchanan has the marginal notes mentioned in last foot-note.)
422, l. 1. began one David, an Italian, to.—3. in France, (omitted.)—5, 6. to
speik, and refer it to another fitter occasion of time and place, becaus
... whole. The first day.—(Clause in brackets and marginal note
omitted.)
423, l. 9. Rothes—Lord Rosse.
424, l. 10-14. but, because ... publict audience, (omitted.)—25, 26. (By a
semicolon misplaced, Hay appears as Superintendent of Glasgow
instead of Willok.)
425, l. 23. (Margin,) John Knox his answer.
427, l. 17, 24. (Margin,) Note diligently, and see how the Bishops did forbid
to pray for the conversion of the Queen that now is in Britain.
435, l. 2. present—publike.
436, l. 6. (Margin,) Let this be noted diligently.—9. [the poweris,]
(omitted.)
437, l. 1. (Margin,) Note this.—23. (ib.) Note this Discourse diligently.
438, l. 7. nocht, (omitted.)
439, l. 24. but, (omitted.)
440, l. 3. (Margin,) God craves of us, that we oppose ourselves to iniquity.
441, l. 4-7. unless that ... the deith, (omitted.)
442, l. 13. tuik—think.
443, l. 9. (Margin,) Let this be noted for our times.—34. acknawlege and
esteem the benefits received, when.
444, l. 9. (Margin,) Whether this hath come to passe or not, let the world
judge.
445, l. 8. (Margin,) Note this diligently.
447, l. 13. "He be his owin commandment," &c. Between these words and
"sik as craif," &c., 418, l. 13, a whole page is omitted.—Thus the
passage in Buchanan's edition is quite unintelligible, viz., He by his
own word confounds all such as crave further approbation of God's
will, &c.
449, l. 3. (Margin,) When the Prince does serve God sincerely in private
and publike, and hath a care that the people do the same, then
assuredly they are faithfull to him: but if he faile in these, or in either
of them, he findes disobedience in his people, because he is not
carefull to obey God, and to see him obeyed. Deut. 13, 13. 2 Paral.
26.-24. (Margin,) Let this be applyed to the late affairs of Scotland.
451, l. 15. ye will not say.
452, l. 24. deith—punishment.—33. thairintill—therefore.
453, l. 22. either misknaw—must either know.—29. tyrant—misled King.
 454, l. 1. scripped—stouped.
455, l. 10. voit—wrote. (To each of the two names in the margin of pages
455 and 456, is added) his vote.
457, (The Latin original of the Conclusio, omitted.)—13. deposed—bridled.
—also 458, l. 12.
458, l. 23. (Buchanan agrees with second foot-note.)—10. (Margin,) Note
diligently.—also 459, l. 3.
460, l. 19. be knawin—he knew.
461, l. 17. (In the second foot-note Buchanan agrees with MS. L, 4.
Marginal vote omitted.)

A few particulars respecting DAVID BUCHANAN, the Editor of Knox's History, may
be subjoined to the preceding collations. The author of the Genealogical Account
of the Buchanans, in 1723, states that he was the second son of William [John]
Buchanan of Arnpryor, an ancient family in the parish of Kippen, Stirlingshire.
John Buchanan, eldest son of the late John Buchanan of Arnpryor, had a charter
of the lands of Arnpryor, 3d May 1598; and having sold the estate of Arnpryor to
Sir John Buchanan of Buchanan, he settled in Ireland. He was killed by the Irish
rebels in 1641. "There was a younger brother, Captain William, a gentleman of
very much courage, and of the greatest art and dexterity in managing a sword of
any of his time;" and two instances of his prowess are related in that work, (p.
61.)
David Buchanan, whom the above author describes us "a gentleman of great
learning, who flourished in the latter part of the reign of James the Sixth," was
born towards the close of the sixteenth century, probably about the year 1592. He
appears to have prosecuted his studies during part of the usual course in St.
Leonard's College, St. Andrews, where he matriculated or became an Intrant in
the spring of 1610. It has not been ascertained at what University he took his
degree of Master of Arts; or, indeed, any particulars of his mode of life for a
period of upwards of twenty years. According to his own words, he must have
spent many years on the Continent, and is not improbable he may have filled a
Professor's chair in one of the Protestant Colleges in France. In 1636, he
published a learned work under this title: "Historia Animæ Humanæ, Auctore
Davide Buchanano, Scoto. (No place of printing,) M.DC.XXXVI." Small 8vo. This
was followed by a similar treatise in French, entitled "Histoire de la Conscience,
M.DC.XXXVIII." 12mo.

From a passage in Milton already referred to, (vol. i. p. xlii,) it would seem as if
the publication of Buchanan's edition of Knox's History of the Reformation had
been delayed by the Censor of the Press in 1644. The preceding collations, (for
which, and also for those in the next Article of this Appendix, I am indebted to
the unwearied care and accuracy of my venerable friend, MR. MEEK,) serve to
show the actual liberties Buchanan has taken with the text. Frequent instances of
palpable blunders will be observed, as if the Editor himself had not corrected the
proof-sheets. In the marginal notes he has added various allusions to his own
times; and the interpolations he has introduced into the text are remarkable,
chiefly on account of the anachronisms; and as these have been laid hold of, in
some measure, to discredit the authenticity of the original work, it has thus been
rendered necessary to take so much pains in collating his editions with the
genuine text. In regard to passages omitted, or expressions modified and
softened, it is highly probable that this may have proceeded from the Licenser of
the Press in London, rather than Buchanan himself; and whether similar or even
greater liberties may have been taken with Book Fifth, we have unfortunately no
means of ascertaining.
In the following year Buchanan published at London a little volume, which, with
another tract printed in 1646, involved him in some trouble. Baillie, who was
personally acquainted with him, in a letter to Spang, who was then Minister of
Campvere in Zealand, in June 1645, speaks of "your cousigne, Mr. David
Buchanan, as a most honest and worthy man." In a subsequent letter, dated 24th
April 1646, he says, it was thought necessary that the Papers given into
Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners should be printed; and "among others,
Mr. DAVID BUCHANAN, a most sincere and zealous gentleman, who has done both
in write and print, here (in London) and over-sea, many singular services to this
Parliament, to his Nation, and to the whole Cause; ... hazarded to print them
with a Preface of his own, and an introduction, both very harmless and
consonant to the three following papers which we had given in to both Houses."
Baillie further adds, that within two or three days, 3000 or 4000 copies were
sold; and that this having excited the indignation of "our small friends," both
Houses of Parliament agreed in ordering the books to be burnt by the hands of
the hangman, and in denouncing the publisher, Mr. Buchanan, as an incendiary.
(Baillie's Letters and Journals, vol. ii. p. 367.) The two publications thus referred
to were,—
"Truth its Manifest; or a short and true Relation of divers main Passages of
things, (in some whereof the Scots are particularly concerned,) from the very
first beginning of these unhappy Troubles to this day. Published by Authority.
London, printed in the year 1645." 12mo, pp. xviii., 142.
"Some Papers of the Commissioners of Scotland, given in lately to the Houses of
Parliament, concerning the Propositions of Peace. London, printed for Robert
Bostock, &c., April 11, 1646." 4to, pp. 26.
The following extracts from the Journals of the House of Commons confirm
Baillie's statements:—
On the 10th April 1646, the House of Commons "Ordered, &c., That the Report
concerning a Book, entituled, 'Truth's Manifest,' be made on Monday morning,"
&c. (Journals, vol. iv. p. 505.)

"Die Lunæ, 13o Aprilis 1646. Mr. Lisle reports the state of the business
concerning the printed book, intituled, 'Truth's Manifest;' read many passages out
of it; and said, The Author of it was one Mr. Buchanan; who delivered one of the
said books to the Committee, and did avow it to be his writing.
"Resolved, &c., That Mr. David Buchanan be forthwith sent for, as a Delinquent,
by the Serjeant at Arms attending on this House; and brought to the Bar to-
morrow morning.
"Resolved, &c., That the book intituled, 'Truth's Manifest,' does contain in it
many matters false and scandalous; and they do Order, That the said book be
forthwith burnt by the hands of the common hangman." (ib. p. 507.)
On the same day, the House also declared, that the book entituled, "Some Papers
of the Commissioners of Scotland, given in lately to the Houses of Parliament,
concerning the Propositions of Pence, doth contain in it matters scandalous and
false," &c., and was Ordered to be burnt, &c. (ib. p. 507.) But this declaration
was so far modified on the 20th April, in restricting the sentence simply to the
Editor's Epistle and Tract, "The State of the Question concerning the
Propositions of Peace," (which are prefixed by the Editor, on three leaves, after
the title page.) (ib. p. 517.)
During the latter period of his life, Buchanan was engaged with Gordon of
Straloch in illustrating the topography and antiquities of his native country, in
connexion with the great Atlas of Scotland, which was published in Holland, by
Bleau, in 1654. His papers afterwards fell into the hands of Sir Robert Sibbald,
by whom some of them were printed. Two MS. works, "De Scriptoribus Scotis,"
the one dated 1627, and attributed to Buchanan, were printed for the Members of
the Bannatyne Club, with a learned Preface by the Editor, Dr. Irving, in 1837.
From his Confirmed Testament, it appears that "Mr. David Buchanan," who died
at Edinburgh before the end of August 1652, on the 19th of that month, had
nominated "his loving brother, Mr. William Buchanan," his only executor.
Whether "Captain William," above mentioned as David's brother, should be
identified with this "Mr. William Buchanan," may be left to conjecture.
 No. II.
ON SPOTTISWOOD'S EDITION OF THE FIRST BOOK OF
DISCIPLINE.

IT is well known that Queen Mary, both in France and after her return to this
country, refused to ratify the Proceedings of the PARLIAMENT which met at
Edinburgh in August 1560; and its Acts, were not included in the authorized
collection of the public statutes. In order to obviate this legal want of the royal
sanction, it was judged expedient that the CONFESSION OF FAITH, and some special
Acts, should be renewed in the first Parliament of James the Sixth, during the
regency of the Earl of Murray, in December 1567. It was proposed to have
inserted in this Appendix a list of the Members and some passages relating to the
proceedings of that Parliament, along with an account of the early editions of the
Confession of Faith, 1560; and some notes respecting the First Book of
Discipline. Want of space has rendered it necessary to omit these notices; but
another opportunity may be afforded of introducing them in a subsequent
volume.
It is also well known that the selfish rapacity of some of the Nobility who had
supported the Reformed doctrines, and had obtained possession of Church-lands
and property, prevented the Policy of the Kirk from being established according
to the plan drawn up by Knox and his brethren. But the FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE
must always be regarded as an important work to illustrate the form of Church
government and discipline submitted for approval by our early Reformers; and it
is now presented to the Reader in a much more perfect and authentic form than it
has ever appeared.

The following notes, selected from a careful collation of the Book of Discipline,
with the copy inserted by Spottiswood in his History of the Church, will prove
how very little reliance can be placed on the Archbishop's assertion of his having
given it "word by word." As the omissions and emendations referred to might
have been inside by the Editor in 1655, (see page 181, note 5,) the new edition,
printing for the Spottiswoode Society, (edited by Bishop Russell, and collated
with the author's original MS.,) has been employed.

Page 183-184, Spottiswood omits the whole of the Preface, and introduces
the Book of Discipline with the short paragraph already quoted at page
181, note 5. There is a slight variation in the new edit. (p. 331,)
reading, "I have thought meet, word by word, to insert the same," &c.
187, There are several omissions in this page; for instance, in line 7, the
words "devysed by men;" various words in lines 15 to 22; and nearly
the whole of lines 24 to 26.
188, lines 21, 22, altered; and lines 24 to 29 abridged.
189, l. 10, omits "cursed" as applied to "Papistrie."
190, l. 12, reads, "in open audience of his flock, he may preach and deliver
his knowledge in the Articles," &c.
192, l. 4 to 6, "and so ... of the Kirk," omitted.
193, l. 4 to 19, varied and abridged; and lines 25, 26, read, "The Ministers
were publicly admitted."
195, l. 14, altered; and lines 21 to 27, "And gif," &c., omitted. The next
head, "For Readeris," is partially abridged.
198, l. 1, the words, "at the discretion of the congregation," omitted.
199, l. 3, the words, "in Goddis presence we witness," omitted; and lines 7
to 15 amended.
200, l. 12 to 14, part of the sentence omitted; and the paragraph that
follows, "Restis yit," &c. concerning provision for the poor, and the
teachers of youth, contracted to about one-third.
201 to 203, Under the head, "Off the Superintendents," the original which
here consists of 38 lines, is contracted by Spottiswood to 6 lines.
204, l. 11, "to leave as your idill Bischopis," changed to "to live idle as the
 Bishops."
205, The third head, "Of the Election of Superintendentis," appears as if re-
written and abridged; l. 18, reads, "we think it sufficient that the
Council nominate;" and lines 22 to 25 omitted.
207, l. 6 to 12, "Yff the Ministeris," &c., omitted.
208, l. 16 to 26, "Of one thing, in the end," &c., omitted.
208, 209, "For the Schollis;" the introductory paragraph omitted, and the
next 14 lines contracted to 5 lines.
214, l. 24, reads, "New Testament, and shall finish his course the same year.
And in," &c.
221, l. 2 to 12, "not doubting," &c., omitted. Under the "Sext Heid," except
the first sentence, the whole of the first paragraph, "But befoir we
enter," &c., is omitted.
222, l. 4 to 9, "We dar not flatter," &c., omitted.
223, l. 27, &c. "Your Honouris," &c.; the whole of this paragraph omitted.
225, l. 13, The "Additio" is not found in Spottiswood.
226, l. 23, "Yf this Ordour," &c., to the end of the paragraph, omitted.
227, The second paragraph, "But becaus this accursit Papistrie," &c.,
omitted.
230, l. 21 to 23, Spottiswood reads, "This sentence, as being the most heavy
censure which can be inflicted by the Church, ought not to be rashly
used but for grave causes, and due process of time kept, but being
pronounced, ought with all severity to be maintained, and intimation
thereof made through the whole realm, lest any should pretend
ignorance of the same."
235, l. 3 to 18, "Yea, the Seniouris," &c. This paragraph is thus altered: "If a
Minister be of a loose conversation, negligent in his study, and one that
was little bent upon his charge or flock, or one that proponeth not
fruitful doctrine to his people, he ought to be admonished by the
elders; and if he amend not, the elders may complain to the ministry
 [of the two next adjacent churches, to whose admonition, if he shall be
disobedient, he ought to be discharged of his ministry] till his
repentance appear."

The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the old printed
editions of Spottiswood's History, we may suppose by accident, as this
appears to be the only variation which Bishop Russell has discovered
upon collation with the MSS.
253, A great part of this page is omitted.
255, The last paragraph is somewhat altered, or at least transposed.
255-8, "The Conclusioun" addressed to the Lords, with the "Act of Secret
Counsall," and the signatures, are wholly omitted.

A great many lesser variations, consisting of words omitted, sentences abridged,

&c., might have been specified, if such an enumeration would have served any
useful purpose. The above may suffice to satisfy any impartial reader, who
desires in this FORM OF POLICY "to see what were the grounds laid down at first
for the government of the Church," that implicit reliance should not be placed
upon the Archbishop's fidelity, although he does affirm, "I HAVE THOUGHT MEET,
WORD BY WORD, HERE TO INSERT THE SAME." (History, vol. i. p. 331.)

 No. III.
FUNERALS OF MARY OF GUISE, QUEEN REGENT OF
SCOTLAND.

MARIE DE LORRAINE, daughter of Claude Duke of Guise, was born 22d November
1515. On the 4th August 1534, she was married to Louis of Orleans, Duke de
Longueville; and after his death, in 1538, she became the second wife of James
the Fifth, King of Scotland. (See vol. i. p. 61, note 6.) In this place it was
proposed to collect merely a few notices respecting her death and funerals.
In the present volume, at page 71, Knox has given an account of the Queen's
death, which took place in the Castle of Edinburgh—he says on the 9th June
1560. Dr. Robertson following Bishop Lesley, and other early authorities, says it
was on the 10th; while according to Chalmers, and later writers, it happened on
the 11th June. In the Diurnal of Occurrents the time is very precisely stated, yet
it so happens that either the 10th or the 11th might be assigned for the date. The
passage stands thus:—
"Upoun the tent day of Junij, the yeir foirsaid (1560,) Marie Quene Dowriare
and Regent of this Realme, at 12 houris at evin, deceissit in the Castell of
Edinburgh, and maid the Erie of Merchell, and Schir Johne Campbell of Lundy,
knycht, hir executouris in Scotland." (p. 59; see also p. 276 of the same work.)
This would seem to fix the 10th; but in the grant to Seigneour Francis, referred
to in a note, page 507, the 11th of June was reckoned as the day of the Queen's
decease. Sir William Cecil and Dr. Nicholas Wotton, in a letter written on the
17th June, intimate their having heard of the Queen's death, when they were on
their way from Berwick; and in a subsequent letter from Edinburgh, dated the
19th June, they say, "The xith of this monethe, the Quene Dowagier dyed here at
Edenboroughe, as we understande of a dropsie; by whose deathe the Nobilitie of
Scotlande be entred into greater boldness, for mayntenaunce of their quarrell,
then before they durst shew." (Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 329.) In the
Treasurer's Accounts of that month are the following entries:—
"Item, to Johne Weir pewtterar, for ane wobe of leid weiand iiij
(blank) stanis, to be ane sepulture to inclose the Quenis Grace lb. xv
in. s.
 xxxij
"Item, to the said Johne for sowdane of the said wobe of leid,
s.
"Item, for ije dur nalis to the Quenis Grace sepulture, iij s.
vj lb.
"Item, for xxj elnis and ane half of blak gray, to hing the chapell
ij s.
of the Castell of Edinburgh the Quenis G. bodie lyand thairin,
iiij d.
iiij
"Item, foure elnys of quhite taffateis of the cord to mak ane lb.
cross aboun the Quenis Grace, price of the eln xxiiij s. Summa, xvj
s."

After these items, there follows a list of sums paid to the attendants, servants,
and other persons connected with the Queen's household; in all 97, chiefly
French, amounting to £1352, 8s.
Bishop Lesley, in noticing the Queen's death, says, "Hir bodie thaireftir was
carried to France in ane ship, to the Abbey of Feckin in Normandie." (History, p.
289.) Knox, at page 160, speaks of her burial having been deferred, and that
"lappet in a cope of leid," her body lay in the Castle of Edinburgh till the 19th
October, "quhan sche by pynouris was caryed to a schip, and sa caryed to
France." Another authority asserts, that it was not till the spring following that
her body was removed from Edinburgh.
"Upoun the xvj day of the said moneth of March, [1560-1] at xij houris in the
nycht, the corpes of vmquhile Marie Quene Douriare of Scotland and Regent,
was convoyit secretlie furth of the Castell of Edinburgh, and put in ane schip in
Leith, and convoyit thairfra to France, be Mr. Archibald Crawfurd person of
Eiglishame; quhair sho was honourablie buryit." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 282.)
In mentioning the Queen Regent's funerals, Bishop Lesley, in his Latin History,
is somewhat more circumstantial, by adding, that after reaching the sea-port of
Fécamp in Normandy, and lying for a time in the Monastery, the body was
finally removed to Rheims. His words are,—" Ejus autem corpus in Galliam
postea transvectum primum ad Monasterium Feckamense, quod in Normania est,
deinde ad cœnobium S. Petri Rhemis in Campania, cui Soror ipsius pie tunc
præerat, delatum, honorifice condebatur." (De Rebus gestis Scotorum, p. 569.)
Throckmorton also, in a letter addressed to Queen Elizabeth from Paris, 13th
July 1561, says, "The said Queen of Scotland's determination to go home
continues still: She goeth shortly from Court to Fescamp, in Normandy, there to
make her Mother's funerals and burial, and from thence to Calais, there to
embark." (Tytler's History, vol. vi. p. 398.)
After the funeral ceremonies at Fécamp, the Queen's body was transported to the
city of Rheims, and interred in the Church of the Abbey or Convent of Saint-
Pierre-les-Dames, of which her sister Renée de Lorraine was Abbess. This
younger daughter of Claude de Lorraine, first Duke of Guise, was born in 1522.
She became Abbess in 1546, and survived till the 3d of April 1602, when she
was interred beside her sister the Queen of Scotland. There was a handsome
marble monument erected in the choir of the church; but the Abbey itself was in
a great measure destroyed during the excesses of the French Revolution in 1792.
The monument was adorned with a full length figure in bronze of the Queen in
royal apparel, holding the sword and the rod of justice, "tenant le sceptre et la
main de justice." (Anselme, Hist. Genealogique, tome iii. p. 492.)
 No. IV.
NOTICES OF JOHN BLACK, A DOMINICAN FRIAR.

FRIAR JOHN BLACK, of the Dominican Order, is celebrated by Lesley, Dempster,

and other Roman Catholic writers, for his learning and exertions on behalf of the
orthodox faith. In August 1559, the Queen Regent came from Dunbar to
Edinburgh, and having taken possession of Holyrood House, it is stated, that
Archbishop Hamilton, "upon a day, past to the pulpit in the Abbay," and after
displaying "a little of his superstition, he declared he had not bene weill
exercised in that profession, (i.e. of preaching,) therefore desyred the auditors to
hold him excused. In the meantyme he showed unto them that there was a
learned man, meaning Fryer Blacke, who was to come immediately after him
into the pulpitt, who would declare unto them the truth; and therefore desyred
them to lett him cease." (Hist. of the Estate of Scotland, Wodrow Miscellany,
vol. i. p. 67.)
Bishop Lesley mentions a public disputation between Friar Black and John
Willock, at Edinburgh, in the summer of 1561, which lasted for two days. As
usual, however, in all such controversial disputes, "in the ende, nothing was
agreit." (Hist. p. 295. See also Leslæus de Rebus Gestis Scotorum, p. 577,
Romæ, 1578, 4to; and Sir James Balfour's Annals, Works, vol. i. p. 235.) Under
the year 1560, (see this vol. p. 68,) Knox mentions Friar Black as performing
Mass when the Queen Regent was in the Castle of Edinburgh, notwithstanding
that she was aware of his licentious conduct. Two years later the Town Council
of Edinburgh having apprehended and confined Friar Black "for manifest
adultery," Queen Mary addressed the following letter to the Provost, Baillies,
&c., of Edinburgh, commanding them to deliver the said Friar to the Captain of
the Castle, to remain there till he should be brought to trial:—

"PROVEST, BAILLIES, AND COUNSALE OF EDINBURGH,—It is oure Will, and we

charge zow, that incontinent efter the sicht heirof, ze deliver Freir Johne
Black to the Capitane, Constabill, and Keiparis of oure Castell of
Edinburgh, till be keipit thairintill surelie, unto sic tyme as we haue ordanyt
for the triell of his offences before oure Justice-Generale or his Deputtis;
 and this on na wayis ze leaf undone, as ze will ansuer to ws thairupoun. At
Sanct Androis, the 11th of April 1562.
(Sequitur subscriptio,) "MARIE R."

The records of criminal proceedings furnish no evidence of the Friar having ever
been brought to trial; but this warrant, no doubt, saved him from the punishment
which the Town Council at this time had adjudged to all fornicators, to be
ducked in the North Loch. (See Maitland's Hist. of Edinb. p. 25.)
On the 12th February 1565, Andro Armestrang, and three other burgesses of
Edinburgh, were brought to trial, "delatit of the hurting and wounding of Freir
Johne Blak, betwix his schulderis, to the effusione of his blude, upon the fyft day
of Januar last bypast, betwix aucht and nyne houris at evin, in the Cowgait,
betwix Nwyderis Wynd and the Freir Wynd." (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i.
pp. 475*, 476*.) From another authority, mentioned below, it would seem that
the Friar was killed during the fray in Holyrood, on the same night when Riccio
was murdered.
The transcriber of MS. W, of Knox's History, has introduced some lines, playing
upon the Friar's name, "because he was borne in the Blak Freirs in Edinburgh,
and was a man of Blak personage, called Blak to his name, and one of the
Ordour of Blak Friers;" and in the margin of the MS. he says, "This was added
be me, Tho. Wood, quhilk I heard, thocht not mentioned by Mr. Knox." Mr.
Sharpe, who says, "this copy of verses affords an excellent (?) specimen of the
satirical poetry of the Reformers," has inserted the lines, in a note to Kirkton's
History of the Church, p. 10, Edinb. 1817, 4to.
In a MS. volume of Calderwood's History, written in the year 1636, we find
introduced, as "A description of the Queen's Black Chaplane," a somewhat
different version of the lines referred to:—
"Master Knox relateth, that the Queen Regent herself had a little before
deprehended the said Frier Black with his harlot in the chappel. But
whoordoome and idolatrie agrie weill together. This Frier Black was Black in a
threefold consideration, first in respect of his Order, for he was a Black Frier by
profession; secondlie in respect of his Surname; thirdlie in respect of his Black
workes. Wherupon these black verses following wer made as a black trumpet to
blaze furth all his blacknesses:—
"A certane Black Frier, weill surnamed Black,
 And not nicknam'd: for Black wer all his workes,
In a black houre borne, in all Mack deedes frack;
And of his black craft one of the blackest Clerks;
He took a black whoor to wash his black sarks,
Committing with her black fornication:
Black was his soule to shoote at such black markes;
Frier Black, Black Frier, Black was his vocation."
It may be considered more important to notice, that Black had been promoted by
Archbishop Hamilton, to the place of Second Master in St. Mary's College, St.
Andrews. This fact, not elsewhere recorded, appears from the following grant, in
the Register of Presentations to Benefices:—
"Our Soverane Lord, &c., ordanis this letter under the Previe Seill, ratifiand and
perpetualie confirmand the gift and provisioun maid and grantit be John
Archebishop of Sanct Androis, foundar and erectar of our Lady College, within
the citie of Sanct Androis, to Maister Robert Hamiltoun, then Third Maister of
the said College of the Secund place and Maister thairof, usit to be possessit be
ane theologe (the lyke quhairof he is) vacand be deceis of Johne Black,
Blackfriar, last possessour of the samyn," &c., 12th November 1567. "Subscrivit
at Saint Androis the last day of Maij 1569." (Register of Presentation to
Benefices, vol. i. fol. 25.)
Dempster celebrates Black (præclarus Christi miles) for his eloquence and
opposition to heresy, and for having sealed his constant profession of the faith
with his blood. (Hist. Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum, p. 85.) This alludes to the
fatal termination of the Friar's career, not on the 7th of January 1562, for which
he quotes Lesley, p. 577, but on the 8th March 1565-6, when he was slain on the
night of David Riccio's murder, in Holyrood House. It is singular that no notice
of this should occur in our own historical writers. But Parkhurst, Bishop of
Norwich, in a letter to Buttinger, giving him a summary of passing events, dated
21st August 1566, after noticing the murder of "Signor David, skilled in
necromancy, and in great favour with the Queen of Scots," mentions that Black,
a Dominican Friar, held in great estimation among the Papists, was also killed
that night. But even this grave prelate cannot restrain his humour in reference to
the Friar's name; his words are: "Fraterculus quidam, nomine Blacke (niger,
Swartz,) Papistarum antesignanus, eodem tempore in Aula occiditur.
"Sic Niger hic Nebulo, nigra quoque morte peremptus,
Invitus Nigrum subito descendit in Orcum."
This letter, first published by Burnet, (Hist. Reform., vol. iii. App., p. 360,) is
included in the collection of Zürich Letters, published by the Parker Society, p.
99. London, 1842, 8vo. The translator thus renders the above distich:—
"Seized by black Death, this blacker Knave
Descended to the gloomy grave." (Ib. p. 166.)
 No. V.
NOTICES OF DAVID RICCIO.

IT appears somewhat doubtful whether Knox contemplated giving any detailed

account of Riccio's life: compare vol. i. p. 235, and vol. ii. p. 422. If so, it would
probably not have been so much a narrative of his private history, as an exposure
of the influence which he seems to have exerted in public affairs, tending to the
overthrow of the Reformed Religion. Although we cannot attribute to Knox the
passages in the Fifth Book which relate the murder of Riccio, yet some detached
notices exhibiting his progressive advancement at the Scotish Court, chiefly
derived from the Public Records, may not be considered as out of place in this
Appendix.
DAVID RICCIO, a native of Pancalieri, in Piedmont, was born about the year 1534,
and was first in the service of the Archbishop of Turin. In December 1561, the
Marquis de Morette, the Ambassador of Savoy, arrived in Scotland to
congratulate Queen Mary on her return to her native kingdom. It was in the suite
of the Marquis that Riccio, when about twenty-eight years of age, came to this
country in quality of Secretary. (Labanoff, Recueil des Lettres de Marie Stuart,
Reine d'Ecosse, vol. i. p. 120, vol. vii. pp. 65, 86.) His knowledge of the French
and Italian languages, and his skill in music, recommended him to the Queen's
notice, and led to his permanent residence in Scotland as "virlat," "chalmer-
cheild," or one of the valets of her chamber. In the Treasurer's Accounts in the
early part of the year 1562, we find the following payments:—
1561-2.—"Item, the said day, (viij day of Januar,) be the Quenis Grace precept to
David Ritio, virlat in the Quenis Grace chalmer,
1. lib. (£50.)
1562.—"Item, the xvj day of Aprile, be the Quenis Grace precept to David Ritio,
Italiane, chalmer-cheild, as his acquittance schawin vpoun compt beris,
xv. lib."
These payments seem to have been additions to the annual pension granted to
him by the Queen. In the "Compt of the Collector Generall of the Thirds of
Benefices," for the year 1561, and rendered 18th February 1563-4, we find
among the pensions paid, the following entry:—"And of the soume of threscoir
fivetene pundis, pait be the Comptare to DAVID RYCHEO, Italiane, vallet of the
chalmer, for his zeirlie pensioun, granted to him be the Quenis Majestie, of the
zeir compted, as hir Hienes letters vnder hir subscriptioun, and the said Davidis
acquittance schawin and producit upoun compt proportis,
lxxv. lib."
In 1564, Riccio's salary was £80, paid quarterly; and in December that year, he
was nominated French Secretary to the Queen, in place of Raulet. (Randolph's
Letter to Cecil, 3d December 1564, Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259; and Labanoff,
vol. i. p. 248.) In the Treasurer's Accounts in August 1565, there are numerous
payments made "to David Riccio Secretar," for articles of furniture, dress, &c.,
"be the King and Quenis Graces precept," chiefly for the use of "the Kingis
Grace." He had been an active promoter of the Queen's marriage with Darnley,
which may have contributed to increase his interest at Court. Randolph, in a
letter to Cecil, dated 3d June 1565, uses this strong language:—" David now
worketh all, and is only governor to the King and his family; great is his pride,
and his words intolerable. People have small joy in this new master, and find
nothing but that God must either send him a short end, or them a miserable life.
Tho dangers to those he now hateth are great, and either he must be taken away,
or they find some support, that what he intendeth to others may fall upon
himself." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 291.) It has been said that he was appointed
Keeper of the Great Seal about this time. This undoubtedly is a mistake: see vol.
i. p. 446. But the influence he had obtained, and the prospect that when the
Parliament assembled he might prevail upon the Queen to proceed against the
Earl of Murray and the chief Protestants, in connexion with the foolish jealousy
of her husband, gave rise to that conspiracy which terminated in Riccio's murder
—one of those deeds which disgrace the history of this country.
Referring again to the Treasurer's Accounts, one or two other entries may be
quoted:—
"Item, be the Quenis grace command, the last of Januar [1565-6,] to David
Riccio, for reparatione of his chalmer, as his acquittance schawin upoun compt
beris,

ijc lib. (£200.)"

On the last of February he received, on the Queen's account, £2000 in part
payment of 10,000 merks, for "the dewitie of the Cunzehouse." And after his
death, we find,
"Item, the xxix day of Maij (1566) to ane boy passand of Edinburgh with letters
of our Soueranis, to be deliverit to Robert Commendator of Halierudhouse, to
command and charge all and sindrie personis, intrometteris, havaris,
withhalderis, and detenaris of the horssis quhatsumevir partening to umquhill
DAVID RICCIO, Secretar, to be deliverit to the said Commendator,
ix s."
The Collection of Queen Mary's Letters, formed with almost unexampled care
and zeal by the Prince Alexander Labanoff, includes two long and interesting
dispatches in Italian, (one without date, the other, 8th October 1566,) addressed
to Cosmo Duke of Tuscany, which furnish various particulars both relating to
Riccio's history and the events preceding his murder, on the evening of Saturday
the 9th March 1565-6. "Ah povero Davit, mio buono et fedel servitore, Dio
habbi misericordia di vostra anima!" (Recueil, &c., vol. vii. pp. 65, 86, 93.)
Calderwood repeats what George Buchanan states in his History regarding
Riccio's funeral: "After the flight of the Noblemen from Edinburgh, the Queen
caused to take up in the night Seigneur Davie his corps, which had been buried
before the Abbey kirk doore, and lay it near to Queene Magdalene; which
ministered no small occasioun to the people of bad constructions." (History, vol.
ii. p. 316.)
"A Relation of the Death of David Rizzi, chief favourite of Mary Stuart, Queen
of Scotland; who was killed in the apartment of the said Queen on the 9th March
1565. Written by the Lord Ruthen, one of the principal persons concerned in that
action," was printed at London 1699, 8vo, and has been several times reprinted.
One of these editions, forming part of a volume entitled, "Miscellanea Antiqua
Anglicana," London, 1815, 4to, is accompanied with a portrait of Riccio: It has
much the look of an original by Zucchero, and is "painted on a small circular
pannel; and on the back are rudely cut into the wood the name Davit Rixio, and
the date 1564."
 No. VI.
THE ABBOTS OF CULROSS AND LINDORES IN 1560.

IT is often impossible to identify persons at an early period who held high

ecclesiastical appointments, from only their baptismal names and designations
being given in deeds and the public records. But it is singular that any difficulty
should have been experienced in regard to persons who flourished so late as the
middle of the 16th century. Among the dignified clergy who were present at the
condemnation of Sir John Borthwick for heresy, in May 1540, we find the names
of William Commendator of Culross, and John Abbot of Lindores. Both of these
individuals took their seats as Lords of Session, on the Spiritual side, 5th
November 1544; they had also a seat in Parliament; and both of them having
joined the Reformers, were present when the Confession of Faith was ratified
and approved in August 1560.
I. WILLIAM COMMENDATOR OF CULROSS, 1539-1564.
I have two deeds dated in 1539-40, and 1541, granted by "William
Commendator and Usufructuar of Culross, and John be the permission of God
Abbot of that ilk, and Convent of the samyn," signed, "VILLELMUS
Commendatarius de Culross, JOHANNES COLVILE Abbas," and by "Frater Johannes
Christeson," and the other brethren of the convent. Another deed, dated 20th
March 1564-5, is signed by William Commendator, &c., along with the brethren
of the Convent; John Colville, Abbot, having probably died before this. William
Commendator of Culross filled the office of Comptroller from 1546 to 1550. His
name occurs among the signatures to the Book of Discipline, see page 258. That
the Commendator as well as the Abbot was a Colville might be shown from
several incidental notices. One instance may suffice; in the Register of
Signatures, there is recorded the Confirmation of a pension of £61, 6s. 8d., and
"twenty bollis rynnand met of quheit, granted by umquhill WILLIAME
Commendator of Culross, and Convent thairof, TO MAISTER ROBERT COLVILL
BROTHER TO THE SAID UMQUHILL COMMENDATOR," 15th April 1569.

II. JOHN ABBOT OF LINDORES, 1540-1566.

There is much less certainty in regard to this Abbot. In a deed dated 19th
February 1539-40, John Abbot of Lindoris signs as Coadjutor and Administrator
of the Abbey of Kelso, during the minority of Lord James Stewart
Commendator, who was then under age. In 1540, John Abbot of Lindores had a
seat in Parliament; and four years later he appears as one of the Lords of Session.
In the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh in 1549, he sat as Abbot; and, as
Knox states under the year 1559, (vol. i. p. 392,) having submitted to the
Congregation, he was stigmatized as an apostate. In August 1560, he gave his
sanction to the Confession of Faith. John Commendator of Lindoris is named as
having been present at the meeting of the General Assembly, 25th June 1566, but
probably did no long survive.
In the "Epistolæ Regum Scotorum," there is a letter addressed by John Duke of
Albany, Governor of Scotland, to Pope Hadrian the Sixth, dated 9th March
1521-2, which may assist in ascertaining this point. It states that the venerable
father, Henry Abbot of Lundoris, on account of the increasing infirmities of age,
"ad solicitudines et vigilantiores loci sufferandos labores, præcipuum et
probatum virum JOHANNEM PHILP, inibi professum Monachum Presbyterum,
delegit;" and therefore he had resigned to him the Abbacy, reserving to himself
for life the revenues of this benefice, requesting his Holiness to confirm the said
John Philp as Abbot. "Johannes Philp" appears in the list of Determinants in St.
Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1536; and the following year "M. Johannes
Philp" is included among the Licentiates for the higher degree of Master of Arts.
That this person may have been the son or nephew of the Abbot is by no means
improbable.
It is not ascertained how long Abbot Henry, who sat in Parliament in 1513, may
have survived the appointment of his coadjutor in 1522. That Abbot John may
have held the office for a period of forty-five years, is, at least, a probable
conjecture; and in the absence of more direct proof, that this individual was JOHN
PHILP, it may be noticed that several persons of that name appear connected with
Lindoros for a length of time. Among others, (1.) James Philp of Ormeston,
(who died in 21st January 1579-80,) and Margaret Forrest his spouse, had a
charter of lands in the Grange of Lindores, 24th March 1574. According to his
testament, confirmed 26th April 1583, John Philp, burgess of Newburgh, was his
brother-german, and mention is made of Henry and John Philpis, as his lawfull
barnes. (2.) James Philp, junior, and Margaret Philp his spouse, had a lease of 31⁄2
acres of land in the regality of Lindoris, 18th October 1580. (3.) Letters of
Legitimation of Henry Philp, bastard, natural son of Mr. John Philp in Newtoun
of Lindoris, were granted 10th September 1580. (4.) The same person styled
simply Henry Philp, son of Mr. John Philp in Newburgh, had a charter of five
acres in the Hauch of Lundores in Fife, 21st December 1592.
III. JOHN BISHOP OF ROSS AND ABBOT OF LINDORES, 1560.
A few particulars may be added respecting another Abbot of Lindoris, who was
much more distinguished both in his literary and political career—JOHN LESLEY,
Bishop of Ross. He was born 29th September 1527. Knox, at page 141 of this
volume, calls him "a priest's gett," or bastard; and this assertion is fully
confirmed by some original documents which Bishop Keith examined, showing
that he was the natural son of Gawin Lesley, parson of Kingussie in Badenoch,
and Official of the See of Murray. In 1537, John Lesley obtained a dispensation,
notwithstanding the defect of his birth, to become a clergyman. He was inducted
to a canonry in the Cathedral Church of Aberdeen and Ellon in August 1550. He
then spent four years abroad, in the study of the civil and canon laws in the
University of Poictiers; and was created a Doctor of Laws at Paris. He returned
to Scotland in April 1554; four years later, in April 1558, he was appointed
Official at Aberdeen; and in July 1559, he was inducted to the parsonage,
canonry, and prebend of Oyne. In April 1561, he was deputed, on the part of the
Roman Catholic party, to invite the Queen to Scotland, after the death of Francis
the Second. He returned to Leith in the same vessel with her; and for a period of
upwards of twenty years continued one of the most active and zealous adherents
and assertors of the rights and character of his Royal Mistress. On the 19th
January 1563-4, he took his seat as a Lord of Session, by his designation as
Parson of Oyne. Soon afterwards he obtained the Abbacy of Lindores in
commendam; and upon the death of Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, having been
promoted to the vacant See, his appointment was confirmed in April 1566.
Among the various documents relating to John Lesley parson of Oyne, and
afterwards Bishop of Ross, of which Keith has given some account, is one, No.
7, which, if correctly stated, would have shown that the name of the Abbot, his
immediate predecessor, was also John Lesley. It will be seen, however, that this
is a mistake. Having obtained a sight of the original paper, which is written in a
small hand, and full of contractions, it may be described as a petition intimating
in the usual form, that JOHN, ABBOT OF THE MONASTERY OF LINDORIS, of the Order
of St. Benedict, in the diocese of St. Andrews, had resigned the Abbacy in
favour of JOHN LESLIE, Clerk in the diocese of Murray, and a Doctor of both
Laws, who had a seat on the bench as one of the Lords of Council in Scotland.
To this added the fiat ut petitur, granting Lesley a dispensation to hold this
benefice in commendam. It is dated "Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sexto Kal.
Martij, Anno Primo." That this was during the first year of the Pontificate of Pius
V., (who was elected on the 7th, and crowned on the 17th January 1565-66,) is
evident from the document itself, which refers to letters in favour of Lesley, "by
Henry and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland," thus fixing the date to the 24th
February 1566.
In June following, John Bishop of Ross, and Commendator of Lindores,
obtained a Royal mandate, and took an active part in regard to the confirmation
of various feu-farms of lands pertaining to the Abbey of Lindores. In the letter
describing Riccio's murder and the Queen's conduct, addressed to the Council of
England by the Earl of Bedford and Sir Thomas Randolph, the 27th March 1566,
it appears that Bishop Lesley, along with his colleague James Balfour, Parson of
Flisk, was that night in Holyrood,—"Atholle had leave of the Kinge, with Flyske
and Landores, (who was lately called Lyslaye, the Parson of Ovne,) to go where
they wolde; and being convoide oute of the courte," &c. (Wright's Queen
Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 229.)
The latter portion of Bishop Lesley's life is well known, and need not be detailed
—his imprisonment in England in 1571—his long residence in different parts of
the continent, and his death near Brussels on the 31st May 1596, in the sixty-
ninth year of his age. See in particular the account of his life and writings, by Dr.
Irving in his "Lives of Scotish Writers," vol. i. p. 122, &c.

 GLOSSARY.
A

Aback, to hold or keep back.

Abaid, abode.

Abnegation, denial.

Abone, abuif, above.

Abyid, abide.

Addettit, indebted.

Adjonit, adjoined.

Advoutrie, adultery.

Affray, terror.

Affrayid, frightened.

Afoir, afore, before.

Aggreage, aggravate.

Agylytye, agility.

Aiges, ages.

Aithis, oaths.

Aittis, oats.
Alane, alone.

Alay, walk, alley.

Allanerlie, solely, only.

Alluterlie, entirely, wholly.

Almany, Germany.

Almous, almouse, alms.

Als, alse, as, also.

Althocht, although.

Alwise, always.

Amangis, amongst.

Ambassade, embassy.

An, if.

Ane, one, a.

Anefold, onefold, sincere.

Anent, touching, concerning.

Anes, anis, once.

Aneuche, enough.

Appeiris, appears.

Appell, appeal.

Appone (for oppone,) oppose.

Appreve, approve.

Arguessin, lieutenant of a galley.

Armite, hermit.

Art and part, aider and abetter.

Assistaris, assisters.

Astonyed, astonished.

Attour, besides, beyond, moreover.

Aucht, aught, ought.

Aucht, awght, eight.

Auditure, auditoure, auditory.

Aughtand, owing.

Aughtein, eighteen.

Auld, old.

Auncestouris, ancestors.

Avoid, remove, evacuate.

Avoutrie, adultery.

Aw, doth owe.

Awaitand, waiting.

Awin, own.
Ay, aye, always, evermore.

Ayre and laitt, early and late.

Backis (to give), to retreat, to turn their backs.

Baikin, baken.

Baith, both.

Baldness, boldness.

Balling, revelling.

Banded, joined together, combined.

Bannis, bans.

Barnes, bairnes, child, children, also pupils.

Bauldlie, boldly.

Bawbie, a halfpenny.

Bayr, bore.

Bayre, bear.

Beand, being.

Bear, beer.

Beck, bow down.

Begouth, began.
Begynand, beginning.

Beiris, bears.

Belyiffit, believed.

Belyve, speedily, in a little time.

Beseik, beseech.

Besiness, business.

Besyde, near hand, by, with.

Bigane, bygone.

Bigged, biggit, built.

Bill, indytement, letter, petition.

Birsit, bruised, pressed.

Birst, burst, broke.

Blawe, blawin, blow, blown.

Boddom, bottom.

Boit, boat.

Bolden, boldened, to swell, swollen, embolden.

Boosome, besom.

Bordell, brothel.

Bordouris, the Borders.

Bosses, drunkards.
Bot, but.

Bourd, jest.

Bow, bowes, an arched gate, gates.

Bowes, Papal Bulls.

Boyth, both.

Brack, broke.

Bragg, braggis, boast, boasting.

Braid, broad.

Braid, breid, bread.

Brede, breed.

Brek, breach.

Brek, separate.

Breke, break.

Brethir, brothers, brethren.

Breve, brief.

Brig, bridge.

Brocht, brought.

Brod, board.

Broillie, disturbance.
Browen, brewed.

Bruikit, enjoyed.

Bruited, reported.

Bruittis, bruytis, reports.

Bruke, bruik, enjoy.

Brunt, brynt, burned.

Bucheowris, bowcheouris, butchers.

Buddis, buds, blossoms.

Buddis, bribes.

Buffatis, blows.

Buikis, books.

Buirdeit, boarded.

Buist, buistis, box, chest.

Buist, (for browst,) brewing.

Burding, bourding, jesting.

Burn his bill, make recantation.

Burstit, burst.

But, without.

Buttis, bootis, butts.

Byding, staying, waiting.

Bylle, bill.

Byrunne, bypast, bygone.

Byrse, bristle, used metaphorically for the beard.

Cagots, an unfortunate race of people in the Pyrenees, included by French

writers among the Races maudîtes.

Cair, care.

Cairtis, cards.

Cais, case.

Cald, cold.

Calsay, causeway.

Cammoise, canvas, coarse linen.

Camped, encamped.

Campionnes, champions.

Cannabie, canopy.

Carcageis, carcasses.

Cartit, carted, exposed as a malefactor.

Carvit, carved.

Cassin, cassein, cast.

Cassit, set aside.

Cauldness, coldness.

Cautioner, surety.

Cayr, care.

Ceis, ceissit, cease, ceased.

Censement, judgment, opinion.

Certane (a), certain number.

Certes, truly, of a truth.

Chalmer-cheild, valet-de-chambre.

Chayre (open), pulpit, public place.

Cheaf, sheaf.

Cheinzies, chains.

Cheise, cheisit, choose, choosed.

Chymlay, grate, chimney.

Claw-backs, flatterers.

Clengeit, acquitted, cleansed.

Cleything, cloathing.

Clois, close.

Cloiss, court, narrow lane, inclosure.

Clud, cloud.
Cockle, a weed abounding chiefly in corn-fields.

Coft, bought.

Cohort, exhort.

Cold, could.

Collationat, collated, examined word by word.

Colourit, pretended, apparent.

Commend, a benefice in commendam.

Commendatar, Commendator, who enjoys the rents of an Abbacy or other

Benefice.

Commoun, common.

Community, commonality.

Companyounis, companions.

Compeir, appear.

Compone, agree.

Compt, comptis, account, accounts.

Comptit, reckoned, accounted.

Conjured, sworn.

Consaif, conceive.

Consignit, consigned, safely deposited.

Consuetude, custom.
Contraryes, opposers, contradictors.

Contynew, continue.

Convenit, convened, assembled, met together.

Conveyit, conveyed.

Conzie-house, the coining or mint-house.

Conzied, coined.

Cope, covering.

Corse, corpse.

Coule, cowll, a cowl or cap.

Coup, cowp, cup.

Cowhuby, cowherd.

Cowpit up, turned upside down.

Craftis, craftsmen.

Craig, craggis, rock, rocks.

Craig, throat.

Crazit, infirm.

Creatit, created.

Creillis, crealles, panniers, or wicker-baskets.

Crock, a kind of musket.

Croppin, crept.

Crown of the Sun, a gold coin of the valve of 18s.

Cullorit, pretended, coloured.

Cullroun, silly fellow.

Culveringis, firelocks.

Cumed, cumit, come, proceeded.

Cummer, trouble.

Cunning, skilful, knowing.

Cunzie to be cunzeit, money to be coined.

Cursing, excommunication.

Dadding, beating, knocking.

Dagg, a pistol.

Dagged, shot thickly.

Dalye, daily.

Dampne, damne, condemn.

Dantoun, intimidate.

Darnell, a common weed.

Debtful, due, indebted.

Debtfully, duly.

Decernit, adjudged, decreed.

Decoir, decorate.

Decreyt, decree.

Decydit, decided.

Deid, death;
deid, died.

Deidis, deeds, or doings.

Delatioun, accusation.

Delaytit, delatit, accused, summoned.

Demanit, ill used.

Denude, resign, take away.

Depesche, depeches, dispatch, dispatches.

Deponar, deponent.

Deposed, laid down.

Deprehended, taken, apprehended.

Derthing, dearth, scarcity.

Desone, dozen.

Desparat, desperate, hopeless.

Desyres, desires.
Dettis, debts.

Devulgatt, divulged.

Dey, die.

Dictament, dictation.

Dicton, a motto, inscription.

Din, noise.

Ding, defeat, drive, overcome.

Disaguisit, disguised.

Dispite, grudge.

Dispone, dispose.

Dissait, deceit.

Disseased, died, deceased.

Divagatioun, wandering.

Divulgat, divulged.

Dochtir, dowchter, daughter.

Domage, damage.

Dome, domme, dumb.

Dome, doom.

Dong, dung, driven, beat down;

doung back, driven back.
Dontibouris.—Dr. Jamieson explains this, probably courtezans.

Dortour, a sleeping place or dormitory.

Dote, dowry.

Dotit, dotted, endowed.

Doun-thring, pull down, oppress.

Doutis, doubts.

Doutit, doubted.

Dow (can), can effect.

Dowbill, double, copy.

Draw-brig, draw-bridge.

Drawin, drawn.

Dreddouris, fears, terrors.

Dress, manage, prepare.

Dressit, addressed.

Dryft of tyme, lapse of time.

Duck, Duke.

Duiris, duris, durris, doors.

Dule-wead, mourning-garments.

Dytit, dictated.

Dytement, dittay, indictment.

Dyke, wall, fence.

Effauld, anefald, honest, sincere.

Effayres, affairs.

Effectuous, effectual.

Effeiris, concerns.

Effeiris (as), as accords.

Effray, confusion, fear.

Effrayit, afraid, frightened.

Eftir, after.

Eik, eikit, add, added.

Eik (an), an addition.

Eikand, adding.

Eird, erd, earth.

Eirdit, buried.

Eirdly, earthly.

Eis, eyis, eyes.

Eit, eat.

Ellis, ells, already, also.

Embassade, embassage.

Eme, uncle, kinsman.

Emonge, emongis, among, amongst.

Empeach, empesch, oppose, hinder.

Empreasonment, imprisonment.

Ensenzie, standard, banner.

Enteress, interest.

Entres, entrance, access.

Ere, before.

Erst, already.

Eschape, escape.

Eschaipit, escaped.

Escheitts, escheats.

Eschewit, avoided.

Esperance, hope, expectation.

Espye, perceive, to behold.

Espyellis, spies.

Estaitis, estates.

Estimett, esteemed.
Evangell, Gospel.

Evinly, fair, honest, equal.

Ewest, towards, nearest.

Exerce, exercise.

Exonerit, cleared, acquitted.

Expone, expose, explain.

Exprimit, exprymit, expressed, mentioned.

Extingeise, extinguish.

Extrye, axle-tree.

Fader, father.

Fais, foes.

Falcone, a cannon.

Falsett, falsehood.

Fand, found.

Fard, ardour, violence.

Farder, further.

Fashous, troublesome.

Fassoun, fashion.
Faught, fawght, fought.

Feads, feuds.

Feallis, dependants.

Fecht, ficht, fight.

Feir, fere, foiris, fear, fears.

Fenzie, feign.

Fenzeit, feigned, dissembled.

Ferd, feird, fourth.

Ferses, pageants.

Fertour, a little chest, or coffer.

Fest, fast.

Figowreis, figures, types.

Flambis, flammes, flames.

Fleyed, frightened.

Flingaris, dancers.

Flyrt and flyre, mock and deride.

Fole, foal.

Foranent, over-against.

Forbearis, ancestors.

Forder, promote, further, set forward.

Forespake, foirspak, foretold.

Forgeit, forged.

Forgett, forgotten.

Forgevance, forgiveness.

Forrow, foray.

Forsamekill, for as much.

Forsuith, truly, indeed, verily.

Foryett, forget, forgot.

Foursum, some four.

Fowsee, fowsees, foss, ditches.

Frack, bold, resolute;

maid frack, made ready, prepared.

Fracklie, stoutly, boldly.

Fray, fright, panic.

Frear, friar.

Freisit, frozen.

Fruct, fructis, fruit, fruits.

Fuillis, fools.

Fule, fool.

Fulische, foolish.
Furiouris, scouts, also a foraging party.

Fute, futt, foot.

Fye, fie, fee.

Fylit, guilty.

Ga, go.

Gadder, gather.

Gaitt, street, or way.

Galayis, gallayis, galleys.

Gamound, gawmound, gambol.

Gang, gangand, went, going.

Gangand against, complaining of, opposing.

Gangis, goes, or leads to.

Garneyshed, adorned, garrisoned.

Gar, gart, made, compelled, caused.

Garreson, garrison.

Gat, got.

Gawfe, burst of laughter.

Gear, wealth, possessions.

Gefe, geve, gif, gave.

Gernall, girnall, granary.

Gett, bastard.

Gevin, gives.

Gif, if.

Gin, if.

Glister, lustre.

Gloudouris, in a state of ill humour.

Glowming, frowning.

Gluffis, gloves.

Goddis woundis, a profane oath.

Gois, goes.

Good-night, to take farewell.

Gracis, graces.

Graith, harness, wares, furniture.

Grandschir, grandfather.

Greis, degrees.

Greit, salute.

Greit, greitting, weep, weeping.

Greitness, grandeur.

Greitomlie, greatly.

Grit, great.

Gude, guidis, good, goods.

Gudlie, conveniently.

Guitchir, grandfather by the mother's side.

Gyrth, sanctuary.

Habilitie, ability, capacity.

Hable, able, qualified.

Hackquebote, haquebute, hagbut, a kind of short musket.

Haif, have.

Haill, hoill, whole.

Hailsome, wholesome.

Haillely, wholly.

Haistyet, made haste.

Hait, haitterent, hatred.

Haldin, held, detained.

Halse, throat.
Hame, home.

Hamesuckin, a law term for beating or assaulting a person within his own
house.

Happit, hoppid, leaped, skipped.

Hard, heard.

Hard-heidis, name of a small coin.

Harle, drag, draw.

Havand, having.

Hecht, promised.

Hechtis, vows.

Heich, high.

Heichar, higher.

Heid, head.

Heiranent, therein.

Heirfoir, therefore.

Helas, alace.

Helsumness, wholesomeness, health.

Helvetia, Switzerland.

Herbrie, harbour.

Herschip, hereschipe, depredation, a plundering expedition.

Hes, has.

Hie, he.

Hie, high.

Hie-gate, high-street.

Hingis, hangs.

Hipoticary, apothecary.

Hoggish, harsh, swinish.

Hoise, hose.

Hole, holesum, whole, wholesome.

Holy, hollie, wholly.

Homlock, hemlock.

Hoore, whore.

Hoppeit, leaped.

Horne, put to the horn, denounced a rebel.

Hot, heat.

Humill, humilly, humble, humbly.

Ilk, every.

Illuster, illustrious.
Impesch, hinder, prevent.

Impyre, bear rule, govern.

Incertaine, uncertain.

Inch, small isle, or island.

Incke, ink.

Incontinent, forthwith.

Incredulitie, unbelief.

Increse, increase.

Induration, hardness.

Indurat, indureit, hardened, impenitent.

Induring, during.

Inemitie, enmity.

Inflamb, inflame.

Inflambed, inflammed, inflamed.

Ingrait, ungrateful.

Ingynis, ingenuity.

Inbabill, unable, disable.

Inlaik, inlake, deficient, want, absence.

Inquiett, disquiet.

Insamekill, insomuch.
Insew, ensue.

Intrappit, insnared.

Intromittit, intrometted, meddled with.

Intrused, intruded.

Irons (prenting), instruments for coining.

Ische, the act of coming out, passing forth.

Jacks, quilted garments for defence, coat-of-mail.

Jackmen, armed followers.

Jefwellis, knaves, or a contemptuous expression, equivalent to "jailbird," derived

from javel, jeffell, jail or prison.

Joiss, joyse, enjoy.

Jouk, stoop down.

Jow the bell, toll the bell.

Joyousite, pleasure.

Justifieing to the dead, executed, put to death.

Keching, kitchen.

Ken, know.
Kendillit, kendilled, kindled.

Kennand, inticing, directing.

Kepid, kept.

Ketterelles, base fellows.

Kirk, church.

Knapped, struck.

Knapscall, a covering for the head, a head-piece.

Knaw, know.

Knawlegand, knowing.

Knycht, knight.

Kow, cow.

Kyn, kindred, kin.

Kystis, chests.

Kythed, shown, exhibited.

Lack, laik, want.

Laif, loaf.

Laik, want, deficiency.

Laird, (sometimes written Lord,) a landholder, under the degree of a Knight.

Lakeing, lacking, wanting.

Lang, long.

Langis, towards.

Lapp up, leaped up.

Lap in, leaped in.

Lappit, wrapped up, enclosed.

Lassour, leisure.

Latt, forbear.

Lauchfull, lawful.

Lave, leave.

Lawis, laws.

Lawly, lawlie, lowly.

Lefull, leichfull, lawful.

Leif, leave.

Leif, as leif, willing.

Leill, true, honest.

Leis, lyes.

Leisingis, falsehoods.

Lentron, time of Lent.

Leprouse, lepers, afflicted with leprosy.

Less-age, non-age, under-age.

Lestand, lasting.

Lestit, lasted.

Lesum, lawful.

Lettin down, let down.

Levand, living.

Levely, lively.

Lever, rather.

Levis, lives.

Leving, living.

Leyaris, liars.

Lichtness, levity, merriment.

Lifting, exacting, levying.

Limmis, limbs.

Lippin, depend, rely upon.

Lois, loss.

Loppin, leapt.

Lothesomness, very loath, unwillingness.

Loup, leap.
Loveabill, laudable, allowable, lawful.

Lovittis, beloved.

Lowsitt, loosed.

Ludgeit, lodged.

Lufe, luif, love

Luifsome, lovely.

Luifer, lover.

Luik, look.

Luiking, looking.

Lyck, lyked, lick, licked.

Lycour, liquor.

Lyek, lyik, lycke, like.

Lyeff, lyff, life.

Lymmaris, an opprobrious term, vagabonds.

Lyne, lain.

Lytill, little.

Mack, maik, make.

Maid, made.
Maikis, makes.

Maill, rent, duty.

Mair, more.

Makand, making.

Malhure, malleure, misfortune.

Mallapert, arrogant, presumptuous.

Man, maun, must.

Manassingis, menaings, threatenings.

Mank, deficient, imperfect.

Manrent (bond of), engagement of a vassal to his superior.

Marcat-croce, market-cross.

Mark, merk, a silver coin of the value of 13s. 4d. Scotish money, or 1s. 11⁄3d.
sterling.

Marmouset, a little monkey.

Marrow, mate, fellow, companion.

Matynes, matins, morning prayers.

Meary, mearely, merry, merrily.

Meddill, middle.

Mekle, meikle, much.

Mell, meddle.
Mensworn, perjured.

Ment, meant.

Menzie, crowd of followers.

Met, measure.

Metar, meeter, more proper.

Minister, administer.

Minstrel, musician.

Minzeonis, minions.

Mirk, dark.

Mister, myster, need.

Mo, more.

Moder, mother.

Moist, most.

Mon, must.

Monifould, manifold.

Mony, many.

Morn, next day.

Morrion, a steel cap or helmet.

Mote, may, might.

Movit, moved.

Moyen, interest, power.

Mummeris, jesters.

Murmour, regret, murmur.

Myddis, midst.

Mylnes, mills.

Mynded, proposed.

Mynt, aim at, essay.

Na, no.

Nakit, naked.

Namit, named.

Narrest, nearest.

Naturall, disposition, affection.

Ne, nor.

Nellis, fists.

Nevelling, blows with the fists.

Ney, nigh.

Nocht, not.
Nor, than.

Notour, notorious, well known.

Noumer, number.

Nowther, nor, neither.

Nuik, corner.

Nune, noon.

Nuriss, nurse, also nourish.

Nychtbour, neighbour.

Nychtis, nights.

Obleyst, obliged.

Oblissand, obliging.

Oblisse, oblige.

Of befoir, frequently, oft before.

Officiaris, officers.

Ofter, often.

Ones, once.

Onless, unless.

Ony, any.
Oppin, open.

Oppinit, opened.

Oppone, opponeing, oppose, opposing.

Or, before.

Oraison, oration.

Outher, either.

Oulk, week.

Oure, owre, over.

Over-thorte, across.

Owerluikit, overlooked.

Owerquhelm, overwhelm.

Pacocke, peacock.

Paip, Pope.

Palycanis, pavilions.

Palzeoun, pavilion.

Pane, pains, labour.

Pannel, a criminal, or person impeached.

Pareiss, parish.
Parochinaris, parishioners.

Parson, person.

Pasche, Easter.

Pasche-evin, Easter-eve.

Pasementit, laced.

Patrocinye, patronage.

Patron, skipper, master of a vessel.

Pauckis, cunning, sly practices, artifice.

Paynis, pains.

Peir, pier, equal.

Peregryne, stranger, foreigner.

Phrenesy, insanity, phrenzy.

Pickis, pikes.

Pik, pitch.

Placeboes, parasites, applauders.

Plack, a small coin, the third of a penny sterling.

Plaiges, pledges, hostages.

Platt, plan or model.

Platt, plot.

Playnit, complained.
Pleinyeing, complaining.

Plenzeit, complained.

Pleuch, plough.

Pock, polkis, bag, bags.

Policy, polity, form of government.

Pollicie, device.

Portis, posts, gates.

Pose, poise, hoard, money in store.

Posted, postit, sent, communicated.

Postis, messengers.

Pottingar, apothecary.

Poulder, powder.

Practick, practises.

Praysit, praised.

Prease, press.

Preassit, attempted.

Prechouris, preachers.

Preichit, preached.

Preif, proof.
Presoneris, prisoners.

Prevented, preceded, going before.

Princes, princess.

Proclamit, proclaimed.

Proctours, procurators, proxies.

Proiffit, proved.

Promittis, engages, promises.

Proporte, purport.

Propyne, offering.

Propyned, gift presented.

Provents, revenues.

Provyd, providing.

Puir, pure, poor.

Puneist, punist, punished.

Pynouris, workmen, pioneers.

Quatt, quit, relinquish.

Querrel, quarrel, cause, interest.

Quhair, where.
Quhairas, whereas.

Quhais, quhois, whose.

Quhame, whom.

Quharintill, wherein.

Quhat, what.

Quhidder, whither.

Quhilk, which.

Quhill, until.

Quhilum, sometimes, deceased.

Quhow, how.

Quhynger, hanger, a short broad-sword.

Quick, living.

Quitclaimis, absolves, renounces.

Raccompt, account.

Raid, foray, border excursion.

Raid, rode.

Rainzeis, reins.

Raiss, rose.
Rakeless, rash.

Rapper, rapier.

Rasit, raised.

Rawishe, ravish.

Rayd, rode, or expedition.

Reacomteris, rencounters.

Rebellours, rebels.

Reciproce, reciprocal.

Recklessnes, rashness.

Reclamit, proclaimed.

Recule, recoil, fall back.

Reculling, falling back.

Red, read.

Rede, advice, counsel.

Reft, ravaged.

Refusand, refusing.

Regardand, regarding.

Regentrie, regency.

Regiment, government.

Reid, rode.
Reif, ravage, theft.

Reifeit, plundered.

Remanent, remainder.

Remeid, remedy.

Remit, remission.

Repugn, impugn.

Resett, receive, harbour.

Resolute, consonant, agreeable to.

Ressait, receipt.

Ressavit, received.

Retearis, retires.

Revocalit, recalled.

Rewill, rule.

Rewyne, ruin.

Reyll, reel, stagger.

Ring, reign.

Rive, tear, rend.

Roose, praise, commend.

Roundit, whispered.
Roung, reigned.

Rowme, place.

Rowpit, cracked.

Rubberie, robbery.

Ruit, root.

Ruse, boast.

Rycht, right.

Rynnis, runs.

Ryped, searched.

Ryvar, ryvere, river.

Ryve, tear.

Sa, so.

Saccage, spoil or pillage.

Sacrate, consecrated.

Sackless, guiltless.

Sacklesslie, innocently, without guile.

Saddest, very sad, or melancholy.

Sair, sore.
Sait, throne.

Salfgard, safeguard.

Sall, shall.

Saltable, open to assault.

Samin, same.

Sanctis, saints.

Sark, shirt.

Saule, saulis, soul, souls.

Sawin, sown.

Scabruslie, doubtfully.

Scaillis, scaling-ladders.

Schaike, shake.

Schavellings, a term of contempt applied to Churchmen having their heads

shaved.

Schaw, schawis, show, shows.

Schawin, shown.

Scho, she.

Schone, shoes.

Schopped, chopped, struck.

Schot, shot.
Schote, schuitt, shoot.

Schuik, shook.

Schybaldis, scybaldis, mean, worthless fellows.

Schyftis, shifts.

Sclait, sclaittis, slate, slates.

Scouparis, skippers, dancers.

Scrippit, mocked, derided.

Seallie, sely, silly, helpless.

Secritar, secretary.

Seidgit, besieged.

Seik, sick.

Seill, seillis, seal, seals.

Semblabile, like.

Sen, then, thereafter.

Sen, sensyne, since.

Send, sent.

Senzie, synod, assembly.

Serk, shirt.

Sers, search.

Servitouris, servants, attendants.

Sew, saw, sow, disperse.

Sey, sea.

Seym, seem.

Schir, sir.

Schored, threatened.

Schort space, for a small way.

Schyris, shires, counties.

Sic, sick, such.

Sicht, sight.

Sicklyke, also.

Side, signifies long, when applied to wearing apparel.

Sindered, parted, separated.

Singular, single.

Skaill, disperse, separate.

Skair, fright.

Skairse, scarce.

Skaith, harm, prejudice, hurt, damage.

Skaithless, blameless, harmless.

Skarslie, sparingly.
Skeife, powerful, well provided? probably from skaff, food, provision.

Skooft, mocked, scoft.

Skrimpled, scorched.

Skruiff, applied to money that is both thin and base.

Slap, slop, breach or broken.

Slepand, sleeping.

Slockened, quenched.

Slogorne, war-cry.

Smaikis, mean, pusillanimous fellows.

Smored, smothered.

Smote, blot or stain.

Smyrk, smile.

Snapparis, stumbles.

Sned, pruned, lopped off.

Snouttis, heads, beaks of vessels.

Socht, sought.

Soldartis, soldiers.

Solempn, solemn.

Solempnizat, solemnized.

Solist, solicitous, careful, eager.

Solistaris, solicitors.

Soliste, solicite.

Somer, summer.

Sone, soon.

Sone, sun.

Sonnar, sonner, sooner.

Sowmis, soumeis, sums.

Sowp, souppit, sup, supped.

Sowped, souppit, swept.

Sowtar, shoemaker.

Spack, spake.

Spanes, Spanish.

Sparsit, sparsed, spread abroad, circulated.

Speirit, asked, inquired.

Speris, spears.

Splentis, armour for the legs.

Sponk, spark.

Spreat, Spreit, the Holy Spirit.

Spulzie, spoils.
Spulzeit, spuilzeid, spoiled, plundered.

Spune, horn-spoon.

Spurtill, a wooden stick used for stirring pottage when boiling.

Stableis, establish.

Stabillis, stables.

Stall, stole.

Stammered, staggered, or thrown down.

Stane, stainis, stone, stones.

Stark, strong.

Stark money, good coin.

Stay, hindrance.

Steik, shut.

Steikand, shutting.

Steir thair taills, bestir themselves.

Sticked, run through.

Stogged, stabbed.

Stoir, store.

Stoole, stuill, pulpit.

Stope, hindrance.

Stowth, theft.
Stracking saill, shortening sail.

Strakis, straikis, blows.

Strang, strong.

Strowit, covered, strewed.

Stryck, strike.

Strykin—the field was strykin, fought, the battle was fought.

Sturt, disturbance, grief, trouble.

Styff (haldeth), holdeth fast.

Stylit, stiled, designed.

Sua, so.

Subdittis, subjects.

Subscryve, subscribe.

Subscrivit, subscryving, subscribed, subscribing.

Suddartis, soldiers.

Sueir, swear.

Suir, sure.

Suld, should.

Sum, some.

Sumquhat, somewhat.
Suppostis, followers, adherents.

Surfett, surface.

Suyttis, suytit, suits, solicited.

Suyting, soliciting.

Swash, a drum.

Sweard, sweardis, sword, swords.

Swongeoris, drones, sluggards.

Swynge, rule.

Syndre, sundry.

Syne, afterwards.

Sythense, since.

Tabornes, tabors.

Tack, take.

Tackin, taikin, taking.

Taigill, retard, hinder, entangle.

Take, taken.

Takinnis, taikinnis, tokens.

Takkis, leases.
Tanted, taunted, reproached.

Tants, taunts.

Targetting of thair tailles, bordering their gowns with tassels.

Tarie, stay.

Teiris, tears.

Tendernes of blood, proximity of blood.

Teythes, tythes.

Thai, they.

Thairfoir, therefore.

Thairfrae, from thence.

Thak, thatch.

Tham, them.

Thare, thair, there.

Thei, these.

Theiranent, thereabout.

The self, itself.

Thinkand, thinking.

Thir, these.

Thocht, though, although.

Thole, thoill, thoillis, suffer, undergo, endures.

Thrall, enslave, overcome.

Thriddis, thrid, third, third part.

Thrist, thristit, longing, desired.

Throcht, throwght, through.

Thrustit, thirsted.

Thyne, thence.

Tickattis, placards.

Till, to, unto.

Tint, lost.

Tirrit, teased, stript.

Tolbouth, the prison, also the place where sometimes the Courts of Justice sat.

Toome, tume, empty.

Tor of the chyre, arm of the chair.

Towartis, towards, to.

Traist, trust.

Trap, entrap.

Travailled, endeavoured, laboured.

Trawall, travaill, travel.

Treatie, treatise.
Tressoun, treason.

Trow, believe.

Tryist, appointment.

Tryit, tryed.

Trynschis, trenches.

Trysting, appointing.

Tuck, tuick, took.

Tuich, tueich, touch.

Turnpike, winding stairs.

Turse, carry, (in bundles or turses.)

Tweiched, tweiching, touched, touching.

Tweich-stone, touch-stone.

Tykis (mastif), mastiff dogs.

Tymmer, timber.

Tymous, betimes, early.

Tyne, lose.

Tynsall, loss.

Tynt, lost.

Tyran, tyrant.

Tytillis, tiths.
U

Umquhill, late, deceased.

Uncunzeit, uncoined.

Underly, lie under, undergo.

Understand, understood.

Unhap, unhappy, unhappiness.

Unhappe, misfortune, mischance.

Unknawin, unknown.

Unleisum, unlawful.

Upfall, what casts up, an incident.

Uphald, uphold.

Utermaist, uttermost.

Utheris, others.

Uttermost prick, extreme point, the smallest iota.

Utwith, without.

Vaik, vaking, vacant.

Valable, valid.
Valour, value.

Veray, verray, very.

Veseit, visited.

Vincust, vanquished.

Visie, visit.

Vissorne, mark.

Vivaris, viweris, provisions, victuals.

Voce, voces, voice, voices.

Voit, vote.

Wadset, wodset, mortgaged.

Wae, sorrowful, grieved.

Wait, God wait, wot, God knows.

Walkryfe, watchful, careful.

Walkynit, walknit, awaked out of sleep.

Wan, did win.

Wan-weird, bad or ill fortune.

Wappinis, weapons.

War, were.
War, worse.

Wardill, warld, world.

Wardit, in ward or custody.

Wark, work.

Was, in the singular number oftentimes for were.

Wat-nocht, understood not.

Wayit, weighed, considered.

Wecht, weight.

Wedder, weather.

Weddir, sheep.

We do you wit, know ye.

Weill, weall, well, welfare.

Weris, wars.

Wes, was.

Weseing, visiting, viewing.

Weyit, weighed, considered.

Whais, whose.

While, whill, until.

Whilk, which.

Whill, a while, for a time.

Whinger, a short broad-sword.

Whyder, whether.

Wief, wieffis, wife, wives.

Wirk, work.

Wirking, working.

Wirschep, worship.

Wissit, wished.

Witt, wyte, blame.

Wod, mad.

Wold, would.

Wolter, overturn.

Wousche, washed.

Wowaris, wooers.

Wraitt, wrett, wrote.

Wrak, wrong, undoing.

Wretar, writer.

Wrocht, wrought.

Wyif, wife.

Wynd, wind, street, lane.

Wyndock, window.

Wyning, gaining.

Wyrk, work.

Wyrschipping, worshipping.

Wyseit, wysit, visited, viewed.

Wyte, blame.

Yaird, yard.

Ydill, idle.

Ye, ye, you, yea.

Yea, yea.

Yead, yeid, went.

Yeid, went.

Yeiris, years.

Yerne, yrn, iron.

Yett, yettis, gate, gates.

Yett, yit, yet.

Yle, isle, island.

Yillis (the), the Isles.

Yneuche, ynewcht, enough.

Yond syd, the other side.

Ypocreit, hypocrite.

Ys, is.

Yscheare, usher.

Ytt, it.

Yule, Youle, Yuile, Christmas.


 INDEX OF PERSONS.
A

Aberbothok, Commendator of, v. Hamilton, Lord John.

Aberdeen, Bishop of, v. Dunbar.

Adamson, Elizabeth, wife of James Barroun, 246, 247.

Adamson, William, 97.

Aikman, Francis, 97.

Airthe, Friar William, 36, 39, 41.

Alareit, Hermit of, v. Thomas.

Alasco, John, 213.

Alesius, Alexander, 55. App. 526.

Allemagne, (Germany,) Princes of, II. 56.

Amiens, Bishop of, (Nicholas de Pelleve,) 396, 398, 415, 422, 425.

Anderson, Mr. Alexander, Principal of King's College, II. 138, 140.

Anderson, William, 118.

Angus, Archibald, Earl of, 77, 78, 111, 120, 173, 180, 211, 212, 217.

Annan, Dean John, 188.

Anstruther, Capt. Robert, II. 330.

Arbuckill, Gray Friar, 197, 199.

Areskine, v. Erskine.

Argyle, Archibald fourth Earl of, 93, 108, 211, 217, 253, 274, 276-290.

Argyle, Archibald Lord Lorn, fifth Earl of, 249, 256, 268, 274, 294, 337, 341,
345, 347, 350, 353, 358, 360, 369, 375, 382, 383, 413, 451, 453,458. II. 5, 49,
50, 53, 56, 57, 63, 70, 167, 258, 286, 299, 305, 310, 375, 377, 379, 403, 423,
479, 484, 490, 491, 494, 496, 507, 524, 527, 530, 556, 563, 566.

Argyle, Janet Countess of, v. Stewart.

Armstrong, Andrew, II. 394, 395, 400.

Arran, James first Earl of, 107.

Arran, Earl of, v. Chattelherault.

Arran, James third Earl of, 183, 184, 383, 413, 420, 423, 427, 439, 451, 455,
460, 462, 464. II. 3, 5, 7, 9, 38, 43, 53, 55, 56, 63, 129, 137, 156, 167, 258, 273,
293, 298, 315, 323, 325, 326, 328, 329, 473.

Athole, John fourth Earl of, II. 156, 286, 299, 305, 390, 479, 483, 491, 494, 497,
507, 510, 512, 514, 519, 523, 536, 556, 557, 560, 566.

Auchinleck, John, 233.

Aylmer, John, Bishop of London, II. 26, 278.

Ayr, Sheriffs of, v. Campbells of Loudoun and Teringland.

Balcleuch, v. Scott.

Balfour, Andrew, 44.

Balfour, David and Gilbert, sons of Balfour of Montquhannie, 183, 206, 233,
551.

Balfour, Gilbert, II. 551.

Balfour, Mr. James, Parson of Flisk, (afterwards Sir James Balfour of

Pittendreich,) Clerk Register, 202, 206, 228, 233, 235, 365, 399, 437, 452. II. 44,
502, 507, 526, 549, 558, 562.

Balfour, Mr. John, 377.

Balfour, Michael, 456.

Balgonie, Laird of, v. Lundie.

Balnaves, Mr. Henry, of Halhill, 70, 99, 102, 100, 114, 116, 182, 186, 226. II. 38,
40, 45, 47, 52, 381.

Balwaird, Balvaird, v. Murray.

Bannatyne, Sir John, v. Bellenden.

Bar, Laird of, v. Lockhart.

Barnbougle, Laird of, v. Mowbray.

Barbour, David, 222.

Barroun, James, burgess of Edinburgh, 246, 268. II. 322, 486.

Barroun, Elizabeth, v. Adamson.

Bathgate, Reader at, II. 548.

Battu, Captain, II. 10.

Beaton, David, Cardinal, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 61, 63, 76, 81, 84, 90, 92,
94, 97, 99, 103, 108, passim, 180, 192, 206, 290, 294, 307, 430.
Beaton, James, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 13, 15, 42, 16, 53.

Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow, 252, 373. II. 131.

Bedford, Earl of, II. 513, 536.

Bell, Stephen, 233.

Bellenden or Bannatyne, Sir John, of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk, 358, 369, 399,

418, 458. II. 291, 299, 304, 305, 310, 344, 401, 403, 414, 423, 454, 492, 497,
526.

Bellenden, Thomas, of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk, 70, 106.

Bellenden, Lady, v. Kennedy.

Bethencourt, v. Butoncourt.

Beverage, Friar, 62.

Beza, Theodore, II. 547.

Bishops and Pastors in England, II. 547.

Bisso, or Busso, Francis de, II. 507, 551.

Black, Friar John, II. 68. App. 592-595.

Blackader, Robert, Archbishop of Glasgow, 7, 11, 12.

Borthwick, Mr. David, of Lochill, 106, 414. II. 44.

Borthwick, Captain John, (Sir John,) 61. App. 520, 533, 534.

Borthwick, John fourth Lord, II. 53.

Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney, II. 555.

Bothwell, David, 106.

Bothwell, Patrick, third Earl of, 108, 137, 138, 140, 143.

Bothwell, James, fourth Earl of, created Duke of Orkney, 455, 456, 459. II. 3,
38, 156, 286, 315, 320, 323, 325, 326, 329, 346, 351, 361, 390, 472, 478, 509,
512, 514, 520, 521, 524, 527, 528, 534, 539, 548-562.

Bothwell, Countess of, v. Gordon.

Bourdeau, John de, II. 551.

Bowes, Elizabeth, 253.

Bowes, Marjory, wife of John Knox, 253. II. 138.

Bowes, Captain Richard, 78.

Bowes, Sir Robert, 77, 78, 219.

Boyd, Robert of Piedmont, II. 350.

Boyd, John, of Narston, II. 349.

Boyd, Robert Lord, 340, 345, 369, 382, 414, 434. II. 38, 53, 56, 58, 63, 129, 258,
299, 348, 496, 499, 503, 523, 552, 556, 563.

Boyd, Master of, II. 349.

Boyle, Archibald, II. 350.

Boyne, Laird of, v. Ogilvie.

Brechin, Bishops of, v. Hepburn, Sinclair.

Briance, Count de, French Ambassador, II. 536.

Broche, M. de la, v. La Broche.

Brounstone, Laird of, v. Crichton.

Brown, George, of Colstoun, 350.

Brown, Sir Adam, (a priest,) 361.

Brown, Ryngzean (Ninian), 97.

Bruce, Sir William, of Earlshall, 307.

Buccleuch, v. Scott.

Bucer, Martin, II. 442.

Buchan, Master of, v. Stewart.

Buchanan, Mr. David, (Editor of Knox's History), App. 477. II. 465-468. App.
569-586.

Buchanan, Mr. George, 71. II. 134, 550.

Butonecourt, (Sieur de Bethencourt,) 384. II. 37.

Cairnis, Henry, 57.

Caithness, George Earl of, II. 299, 420, 523, 552, 569.

Calder, Laird of, v. Sandilands.

Calvin, John, 232, 268, 274, 315. II. 412, 459, 460.

Cambuskenneth, Abbots of, v. Myln, Panter.

Campbell, Friar Alexander, 16, 18. App. 514.

Campbell, Alexander, Dean of Murray, II. 129, 258.

Campbell, Charles, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

Campbell, Sir Colin, of Glenurchy, 253, 357.

Campbell, George, of Cessnok, 7, 340.

Campbell, George, of Mungarswood, 128.

Campbell, Sir Hugh, of Loudoun, Sheriff of Ayr, 111, 128, 316. II. 137.

Campbell, Hugh, of Kinyeancleuch, 128.

Campbell, John, of Newmylnes, 7.

Campbell, James, of Louchley, II. 350.

Campbell, Matthew, of Teringland, young Sheriff of Ayr, 340, 345.

Campbell, Sir Matthew, of Loudoun, II. 348.

Campbell, Mungo, of Brounsyde, 128.

Campbell, Robert of Cragdow, II. 350.

Campbell, Robert, of Kinyeancleuch, 250, 253. II. 63, 275, 349.

Campbell, William, of Horscleucht, II. 350.

Campbell, William, of Skeldon, II. 349.

Capua, Prior of, v. Strozzi.

Cardinal, the, v. Beaton, David.

Car, v. Ker.

Carmichael, James, 259.

Carmichael, Peter, of Balmadie, 176, 226, 228, 230.

Carmichael, Richard, 44.

Carpentyne, Alexander, 259.

Carnegie, Sir Robert, of Kinnaird, 400, 414.

Carvet, Sir James, II. 476, 478.

Carnell, Laird of, v. Wallace.

Carswell, Mr. John, Superintendent of Argyle, II. 87.

Cassillis, Gilbert third Earl of, 16, 86, 111, 134, 263.

Cassillis, Gilbert fourth Earl of, II. 478, 514, 533, 552.

Cathcart, Allan Lord, II. 348, 563.

Cathcart, Allan, of Carlton, II. 350.

Cathcart, Allan, of Clawance, II. 349.

Cathcart, Allan and Thomas, II. 349.

Cathcart, John, of Gibbsyard, II. 349.

Cecil, Sir William, II. 15, 23, 26, 32, 34, 72, 315.

Cesnock, v. Campbell.

Cessfurd, Laird of, v. Ker.

Chalmer, Helen, wife of Robert Mure of Pokellie, 7.

Chalmer, James, of Gadgirth, 257, 340. II. 349.

Chalmer, Marion, wife of William Dalrymple of Stairs, 7.

Chalmer, Robert, of Martnem, II. 350.

Chalmers, David, of Ormond, II. 551.

Chapman, William, 222.

Charles the Fifth, the Emperor, 232. II. 135, 136.

Charles the Ninth, King of France, II. 318.

Charteris, (Charterouse,) John, of Kinfauns, Provost of Perth, 112, 346, 357.

Charterhouse of Perth, Prior of, v.. Forman.

Chattelett, (Chastelard,) Monsieur, II. 367, 368.

Chattelherault, James Earl of Arran, Duke of, Governor and Regent of Scotland,
84, 93, 97, 101, 108-123, 134, 135, 140, 144, 154, 180, 183, 184, 202, 206, 209,
214, 217, 222, 233, 240, 242, 294, 325, 340, 345, 352, 356, 368, 379, 383, 389,
394, 415, 420, 429, 439, 441, 451, 453, 457, 458, 465, 472. II. 5, 38, 40, 42, 45,
47, 50, 52, 54, 58, 81, 129, 138, 156, 258, 286, 297, 299, 320, 325, 328, 330,
347, 351, 360, 403, 417, 423, 481, 492, 496, 499, 503, 515, 535, 566.

Chisholm, William, Bishop of Dunblane, 63. II. 88, 556.

Christian the Third, King of Denmark, 55, 254. II. 56.

Christison, William, Minister of Dundee, II. 87, 424.

Clapperton, Sir John, Dean of the Chapel Royal, 45.

Clark, Alexander, 231. II. 490.

Clark, (one,) 457.

Cleisch, Laird of, v. Colville.

Cockburn, Mr. Alexander, 185. II. 324, 331.

Cockburn, James, of Langton, 552.

Cockburn, John, of Ormiston, 134, 138, 141, 185, 215, 350, 375, 454. II. 38,
323, 527.

Cockburn, Capt. Ninian, 224.

Coldingham, Prior of, v. Stewart, Lord John.

Coldingknowes, Laird of, (Sir John Home,) 115.

Colston, Laird of, v. Brown.

Colville, Robert, of Cleish, 348. II. 68.

Colville, William, Abbot of Culross, II. 53, 88, 258. App. 598.

Conde, Louis de Bourbon, Prince of, (brother of the King of Navarre,) II. 133.

Congregation, the Lords of the, 327, &c., passim, II. 45.

Corry, George, of Kelwood, II. 258, 350.

Craig, (Craik,) Alison, II. 315.

Craig, Mr. John, Minister, II. 418, 424, 456, 498, 530, 554, 555, 563.

Craigie, Laird of, v. Wallace.

Craigmiller, Laird of, v. Preston.

Cranstoun, Patrick, II. 64, 394, 400.

Craufurd, David eighth Earl of, 90.

Craufurd, David Earl of, II. 563.

Craufurd, David, II. 349.

Craufurd, David, of the Kerse, II. 350.

Craufurd, George, of Leifnorris, or Loch Norris, 127. II. 349.

Crawford, John, of Walston, II. 348.

Crauford, Robert, II. 349.

Craw, Paul, the Bohemian, 6.

Creychton, v. Crichton.

Crichton, Mr. Abraham, Provost of Dunglas, II. 528.

Crichton, Alexander, of Brunstone, 134, 139, 142, 215.

Crichton, Edward, Lord, of Sanquhar, II. 258, 560, 565.

Crichton, George, Bishop of Dunkeld, 97, 105.

Crichton, Robert, Bishop of Dunkeld, 251. II. 88, 300, 303.

Crichton, Mr. Robert, of Eliock, King's Advocate, II. 491.

Crichton, Mr. Robert, Parson of Sanquhar, II. 371, 379.

Crofts, Sir James, English Ambassador, 454. II. 32, 57, 66.

Crossraguell, Abbot of, v. Kennedy.

Cullen, Capt. James, II. 13.

Culross, Abbot of, v. Colville.

Cumming, Cumyn, Robert, schoolmaster, II. 363.

Cunningham, Alexander, v. Glencairn, Earl of.

Cunningham, Hugh, of Watterston, II. 349.

Cunningham, John, of Caprington, II. 349.

Cunningham, Robert, II. 349.

Cunningham, Mr. Robert, minister of Failfurd, II. 348, 397.

Cunningham, Sir William, of Cunninghamhead, 366. II. 64, 258, 349, 486, 499,
503.

Cunningham, William, II. 349.

Cunningham, William of Caprington younger, II. 349.

D'Albeuf, Marquis, v. Lorraine.

Dalrymple, James, of Stairs, II, 349.

Dalrymple of Stairs, v. Chalmer.

D'Amville, Seigneur de, II. 268.

Dandelot, Monsieur, 216.

D'Arfe, Monsieur, 220.

Darnley, Henry Lord, v. Henry.

Davie, Seigneur, v. Riccio.

Daniot, John, II. 521.

Dayes, Adam, 57.

De Bethencourt, v. Butonecourt.
De Finola, Thomas, II. 457.

De Four, Monsieur, French Ambassador, II. 513.

Denmark, King of, v. Christian.

D'Esse, Monsieur, 221, 222.

Dewar, Archibald, II. 158.

Dingwall, Sir John, 42.

Dollar, Vicar of, v. Forrest.

D'Omall, D'Aumale, v. Lorraine.

Dosell, D'Oysel, v. Oysel.

Douglas, Archibald, of Kilspindie, Provost of Edinburgh, II. 158, 289, 475, 490,
498.

Douglas, Francis, 185.

Douglas, George, 185.

Douglas, Sir George, brother of the Earl of Angus, 77, 78, 102, 111, 128, 135,
180, 241.

Douglas, George, postulat of Aberbrothok, and bastard son of the Earl of Angus,
173, 180.

Douglas, Hugh, of Longniddry, 134, 130, 185, note.

Douglas, James, of Parkheid, 78.

Douglas, Mr. John, Rector of St. Andrews, 286, note.

II. 128, 424, 455, 563.

Douglas, or Grant, John, 256, 276, 283, 285, 286, 307.

Douglas, Lady Margaret, Countess of Lennox, 123.
II. 336, 361, 474.

Douglas, Mr. Robert, Provost of Lincluden, II. 386.

Douglas, Patrick, II. 63.

Douglas, Sir William, of Drumlanrig, 111.

II. 64, 129, 258, 299, 386, 502, 512.

Douglas, William, of Whittingham, II. 63, 164.

Douglasses, The, 53, 81, 181.

Dreghorn, Laird of, v. Fullerton.

Drumlanrig, Laird of, v. Douglas.

Drummond, David Lord, II. 299, 563.

Drummond, Henry, of Riccarton, 251, 376. II. 325, 478.

Dudley, Lord Robert, II. 361.

Dudley, Captain, 224.

Duke, the, v. Chattelherault.

Dun, Laird of, v. Erskine.

Dunbar, Alexander, of Cumnock, II. 63.

Dunbar, Gawin, Bishop of Aberdeen, 43.

Dunbar, Gawin, Lord Chancellor and Archbishop of Glasgow, 63, 65, 127, 145,
148.

Dunbar, Hector, of Clousting, II. 350.

Dunbar, Lieutenant John, 463.

Dunbar, John, of Blantyre, II. 349.

Dunfermling, Abbots of, v. Dury.

Dunblane, Bishop of, v. Chisholm.

Dundee, Provost of, v. Halyburton.

Dunkeld, Bishop of, v. Crichton.

Durham, Mr. Michael, 106.

Durham, William, of Grange, II. 486.

Dury, Andrew, Bishop of Galloway, 242, 261.

Dury, David, of Dury, II. 43.

Dury, George, Abbot of Dunfermline, 183, 211, 224. II. 131.

Earlshall, Laird of, v. Bruce.

Eccles, Gilbert, II. 349.

Edinburgh, Provosts of, v. Douglas of Kilspindie;

Mackalzean;
Prestoun of Craigmillar;
Seyton, George Lord.

Edward, King, the Sixth of England, 101, 217, 231, 242.

Eglinton, Earl of, II. 519, 536.

Elder, Sir Henry, a priest, 118.

Elder, John, 118.

App. 526.

Elizabeth Queen of England, 473.

II. 15, 20, 26, 28, 39, 47, 51, 54, 62, 83, 130, 137, 168, 174, 178, 315, 335,
346, 360, 469, 473, 481, 513, 537.

Elphinston, Mr. Nicholas, II. 496.

Embden, Duchess of, 245.

Emperor, the, v. Charles the Fifth.

England, Bishops and Ministers of, II. 545, 547.

English Congregation at Franckfort and Geneva, 232, 253.

Ergyle, v. Argyle.

Erskine, Areskin, Alexander, 374.

II. 499, 501.

Erskine, Arthur, II. 288.

Ermine, John fifth Lord, 79, 249, 358, 369, 375, 415, 464.
II. 3, 69, 128, 299, 305, 494, 515.
—v. Mar, Earl of.

Erskine, John, of Dun, 59, 132, 246, 249, 251, 268, 273, 274, 300, 317, 319, 337,
341, 347, 369, 434, 451.
II. 56, 87, 286, 363, 386, 388, 409, 424, 475, 479, 482, 484, 494, 531.

Erskine of Mar, Lady, v. Murray.

Erskine, Robert, Master of, 213.

Evers, Sir Ralph, 122.

F

Failfurd, Minister of, v. Cunningham.

Fairnie, Laird of, v. Fernie.

Fairnihurst, Laird of, v. Ker.

Faunhaus, ( ,) II. 64.

Fenton, George, II. 258.

Fergushill, John, of Fergushill, II. 349.

Fergusson, David, Minister of Dunfermling, II. 87.

Fernie, Andrew, of Fernie, 463.

Firth, John, v. Fryth.

Flemyng, Malcolm third Lord, 86, 88.

Flemyng, James fourth Lord, 241, 264.

Flemyng, John fifth Lord, II. 299, 563.

Flemyng, Malcolm, Commendator of Whitehorn, II. 370, 379.

Flisk, Parson of, v. Balfour.

Forbes, Captain, 456.

Forbes, (Phorbes), John, Master of, II. 63, 552.

Forbes, the Lady, II. 358.

Forman, Adam, 323.

Forman, Robert, Lyon-King-at-Arms, 335, 340, 440, 449.
II. 274.

Forrest, Henry, of Linlithgow, 52, 53.

App. 516-518.

Forrest, (Forres,) David, General of the Mint, 106, 137, 246, 260, 300, 453.
App. 563, 564.

Forrest, Dean Thomas, Vicar of Dollar, 63.

Forrester, Robert, 62.

Forsyth, James, of Nydie, 193.

Foulis, Sir James, of Colinton, Clerk-Register, 104.

Fowler, an Englishman, II. 507.

Foxe, John, the Martyrologist, 14.

France, Kings of, v. Charles, Francis, Henry.

Francis the First, King of France, II. 82.

Francis the Second, King of France, 217, 363, 386, 388, 444-448, 451.
II. 47, 49, 50, 62, 73, 76, 81, 83, 125, 127, 132, 134.

Francis de Busso, v. Bisso.

Frissall, James, II. 159.

Fryth, John, 14, 19.

Fullerton, Adam, II. 289.

Fullerton, Hugh, of Dreghorn, II. 349, 499.

Furrour, Alexander, 42.

Fyfe, John, 55.

App. 527.

Galloway, Bishops of, v. Dury, Gordon.

Garleis, Laird of, v. Stewart.

Geddes, Charles, 459.

Gillone, a cordiner, II. 158.

Gilston, Lady, v. Sempill.

Glammis, John eighth Lord, II. 299, 533, 563.

Glasgow, Archbishops of, v. Betouns, Blackader, Dunbar.

Glencairn, William fourth Earl of, 86, 102, 111, 127, 281.

Glencairn, Alexander Lord Kilmaurs, fifth Earl of, 72, 240, 250, 252, 268, 274,
316, 335, 310, 342, 345, 367, 379, 382, 414, 434, 451, 457.
II. 5, 38, 53, 56, 58, 63, 70, 129, 130, 167, 258, 286, 299, 305, 348, 403, 423,
479, 481, 484, 496, 499, 503, 520, 524, 556, 560, 562, 565, 566.

Glenurquhair, Laird of, v. Campbell.

Goodman, Christopher, Minister, II. 87, 413, 484.

Gordon, Alexander, Bishop of Galloway, II. 56, 63, 88, 129, 258, 374, 532, 537,
539.

Gordon, Alexander, of Abyrzelde, II. 64, 357.

Gordon, George Lord, v. Huntley, Earl of.

Gordon, Lady Jane, Countess of Bothwell and Sutherland, II. 553.

Gordon, John, of Barskeocht, II. 379.

Gordon, Sir John, of Finlater, II. 64, 345, 353, 354, 359.

Gordon, Sir John, of Lochinvar, II. 129, 163, 258, 401, 512, 552.

Gourlay, Mr. Norman, 53, 58, 60.

App. 519.

Governor, The, v. Chattelherault, Duke of.

Graham, Henry, younger of Morply, II. 64.

Graham, John Lord, afterwards third Earl of Montrose, II. 563, 565.

Grand Prior, v. Lorraine.

Grange, Laird of, v. Kirkaldy.

Grant, John, v. Douglas.

Gray, John, 233, 274.

Gray, Patrick fifth Lord, 111, 113, 114, 116. II. 563.

Gray de Wilton, Lord, 209, 211. II. 57, 68, 70, 84, 138, 293.

Gray Friars, the, 96.

Graytly, ( ,) II. 63.

Grindall, Dr. Edmond, Bishop of London, II. 547.

Guilliame, Thomas, Black Friar, 95, 105.

Gualterus, Emanuel, 244.

Guthrie, Alexander, II. 158, 326, 490, 520.

Guthrie, William, 233.

Guyse, Duke of, v. Lorraine.

Guysians, the, II. 70, 131, 136, 174, 360.

Halton, Laird of, v. Lauder.

Halyburton, Alexander, 360, 462.

Halyburton, James, Tutor of Pitcur, Provost of Dundee, 317, 347, 351, 360. II.
56, 63, 258.

Halyrudhouse, Abbot of, v. Stuart, Lord Robert.

Hamilton, Andrew, of Lethame, II. 258.

Hamilton, Catherine, 66. App. 519.

Hamilton, Lord Claude, Commendator of Paisley.

Hamilton, Lord David, 383. II. 81.

Hamilton, Sir David, of Preston, 276, 277, 281.

Hamilton, Gawin, Abbot of Kilwinning, 325, 342, 351, 369, 400, 458. II. 53,
320, 325, 326, 328, 515.

Hamilton, Gawin, 214.

Hamilton, James, v. Arran, Earl of.

Hamilton, Sir James, of Finnart, 67.

Hamilton, James, of Kincavel, 66. App. 519.

Hamilton, James, Laird of Stenhouse, Provost of Edinburgh, 221, 222.

Hamilton, James, his son, 222.

Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, afterwards Archbishop of St. Andrews, 105,

107, 110, 115, 124, 181, 193, 203, 209, 224, 237, 258, 276, 279, 280, 326, 347,
350, 373. App. 543. II. 88, 156, 300, 347, 351, 371, 379, 390, 475, 536, 539,
540, 548, 551, 554, 557.

Hamilton, John, of Milburn, 207.

Hamilton, Lord John, Commendator of Aberbrothok, II. 53, 552.

Hamilton, Matthew, of Milburn, 325.

Hamilton, Mr. Patrick, Abbot of Fearne, 13, 14, 19, 42, 52, 242. App. 500-515.

Hamilton, Robert, 517.

Hamilton, Mr. Robert, Minister of St. Andrews, 300. II. 11, 32, 291.

Hamilton, Sir William, of Sanquhar, 102.

Hamilton, William, of Cammiskeith, 102. II. 379.

Hamiltons, the, 53, 106, 181. II. 470, 561-563, 566.

Harlaw, William, minister, 245, 256, 300.

Harlaw, William, II. 159, 527.

Hart, John, 453, 454.

Harie, (Harry,) King, v. Henry.

Hay, Mr. George, II. 291, 347, 352, 423, 424, 434.
Hay, Mr. John, Prior of Monimusk, II. 482.

Hay, William Lord, of Yester, II. 129, 258, 563.

Hendyrson, Henry, schoolmaster, 57.

Henry, Lord Darnley, Earl of Ross and Duke of Rothesay, 99, 124. II. 361, 472,
479, 481, 483, 494, 496, 500, 504, 519, 522, 524, 533, 535, 537, 549, 552.

Henry the Eighth, King of England, 41, 54, 76, 101, 109, 110, 120, 123, 182,
209.

Henry the Second, King of France, 206, 233, 294, 318, 326, 356, 371, 383.

Hepburn, James, v. Bothwell, Earl of.

Hepburn, John, Bishop of Brechin, 37, 155.

Hepburn, Patrick, of Wauchton, 352.

Hepburn, Patrick, Bishop of Murray, 37, 41, 58, 292, 359. II. 300, 303.

Heriot, Adam, Minister of Aberdeen, II. 87.

Herries, Lord, v. Maxwell.

Hertford, Earl and Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector of England, 219.

Holyrood House, Abbots of, v. Bothwell, Stewart.

Home, Earl of, v. Hume.

Home, Sir John, v. Coldingknowes.

Hope, Edward, 97. II. 289.

Howard, William Lord, 76.

Hume, (Home,) Alexander fifth Lord, 210. II. 299, 557, 560, 565, 566.

Hume, Alexander, II. 64.

Hume, George fourth Lord, 79.

Hume, Elizabeth, second wife of James first Earl of Arran, 107.

Hume, George, of Spott, II. 63, 486.

Hunter, James, 118.

Hunter, Robert, II. 349.

Huntley, George fourth Earl of, 93, 108, 211, 213, 217, 238, 241, 358, 368, 379,
389, 391, 395. II. 6, 53, 55, 58, 61, 63, 70, 156, 168, 286, 299, 305, 321, 346-
362, 380.

Huntley, George Lord Gordon, fifth Earl of, II. 347, 360, 495, 512, 514, 520,
521, 524, 526, 532, 553, 557, 563.

Huss, John, 6.

Innermeith, John Lord, II. 299, 563, 565.

Innerquhartie, Laird of, v. Ogilvie.

Innes, John, of Innes, II. 64.

James the First, King of Scotland, 6, 325.

James the Second, King of Scotland, 7.

James the Third, King of Scotland, 7.

James the Fourth, King of Scotland, 7, 11, 13. App. 516.

James the Fifth, King of Scotland, 47, 53, 60, 67, 76, 78, 94, 217.
App. 515.
II. 72, 173.

James the Sixth, Prince and King of Scotland, II. 530, 536, 552, 556, 558, 566.

James, Lord, Prior of St. Andrews, v. Stewart.

Jane Seymour, v. Lady Somer.

Johnson, Andrew, II. 63.

Johnson, James, II. 63.

Johnstone, Mr. William, Advocate, 57.

App. 528.

Justice-Clerk, Lord, v. Bellenden.

Katharine, Queen of England, 101.

Keir, Mr. Thomas, II. 351, 359.

Keith, Earl Marischal, v. Marischall.

Keith, Agnes, Countess of Murray, II. 314.

Kennedy, Dame Barbara, wife of Sir John Bellenden, 418.

Kennedy, Alexander, 64.

Kennedy, James, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

Kennedy, John, of Kirkmichael, II. 350.

Kennedy, John, of Terngannoch, II. 350.

Kennedy, John, II. 478.

Kennedy, Patrick, of Daljarroch, II. 350.

Kennedy, Mr. Quintin, Abbot of Crossraguell, II. 351, 371.

Kennedy, Thomas, of Bargenny, II. 258.

Kennedy, William, of Terngannoch, II. 350.

Ker, Andrew, of Faldonsyde, II. 258.

Ker, Sir Andrew, of Pharnihurst, 460. II. 164.

Ker, Mark, Conmmendator of Newbattle, II. 64, 88.

Ker, (Car,) Robert, of Carsland, II. 63, 349.

Ker, Sir William, of Cessfurd, 460. II. 64, 560.

Killor, (Gillon,) James, II. 158.

Kinloss, (Walter Hetton,) Abbot of, II. 53.

Kinfauns, Laird of, v. Charteris.

Kirk, David, 222.

Kirk, Sir William, 56.

Kirkaldy, David, II. 11.

Kirkaldy, James, of Grange, Treasurer, 82, 93, 173, 206, 229.

v. Melville.
Kirkaldy, James, II. 561.

Kirkaldy, Sir William, of Grange, 90, 106, 115, 174, 175, 182, 205, 225, 228,
230, 461, 464.
II. 8, 10, 14, 22, 25, 36, 381, 499, 560.

Knox, Marjory, Wife of John, v. Bowes.

Knox, John, the Reformer, 137, 139, 185, 187, 189, 192, 195, 199, 201, 228,
231, 245, 247-254, 267, 274, 291, 318, 324, 338, 343, 347, 360, 362, 388, 393,
434, 436, 443, 464.
II. 8, 15, 18, 22, 26, 28, 32, 34, 39, 43, 68, 87, 88, 128, 137, 157, 159, 276-
286, 291, 297, 310, 314, 323, 326, 328, 330, 334, 347, 351, 371, 373, 377, 382,
384, 386, 390, 394, 398, 401, 411, 412, 414, 420, 424, 428, 434-461, 465, 497,
514, 517, 526, 540, 542, 544, 547, 563, 566.

Knox, William, brother of the Reformer, 393.

Kyle, the Gentlemen of, 340. II. 347, 474.

Kyle, the Lollards of, 8.

Kylwinning, Abbot of, v. Hamilton.

Kyllour, Friar, 62.

Kynfauns, Laird of, v. Charteris.

Kynneir, John, of Kynneir, 131.

La Broche, Monsieur, 110, 396, 398, 415, 422, 425.

La Chapelle, 222.

Laiko, Sir Francis, II. 58.

Lamb, William, 118.

Lambert, Francis, of Avignon, 14.

Lambert, Paul, II. 7.

Lang, or Laing, Friar Walter, 74.

Langton, Laird of, v. Cockburn.

Lareit, (Loretto,) Hermit of, v. Thomas.

Lauder, Captain Robert, II. 395.

Lauder, Mr. John, Archdeacon of Teviotdale, 64, 151, 154, 164, 168, 238.

Lauder, William, of Halton, 350. II. 527.

Lauder, Gilbert, II. 490.

Lawers, Laird of, II. 499.

Lennox, (Levenax,) Matthew fourth Earl of, 110, 111, 123, 124, note.
II. 336, 361, 390, 469, 479, 481, 483, 500, 507, 514, 519, 523, 533, 537, 549,
552, 566.

Lennox, (Levenax,) John third Earl of, 53.

Lennox, v. Countess of Douglas.

Leirmonth, Sir James, of Darsye, Provost of St. Andrews, 102, 115, 174, 178,
349.

Lesley, Andrew, Earl of Rothes, v. Rothes.

Lesley of Bowquhan, II. 64.

Lesley, John, brother of the Earl of Rothes, 172, 175, 177, 182.
Lesley, John, of Parkhill, II. 381.

Lesley, Leslie, Mr. John, Parson of Oyne, Abbot of Lindores, and Bishop of
Ross, 236.
II. 141, 180, 483, 524, 583.
App. 600, 601.

Lesley, Leslie, Norman, Master of Rothes, 112, 173, 175, 206, 225.
App. 541, 542.

Lesley, Robert, 228, 230.

Lesley, William, 228, 230. II. 64.

Lethington, Auld Laird of, v. Maitland, Sir Richard.

Lethington, Secretary, v. Maitland. William.

Levenax, v. Lennox.

Levingstone, Beatrix, 237.

Levingstone, Mary, wife of John Semple of Beltrees, II. 415, 416.

Levingstone, William, fifth Lord of Callender, II. 490, 563.

Linn, John, Gray Friar, 62.

Lindores, John, Abbot of, 392. II. 88. v. Philp.

Lindores, John, Commendator of, v. Lesley, John.

Lindesay, v. Lyndesay.

Livingstone, v. Levingstone.

Lochinvar, Laird of, v. Gordon.

Lockhart, Alexander, II. 69.

Lockhart, Mr. George, 37

Lockhart, George, burgess of Ayr, II. 349.

Lockhart, Sir James, of Lee, II. 348.

Lockhart, James, II. 350.

Lockhart, John, of Barr, 250, 340.

II. 69, 258, 336, 349.

Lockhart, Robert, 217, 300, 434, 436.

Loenorreis, Leifnorris, v. Crawfurd.

Logan, Robert, of Restalrig, 350, 374, 427.

Logie, Mr. Gawin, Principal of St. Leonard's College, 36.

App. 524.

Lollards of Kyle, 8.

Lorne, Archibald Lord, v. Argyle.

Lorraine, Charles de, Cardinal of Lorraine, 207, 220, 233, 242, 244, 293, 412.
II. 133, 165, 173, 180, 318, 390.

Lorraine, Claude de, Duke D'Aumale, II. 268, 286.

Lorraine, Francis de, Grand Prior, II. 268.

Lorraine, Francis de, second Duke of Guyse, 242, 244.

II. 4, 133, 137, 390.

Lorraine, Marie de, Queen Dowager of Scotland, v. Mary.

Lorraine, René de, Marquis D'Elbeuf, II. 4, 268, 315, 321.

Low, John, II. 478.

Lundie, or Lundin, Andrew, of Balgonie, II. 43, 129.

Lundie, or Lundin, Walter, of Lundie, 337.

II. 422, 486, 503.

Lusury, (Lusgerie,) Monsieur, Jacques, II. 419.

Luther, Martin, 15, 202, 243.

II. 442.

Luvell, (Lowell,) George, burgess of Dundee, 463.

II. 164.

Lyndesay, Sir David, of the Mount, Lyon King-at-Arms, 106, 187.

Lyndesay, Mr. David, minister of Leith, II. 87, 424, 511, 517.

Lyndesay, John fifth Lord, of the Byres, II. 129, 260.

Lyndesey, John, 42.

Lyndesay, Patrick, Master of, afterwards Lord Lyndesay, 235, 337, 352.
II. 10, 38, 45, 63, 129, 163, 260, 270, 317, 356, 495, 517, 521, 556, 560-566.

Lyndesay, Patrick, 97.

Lyndesay, Sibilla, 97.

Machabeus, Doctor, (Macalpyne, Dr. John,) 55.

App. 529.

Mack-Alexander, Thomas, 11. 350.

Mackalzean, Mr. Thomas, Provost of Edinburgh, II. 290.

Mackbrair, John, App. 529.

Mackgill, (Makgill,) Mr. James, of Nether Rankeillour, Clerk-Register, II. 124,

156, 291, 299, 304, 310, 403, 423, 459, 526.

Mackaw, John, 97.

Mackconnell, James, II. 50.

Macquhiddall, John, II. 350.

Makdowell, James, 55.

Mair, Major, Mr. John, 37, 192.

Maitland, Sir Richard, of Lethington, 97, 137.

II. 4, 379, 403.

Maitland, Robert, Dean of Aberdeen, II. 442.

Maitland, William, younger of Lethington, Secretary, 247, 463, 473.

II. 38, 47, 52, 56, 89, 130, 291, 296, 299, 310, 315, 326, 331, 343, 353, 360,
370, 390, 399, 401, 409, 411, 413, 417, 423, 425, 427-459, 473, 475, 481, 492,
497, 514, 517, 526, 566.

Malbery, Sir William, 78.

Maltman, Friar, 64.

Malcolm, Prior of Whitehorn, v. Fleming.

Mar, Earl of, v. Lord Erskine, II. 552, 556, 565, 566.

Marnock, (Marna,) the Queen's servant, II. 387.

Martigues, (Marteekis,) Count Stephen de, II. 4, 8, 12, 57.

Martyr, Peter, 243.

Marischall, William Earl, 126, 241, 251.

II. 70, 129, 260, 286, 291, 209, 305, 403, 420, 423.

Marjoribanks, Mr. Thomas, of Ratho, Advocate, 70.

Mary of Lorraine, wife of James the Fifth, Queen Dowager, and Regent of
Scotland, 61, 91, 95, 103, 108, 143, 173, 180, 203, 213, 222, 233, 241, 243, 252,
255, 257, 261, 263, 265, 279, 288, 290, 292, 298, 301, 304, 307, 308, 312, 314,
317, 319,324, 320, 329, 337, 339, 341, 345, 350, 353, 356, 358, 362, 464.
II. 3, 6, 25, 36, 44, 57, 58, 62, 64, 67, 68, 71, 126, 160, 172.
App. 590-592.

Mary Queen of Scots, 91, 95, 101, 108, 124, 217, 218, 232, 304, 326, 363, 388,
426, 429, 437, 444, 448, 451.
II. 25, 47, 49, 50, 62, 73, 76, 81, 83, 125, 132, 137, 142, 168, 170, 174, 177,
180, 264, 267, 271, 274, 277, 331, 335, 419, 465, 469, 471, 176, 480, 488, 493,
496, 501, 504, 514, 518, 522, 524, 529, 530, 533, 534, 536, 539, 548-566,
passim.

Mary Queen of England, 244, 422.

II. 17, 279.

Maxwell, Herbert Lord, 85, 86, 111, 241.

Maxwell, Sir John, of Terreglis, Master of Maxwell, and afterwards Lord

Herries, 319, 451, 455, 459.
II. 39, 45, 47, 52, 63, 129, 258, 299, 321, 351, 375, 399, 404, 423, 428, 434,
500, 504, 508, 512, 524, 552.

Meffane, v. Methven.

Melanchthon, Philip, 15.

II. 442.

Melville, Melvin, James, of Carnbee, 176, 177, 234.

Melville, Janet, wife of James Kirkcaldy of Grange, 90.

Melville, Sir John, of Raith, 174, 224.

Melville, John, of Raith, 224.

Melville, Robert, II. 4, 361, 508, 565.

Melville, Walter, II. 373.

Menteith, John, Earl of, II. 53, 56, 58, 63, 129, 260, 299, 563.

Menteith, William Earl of, 346, 357, 414.

Menzies, Thomas, of Pitfoddells, Provost of Aberdeen, II. 164.

Methven, Paul, Minister of Jedburgh, 256, 300, 317.

II. 87, 364, 531.

Methven, Henry, second Lord, II. 563.

Mewtas, Sir Peter, II. 294.

Middleton, or Cuningham, Laird of, II. 349.

Moncrieff of Moncrieff, 113.

Monluc, John de, Bishop of Valence, II. 72, 73.

Monquhanny, Laird of, v. Balfour.

Monteyth, John, v. Menteith.

Montgomery, Hugh, of Hesilhead, II. 349.

Montgomery, William, II. 348.

Montmorenci, Henry, (Seigneur de Damville,) Duke de, Constable of France, II.

268, 287, note.
Montrose, William second Earl of, II. 299.

Monypenny, David, of Pitmilly, 225, 463.

Morton, James fourth Earl of, 235, 274, 160.

II. 53, 63, 129, 130, 260, 280, 291, 299, 305, 310, 423, 431, 455, 479, 500,
515, 517, 521, 523, 525, 556, 560, 565, 566.

Mowat, Captain, 459, 463.

Mowbray, John, II. 158, 527.

Mowbray, Sir John, of Barnbougle, II. 552.

Mowtray, George, of Seafield, II. 43.

Mure, John, in Woll, II. 349.

Mure, John, of Rowallane, II. 349.

Mure, Mungo, II. 349.

Mure, of Polkellie, v. Chalmer.

Murray, Bishop of, v. Hepburn.

Murray, Dean of, v. Campbell.

Murray, Sir Andrew, of Balvaird, 337, 338. II. 503.

Murray, Annabella, wife of John Lord Erskine and Earl of Mar, II. 128, 380.

Murray, Captain David, 463.

Murray, (Lord James Stewart,) Earl of, Prior of St. Andrews and Pittenweem,
249, 265, 268, 293, 294, 337, 342, 345, 346, 350, 353, 358, 360, 368, 375, 379,
384, 386, 413, 419, 420, 451, 455, 456, 460, 464.
II. 5, 7, 9, 38, 40, 43, 45, 47, 52, 58, 68, 84, 88, 129, 138, 142, 156, 164, 166,
168, 258, 271, 277, 282, 286, 291, 292, 299, 305, 310, 314, 321, 326, 328, 331,
336, 346, 353, 355, 357, 359, 368, 382, 391, 399, 401, 418, 423, 461, 465, 469,
471, 478, 480, 483, 490, 492, 494, 496, 499, 500, 503, 513, 523, 525, 527, 530,
535, 548, 556, 566.

Murray, James, II. 561.

Murray, Patrick, of Tibbermuir, 345.

Murray, Sir William, of Tullibardin, Comptroller, 346, 451, 453.

II. 56, 508, 560, 561.

Musculus, Wolfgang, II. 442.

Myln, Alexander, Abbot of Cambuskenneth, 37.

Myll, (Myln,) Robert, Dundee, 125, 126.

Myln, Walter, the Martyr, 308, 360. App. 550-555.

Navarre, Anthony de Bourbon, King of, II. 183.

Navarre, Brother of the King of, v. Conde.

Nemours, Duke de, II. 361.

Newbattle, Commendator of, v. Ker, Mark.

Nisbet, Alexander, II. 350.

Nisbet, George, II. 64.

Niven, Adam, of Monkredding, II. 350.

Noailles, Monsieur de, II. 156, 167.

Norfolk, the Auld Duke of, (Thomas third Duke,) 78.

Norfolk, Thomas fourth Duke of, II. 39, 42, 45, 46, 50, 52, 68.

Norvell, Robert, II. 158, 380.

Nydie, Laird of, v. Forsyth.

Ochiltrie, Andrew Lord Stewart of, 340, 345, 367, 369, 382, 414, 434.
II. 38, 53, 56, 58, 63, 129, 258, 275, 299, 320, 349, 386, 389, 496, 499, 503,
523.

Ogilvy, Alexander, of Boyne, II. 552.

Ogilvy, James Lord, of Airly, II. 53, 63, 345, 346.

Ogilvy, James, of Cardell, II. 345.

Ogilvy, John, of Inverquharity, 341.

Ogilvy, Mrs. Marion, 174.

Oliphant, Mr. Andrew, 43, 44, 64.

Oliphant, Laurence Lord, II. 563.

Oliver, v. Sinclair, Oliver.

Orkney, Bishops of, v. Bothwell, Reid.

Orkney, Duke of, v. Bothwell.

Orleans, Sheriff of, II. 133.

Ormiston, Laird of, and Lady, v. Cockburn, Sandilands.

Ormiston, Robert, 255.

Osell, (D'Osell, D'Oysel,) Sieur de, 203, 213, 222, 255, 324, 327, 329, 336, 340,
341, 342, 345, 352, 356, 374, 380, 395, 410, 431.
II. 10, 13, 70, 170, 174.

Paniter, or Panter, Mr. David, Bishop of Ross, and Secretary, 105, 115, 262, 266.

Paisley, Abbots of, v. Hamilton, (Lord Claude,) Hamilton, (John.) Patrick, v.

Hamilton, Patrick.

Percy, Sir Henry, II. 22, 32, 35, 57.

Petcur, (Pitcur,) Tutor of, v. Halyburton.

Pettarro, (Pittarow,) Laird of, v. Wishart.

Pettinweem, Commendator of, v. Murray, James Earl of.

Philp, John, Abbot of Lindores, II. App. 599, 600.

Philip the Second, King of Spain, II. 136, 533.

Phorbes, v. Forbes.

Piper, Walter, 118.

Pitmillie, Laird of, v. Monypenny.

Pont, Mr. Robert, Minister, II. 375, 395.

Pope, the, 107, 147, 184, 189, 191, 194, 206, 259, 412.
II. 124, 284, 414, 533.

Porterfield, James, II. 347.

Preston, Sir. Simon, of Craigmillar, Provost of Edinburgh, 121, 236.

 II. 498, 510, 522.

Protector, the, of England, v. Hertford, Earl of.

Puller, Laurence, 118.

Purves, William, 222.

Queen Dowager, v. Mary.

Quhittingham, (Whittingham,) Laird of, v. Douglas.

Quhytlaw, v. Whytelaw.

Raith, Laird of, v. Melville.

Ramboullat, (Rembouillet,) Monsieur, II. 519.

Ramsay, Cuthbert, II. 315.

Randall, v. Randolph.

Randan, Mons., v. Rochefaucault.

Randolph, Randall, Thomas, English Ambassador, II. 314.

Rankin, Lawrence, Laird of Scheill, 128.

Rankin, Robert, II. 350.

Rannalt, James, 118.

Raylie, Raullet, Madame, II. 393.

Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, 7, 11, 12.

Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, II. 349.

Reid, George, of Chapleton, II. 350.

Reid, George, in Dawdilling, 128.

Reid, James, II. 349.

Reid, John, II. 319.

Reid, Robert, Bishop of Orkney, 240, 264.

Reids, the, II. 351.

Restalrig, Deans of, v. Gibson, Sinclair.

Restalrig, Laird of, v. Logan.

Rhinegrave, the Count, v. Ryngrave.

Riccarton, Laird of, v. Drummond.

Riccio, David, 99, 235, 446.

II. 422, 483, 507, 513, 518, 521, 524, 533, 535, 550, 551.
App. 595-598.

Riccio, Joseph, II. 551.

Richardson, Robert, App. 530.

Richardson, Mr. Robert, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, 372, 377, 403.
II. 88, 508.

Rig, Mr. Hugh, Advocate, 70, 211.

Rizio, v. Riccio.
Rochefaucault, Charles de, Sieur de Randan, II. 72.

Roger, John, Black Friar, 119.

Ross, Bishops of, v. Lesley, Panter, Sinclair.

Ross, James Lord, II. 552.

Ross, John, of Craigie, 83.

Rothes, George third Earl of, 114, 116, 172, 173, 263.

Rothes, Andrew fourth Earl of, 350.

II. 38, 53, 56, 63, 129, 258, 299, 423, 492, 495, 496, 499, 503, 523, 525, 563.

Rothesay, Duke of, v. Henry Lord Darnley.

Rough, John, 96, 105, 184, 186, 188, 193.

App. 537-540.

Row, Mr. John, Minister of Perth, II. 87, 291, 424, 484, 517, 538, 563.

Rubie, Monsieur, Keeper of the Great Seal, 262, 292, 446.

Russell, Hieronymus, martyr, 63, 65, 66.

Ruthven, William second Lord, 99, 111, 543.

Ruthven, Patrick third Lord, 113, 235, 316, 336, 345, 350, 358, 367, 369, 374,
378, 414, 418.
II. 6, 45, 47, 52, 58, 63, 373, 403, 406, 483, 497, 521, 523, 533, 560, 565, 566.

Ruthven, Lady, (Janet Stewart,) 418.

Ruthven, William, Master of, afterwards fourth Lord, II. 521.

Ruthven, William, second Lord, 99, 111.

Ryngrave, Count de, II. 165, 166.

Sadler, Sir Ralph, 101, 103, 104, 109, 454.

St. Andrews, Archbishops of, v. Beatons, Hamilton.

St. Andrews, Priors of, v. Murray, James Earl of, Hepburn.

St. Andrews, Sub-Prior of, v. Wynrame.

St. Andrews, Provost of, v. Leirmonth.

St. Andrews, Rector of the University of, v. Douglas.

St. John of Jerusalem, Lord, v. Sandilands.

Sanderson, a flesher, II. 155.

Sandilands, Alison, wife of John Cockburn of Ormiston, 237.

Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder, 301.

Sandilands, Sir James, of Torphichen, Lord St. John, 301, 375.

II. 53, 125, 131, 258, 290.

Sandilands, John, of Calder, 139, 142, 350, 375.

II. 527.

Sands, Andrew, II. 12.

Sanquhar, Lord, v. Crichton.

Sanquhar, Parson of, v. Crichton.

Saul's-Seat, Abbot of, II. 131.

Schange, Patrick, II. 159.

Scharpe, Mr. John, Advocate, II. 337.

Schaw, Andrew, of Polkemmat, 7.

Schaw, John, of Haly, II. 258.

Schaw, Robert, II. 350.

Sciennes, Sisters of the, II. 224.

Scott, Friar John, 96, 165, 168.

Scott, Thomas, Justice-Clerk, 69.

Scott, Thomas, Sheriff-Depute of Perth, II. 526.

Scott, Thomas, of Hanying, II. 258, 503.

Scott, Thomas, of Abbotshall, 341.

Scott, Thomas and William, sons of Scott of Balwearie, 399.

Scott, Sir Walter, of Buccleuch, 53, 115, 217.

Scrope, Lord, II. 57.

Seafield, Laird of, v. Mowtray.

Sebastian, (one of the Queen's pages,) II. 551.

Secretary Lethington, v. Maitland.

Sempill, Robert third Lord, 337, 339.

II. 130, 552, 560.

Sempill, Lady Grizzel, wife of James Hamilton of Stenhouse, 124, 280.

Sempill, John, of Beltrees, II. 415.

Sempill, Mary, v. Levingstone.

Serra La Burse, Captain, 328.

Sessnock, (Cesnock,) v. Campbell.

Seytoun, Friar Alexander, 45-52, 54.

II. 64.
App. 531-533.

Seytoun, George Lord, Provost of Edinburgh, 79, 97, 256, 362, 389, 392, 431.
II. 35, 299, 536, 563.

Sibbald, John, 233.

Sinclair, Mr. Henry, Dean of Glasgow, Bishop of Ross, and Lord President, 274.
II. 300, 303, 379, 398, 403, 411, 425, 528.

Sinclair, Mr. John, Dean of Restalrig, Bishop of Brechin, and Lord President, 99,
235, 265.
II. 131, 144, 385, 483, 495, 528.

Sinclair, Oliver, of Pitcairnes, 67, 83, 86, 88, 91.

Sklater, Andrew, II. 490.

Sklater, Sir Thomas, a priest, 459.

Somer, (Sommers,) an English agent, II. 169.

Somer, David, II. 289.

Somer, (Seymour,) Lady Jane, 101, 120.

Somerset, Earl of, Protector, 209, 212.

Somerville, Hugh fifth Lord, 88, 111.

 II. 53, 63, 299.

Somerville, James sixth Lord, II. 563.

Somerville, James, of Cambusnethan, II. 552.

Somerville, John, 456.

Spadone, William, 132.

Spens, Mr. John, of Condie, King's Advocate, 419.

II. 304, 401, 403, 405, 477, 491, 492, 497.

Spence, Black John, II. 551.

Spittal, Mr. John, Official of St. Andrews, 201.

Spottiswood, Mr. John, Superintendant of Lothian, II. 87, 128, 144, 424, 482,
511, 517, 528, 538.

Steill, George, Servitor, to King James the Fifth, 68.

Stenhouse, Laird of, v. Hamilton.

Stevin, Alexander, II. 472.

Stewart, Captain Alexander, II. 354.

Stewart, Sir Alexander, younger of Garlies, II. 129, 260.

Stewart, Andrew, Master of Ochiltree, II. 320.

Stewart, Elizabeth, 222.

Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews, v. Murray, Earl of.

Stewart, James, Master of Buchan, 463.

Stewart, Captain James, of Cardonald, II. 329.

Stewart, James, Commendator of St. Colme, II. 53, 63, 88, 492.

Stewart, Lady Janet, Countess of Argyle, II. 375-378.

Stewart, Lord John, Prior of Coldingham, II. 88, 271, 293, 315, 320, 389, 391,
392.

Stewart, John, of Leith, 57.

Stewart, Lord Robert, Abbot of Holyrood-House, 458.

II. 53, 88, 271, 293, 321, 391.

Stewart, Mr. Walter, (William,) 222.

Stewart, William, of Halrig, II. 350.

Strang, Mr. Richard, II. 326.

Stratoun, David, of Lauriston, 58, 59.

App. 519.

Strois, (Strozzi,) Pierde, 205, 216.

Strozzi, Leon, Prior of Capua, 205.

Superintendants and other Ministers, II. 87, 143-154, 545.

Sutherland, John eleventh Earl of, II. 6, 299, 359, 381, 523, 553.

Sutherland, Countess of, v. Gordon.

Sweden, (Eric XIV.) King of, II. 335.

Swedish Ambassador, (Herr Pier Groif,) 335.

Syme, James, 246, 268.

Symeson, Duncan, 62.

T

Tarbet, v. Carvat, Sir James.

Teringland, Laird of, v. Campbell.

Termes, Monsieur de, 216.

Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, II. 480, 482.

Thomas (Douchty), Hermit of Lareit, 72.

Thornton, Mr. James, Chanter of Murray, II. 180.

Tod, George, 221.

Tullybardine, Laird of, v. Murray.

Valance, Bishop of, v. Monluc.

Vchiltree, Lord Stewart of, v. Ochiltree, II. 563, 565.

Vielmort, (Villemore,) Bartholomew, Comptroller, 293.

Wallace, Adam, alias Fean, 237, 239, 241.

App. 543-550.

Wallace, Hugh, of Carnell, 340.

II. 349, 499.

Wallace, Hugh, of Meanford, II. 350.

Wallace, John, of Craigie, 340.
II. 349.

Wallace, Michael, Provost of Ayr, II. 348.

Warwick, Earl of, 209, 210.

Watson, James, Innergowrie, 132.

Watson, Mr. James, II. 289.

Wauchton, Laird of, v. Hepburn.

Wedderburn, James and John, 139.

App. 530, 531.

Wedderburn, Laird of, v. Hume.

Wemyss, Sir John, of Wemyss, II. 14, 43, 472.

Whytelaw, Alexander, of New Grange, 393, 461.

II. 31, 34, 381.

Whittingham, Laird of, v. Douglas.

Whitehorn, Prior of, v. Fleming.

Wighton, Sir John, a priest, 130.

Wiclyffe, John, 6.

Willock, John, Superintendant of the West, 245, 247, 256, 301, 343, 388, 442,
464.
II. 71, 87, 128, 424, 482, 484.

Wilson, one, Servitor of the Bishop of Dunkeld, 97.

Wilson, Mr. Stephen, II. 180.

Winchester, Bishop of, (Stephen Gardyner,) 54, 56.

Winter, William, Admiral of the English Fleet, II. 13, 56.

Wishart, Mr. George, the Martyr, 125-172, 176, 192, 236.

App. 534-537.

Wishart, Sir John, of Pittarrow, Comptroller, 274, 337, 347, 366, 369, 378, 451.
II. 45, 47, 52, 64, 304, 310, 353, 356, 392, 403, 423, 499, 518.

Wolfurd, Sir James, 219.

Wood, Mr. Alexander, II. 13.

Wood, Mr. John, Secretary to the Earl of Murray, II. 295, 392.

Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, II. 72.

Wynrame, Dean John, Superintendant of Fyfe, 36, 150, 168, 192, 193, 195.
II. 87, 88, 128, 424, 445, 482, 517.

Yair, Henry, II. 533.

Yester, Lord Hay of, v. Hay.

 INDEX OF PLACES.
A

Aberbrothok, (Arbroath,) 147, 180.

II. 363.

Aberdeen, II. 87, 203, 346, 352, 354, 357.

Aberdeen, University of, II. 213, 219.

Adenstoun, II. 44.

Amboyse, (in France,) II. 133.

Angus and Mearns, 136, 256, 300, 317.

II. 87, 189, 203, 354, 474.

Ankrome (Ancrum) Muir, 122.

Annan, II. 512.

Annanderdaill, II. 204.

Anwick, (Alnwick,) II. 32.

Argyle, II. 87, 203, 391, 496.

Arran, Isle of, II. 203.

Athole, II. 469, 492, 507.

Auchendowne, II. 354.

Auchterarder, 341.
Ayr, town of, 127. II. 87, 347, 343, 351, 397.

Ayrshire, places in, 7.

Bamff, shire of, II. 203.

Barr, in Ayrshire, 127, 250.

Bartainzie, (Britanny,) 208, 234.

Basill, (in Switzerland,) II. 534.

Bathgate, parish of, II. 548.

Bawgawy, (Balgavie,) 114.

Berne, (in Switzerland,) II. 534.

Berwick, 48, 79, 121, 231, 454.

II. 34, 38, 39, 43-46, 68, 84, 138, 280, 520, 535.

Birst, (Brest,) 234.

Blackness Castle, 116, 120, 426.

Bononia, (Bologna,) University of, II. 456-458.

Borders of Scotland and England,(East and West,) 84, 121, 257.

II. 292, 553, 557.

Borthwick Castle, II. 557, 559.

Boys, (Bois,) de Vincent, II. 81.

Brechin, II. 203.

Brochty Craig, 208, 214-216, 423.

Brounstane, (Brunstane,) 134.

Bruntisland, II. 5, 6.

Buchan, II. 353.

Bullon, (Bulloigne,) 233.

Burrow Muir, (near Edinburgh,) II. 336.

Bute, Isle of, II. 203.

Cadder Water, II. 500.

Caithness, II. 203.

Calder House, 249.

Calice, (Calais,) 220. II. 170.

Callender, II. 490, 501.

Cambuskenneth, Abbey of, 37, 391.

Canongate, (Edinburgh,) 57, 222, 404, 457.

Carberry, 211. II. 560.

Carlaverock Castle, 122.

Carleill, (Carlisle,) 85. II. 39, 40, 512.

Carnell, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

Carney Castle, (in Fife,) 90.

Carrick, district of Ayrshire, II. 204, 347, 435.

Carron Water, II. 501.

Castle Campbell, 253. II. 502.

Castle Huntley, 114.

Castle Sempill, II. 130.

Cawpmanhowin (Copenhagen), 55.

Cliddisdaill, II. 204.

Conquet (Le), in Britanny, 231.

Copenhagen, v. Cawpmanhowin.

Corrichie, (Aberdeenshire,) II. 356, 526.

Corsraguell Abbey, II. 168.

Cowper, (Cupar in Fife,) 350-355, 472.

II. 8, 22, 384.

Cragingatt, 374.

Craigie, 335.

Craigmillar Castle, 121. II. 535.

Crawfurd, II. 512.

Crawmond, 220.

Creichton Castle, 455, 456.

Culross, II. 5.

Cunningham, district of Ayrshire, 335.

II. 204, 347.

Cupar-Fife, v. Cowper.

Dalkeith, 97, 213. II. 560.

Deape, (Dieppe,) 232, 253, 264, 269, 272.

II. 4, 15.

Dee, River, II. 203.

Dieppe, v. Deape.

Dovane Water, II. 14.

Dover, 220.

Draffen Castle, II. 507.

Dron, Path of, II. 490.

Drumfries, (Dumfries,) II. 204, 374, 377, 502, 508, 511, 512.

Drundallan, 142.

Ducheland, (Germany,) 55.

Dunbar, 371, 404. II. 32, 74, 75, 360, 495, 523-525, 553-558.

Dunbar Castle, 124, 426, 528.

Dunbar, Kirk of, II. 144.

Dundee, 36, 46, 114, 125-132, 155, 215, 228, 256, 300, 301, 317, 318, 336, 351,
358, 405, 457.
II. 11, 12, 287, 359, 474, 503, 504, 531, 532.

Dumbarton, 111, 207, 217, 387.

II. 330.

Dun, House of, (in Forfarshire,) 249, 250.

Dunfermling, 38. II. 5, 87.

Dunkeld, II. 487.

Dysert, 404. II. 9, 12, 13.

Edinburgh, (v. Canongate, Holyrood, Restalrig,) 61, 80, 90, 97, 104, 119-122,
132, 143, 209, 213, 221, 238-241, 250-254, 256-261, 294, 301, 364, 374-381,
389, 391, 426, 437, 441, 445, 465.
II. 3, 32, 57, 87, 120, 123, 124, 129, 138, 156-161, 203, 272, 280, 287, 292-
294, 315, 320-327, 330, 337, 359, 363, 379-384, 394-396, 421-460, passim, 469-
479, 483-487, 490-504, 509-523, 549, 552, 554, 557-563, 566.

Edinburgh Castle, 124, 142-144, 464.

II. 3, 58, 67, 287, 329, 316, 360, 422, 490, 499, 510, 527-530, 558, 562.

Edinburgh, Castle Hill, 63, 416.

Edinburgh, Greenside, Rood of, 60;

St. Leonard's Craigs, 472.
II. 384, 487, 490.

Edinburgh, Kirk of, (St. Giles' Kirk,) 388, 389, 392.

II. 84, 144, 151, 276, 314, 364, 420, 456, 497, 524, 531.

Edinburgh, Kirk of Field, 131.

II. 138, 325, 549.
Edinburgh, Leith Wynd, 457, 458.

Edinburgh, Market Cross, 93.

II. 273, 476, 495, 504, 526, 558, 566.

Edinburgh, Netherbow Port, 458;

West Port, II. 499.

Edinburgh, Tolbooth or Parliament House, II. 524, 526.

Ednam, (Annan,) II. 512.

Elphingstone, 140, 142.

Embden, 245, 256.

Enresk, (Inveresk,) 135.

II. 58, 209, 221.

Ergyle, v. Argyle.

Esk, Water of, 210.

Ettrick Forest, II. 204.

Failfurd, (in Ayrshire,) II. 168.

Fala, 79.

Falkland Palace, 90, 173, 348-351.

II. 322, 328.

Farabank, II. 356.

Fawsyde, 210-212. II. 503

Ferne, Abbey of, 15.

Floddon Field, 13.

Forth, Firth of, 203, 220.

II. 41, 44, 504.

Forth, Water, 340, 362.

II. 203.

Fotheringham, II. 203.

Franckfort, 232, 253.

Fyfe, Shire of, 300, 375.

II. 43, 87, 203, 354, 469, 471-473, 502.

Fynlater, II. 354.

Galloway, II. 204, 347, 351.

Galston, (in Ayrshire,) 127.

Garlabank, (in Fife,) 354.

Gathgirth, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

Geneva, 231, 232, 253, 267, 274.

II. 16, 534.

Gladsmuir, II. 559.

Glasgow, 5, 7, 19, 111, 382-384.

II. 38, 39, 41, 56, 57, 204, 378, 498, 500, 502, 537, 549.
Glasgow, University of, II. 213, 219.

Glennis House, (in Fife,) II. 10.

Govan Muir, 394.

Grange House, (in Fife,) II. 8, 10.

Granton Craigs, 120.

Gwdy, (Goodie,) Water, 340.

Haddington, 84, 90, 136-139, 215-217, 221, 223, 236.

II. 528.

Hailes Castle, 143.

Haldane Rig, 78.

Hallyards, (Hawyardis,) 90.

II. 10, 328.

Halyrudhouse, v. Holyrood.

Hamilton, (Castle,) 384, 413-417, 437.

II. 498, 500, 502, 507.

Hawick, II. 336.

Hermitage, II. 534, 535.

Hierusalem, (Jerusalem,) 13.

Holland, coast of, II. 4.

Holy Island, II. 32.

Holyrood, Abbey and Chapel of, 57, 60, 103, 391, 461.
II. 270, 271, 393, 396, 471, 472, 495, 514, 519, 524, 527, 549, 550, 562.

Holyrood, Palace of, 81, 82, 108, 364, 377.

II. 269, 293, 321, 359, 386, 393, 395, 403-412, 415, 419, 469, 509, 512, 520-
524, 550.

Home Castle, 210, 224, 255.

Inner Gowrye, 132.

Innerness, II. 353, 354, 391, 392.

Insche, (Inchkeith,) 426.

II. 72, 74.

Inveresk, v. Enresk.

Jedwart, (Jedburgh,) 78, 445.

II. 87, 204, 292, 364-366, 531-535.

Kelso, 78, 293.

II. 292.

Kersgrange, 39.

Kilwinning Abbey, 168.

Kinghorn, 404.
 II. 6, 7, 10, 12, 369.

Kinneill, II. 5, 320, 327.

Kinyeancleuch, (in Ayrshire,) 250.

Kinross, II. 373.

Kirkaldy, 404.
II. 12.

Kirkwall, II. 203.

Kyle, district of Ayrshire, 105, 129, 250, 335.

II. 204, 347, 474, 526.

Kyntyre, II. 203.

Langnuddry, 134, 136.

Lanrick, (Lanark,) II. 501.

Lauder Brig, 80.

Lauderdale, II. 203.

Leith, 111, 120, 122, 134, 209, 214, 221, 286, 307, 374-377, 389, 404-406, 413-
429, 437, 451, 457-461.
II. 14, 45, 53, 57-60, 64-69, 72-75, 87, 160, 269, 510, 559.

Leith, Kirk of, 392.

II. 144.

Leith, Water of, 375.

II. 65.
Lethington, (in East Lothian,) 137.

Leven Water, II. 13.

Levenax, (Lennox,) II. 204, 507.

Lewis, Isle of, II. 203.

Liddisdale, II. 204, 292, 479, 524.

Lipsia, (Leipzig,) 55.

Lochlevin Castle, II. 371-373, 562, 565, 566.

Lochquhaber, II. 203.

London, 213, 231, 473.

II. 280, 382, 513.

London, Tower of, 42.

II. 336.

Longhame, (Langholm,) 122.

Lore, Water of, (the Loir,) 208.

Lorne, II. 203.

Lothian, Shire of, 137, 113, 215, 375.

II. 87, 144, 189.

Lowmaben, (Loehmaben,) 85, 89, 122.

II. 508, 512.

Lundie, (in Fife,) 213, 231, 473.

II. 503.

Lynlythqw, (Linlithgow,) 53, 69, 91, 104, 108, 381, 453.

II. 287, 303, 497, 498.
M

Magdeburg, II. 453.

Mar, Brae of, II. 203.

Mauchline, (in Ayrshire,) 127, 128.

Maxwell-heuch, 255.

Maybole, (in Ayrshire,) II. 352.

Melrose, 53, 293.

II. 528.

Menteith, II. 204.

Mernys, (Mearns,) 189, 256.

II. 203, 354, 474.

Merse, (in Teviotdale,) II. 187, 203.

Month, the Mount, II. 301-307.

Montrose, 125, 132, 317.

Mont St. Michael, (in Normandy,) 226, 229, 230.

Morhame, 455.

Murray, II. 203, 469.

Musselburgh, v. Inveresk, 210, 404.

II. 559.

N
Nantes, (in France,) 208, 227.

Newbattle Abbey, 231.

II. 528.

Newcastle, 231.
II. 280, 513.

Niddisdale, Nithsdale, II. 204, 351.

North Berwick, 404.

North (the), Northland, and North of Scotland, 316-359, 391, 419.

Orkney Islands, II. 203.

Orleanse, (Orleans,) II. 133, 134, 318.

Ormiston, (in East Lothian,) 134, 138-142, 393.

Ormiston Wood, 142.

Pasley, II. 347, 498.

Paris, II. 165, 169.

Peebles, II. 512.

Perth, v. St. Johnstoun.

Pettycur, (in Fife,) II. 7.

Pinkycleuch, 260.

Pittenweem, (in Fife,) II. 32.

Preston, 209, 368, 369, 393.

Prestonpanns, 209, 404.

Renfrew, II. 204.

Restalrig, (near Edinburgh,) 266, 461.

II. 58, 65.

Rheims, II. 165.

Rhone, Water of, (the Rhine,) 159.

Ross, Chanonry of, II. 203.

Rowane, (Rouen,) 226, 230, 293.

Rothiemay, (in Aberdeenshire,) II. 353.

Sanctandrois, (St. Andrews,) 6, 15, 17, 36-39, 43, 46, 53, 97, 184-202, 228, 308,
351-355, 444.
II. 13, 22, 43, 87, 203, 287, 322, 329, 369, 491, 503-506.

St. Andrews, Abbey or Cathedral Church, 150.

St. Andrews, Castle or Episcopal Palace, 110, 119, 122, 144-149, 168, 169, 172-
179, 181-184, 203-208, 430.

St. Andrews, Diocese of, II. 548.

St. Andrews, University of, 17, 36.
II. 213, 219.

St. Colme's Inch, 220.

St. Dothes, (in Ross,) 16.

St. Johnstoun, or Perth, 112-118, 316-328, 336, 337, 343-345, 350, 355-362,
405, 441, 472.
II. 87, 203, 287, 359, 384, 481-487.

Scone, Abbey of, 359-362.

Seatoun, 97.
II. 492, 523, 550, 559.

Semple, Castle of, II. 130.

Sherisburg, (Cherbourg in France,) 225.

Shetland or Zetland, II. 203.

Skein, Loch of, II. 354.

Sky, Isle of, II. 203.

Smalholme, 79, 83, 87, 102.

Solane Moss, (Solway,) 83, 87.

South Ylis, II. 203.

Spey, River, II. 203.

Stamford, (in England,) II. 32, 34.

Steadis, (the States,) 55.

Stirling, v. Striveling.

Stitchell, (in Roxburghshire,) 79.

Strabogye, II. 346, 353, 354, 359.

Straytherne, II. 189, 345.

Straythnaver, II. 203.

Straythyla, II. 353.

Striveling, (or Stirling,) 108, 109, 213, 268, 317, 340, 362, 381, 383, 413, 416,
417, 465, 467, 473.
II. 5, 6, 14, 40, 156, 189, 203, 287, 346, 353, 359, 391, 393, 398, 479-481,
498, 502, 507, 527, 533, 535-537, 549, 552-557, 566.

Stirling, (Chapel Royal,) 44, 328.

Stirling, Kirk of, II. 144.

Sutherland, II. 203.

Tay, River, 126.

Teith, Water of, 340.

Teviotdale, II. 189, 204.

Tranent, 136, 404.

Tranent Kirk, II. 144.

Tullibody, (in Clackmannanshire,) II. 14.

Tweddale, II. 204, 512.

Tweed, River, 79, 80, 255.

Wark Castle, 123, 255.

Weddale, II. 203.

Wemyss Castle, II. 472.

West of Scotland, II. 391, 474.

Whytsyde, II. 14.

Whyttenberg, (Wittemburg,) 15.

Wyntoun, 237.

Yarmouth, 105.

Ylis, the, 82.

II. 87.

York, II. 335.

 FOOTNOTES:
[1] As related in vol. i. page 462, the Lords of the Congregation, after the unfortunate
skirmish at Restalrig, on the 6th November 1559, retreated to Linlithgow that night,
leaving their artillery on the streets of Edinburgh. See also Diurnal of Occurrents, pp.
55, 271; and Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 554. Sadler describes the Protestants as
retiring from Edinburgh, "bytuene one and two a clocke in the mornyng;" and adds,
"And the Quene Dowager and her French be now in Edynburgh in gret tryumphe, the
most parte of the substanciall men of the same being fled out of the towne, with their
hole families."
[2] In a letter to Sadler, dated Stirling, 11th November 1559, Thomas Randall says,
"Upon Thursdaye last (9th November) the Erle of Arraine received a cartell of
defiance from the Erle of Bothwell, requyering of him the combate; the copie
whereof, and aunswer to the same, I will bring with me." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 565.)
[3] The Earl of Bothwell had previously joined himself to the party of the Queen
Regent. According to the Treasurer's Account, on the 29th October 1558, a messenger
was sent with "clois writtingis of the Quene to the Erle Bothwell, Lieutennant." On
the 12th January 1558-9, James Earl of Bothwell received £100, "be the Queen's
precept, for keiping of the Castell of Armitage, from the 15th day of September to the
15th of Januar instant last bipast."
[4] John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar: see vol. i p. 416.
[5] That is, Francis the Second, the young King of France, was wholly governed by
the Duke of Guyse, brother of the Queen Regent of Scotland.
[6] In MS. G, "Marquis D'Albufe, and his cumpanie the Maritickis." In the MS. of
1566, the name was originally written "Marquis D'Omall," but is corrected to
"Dalbul," or "Dalbuf."—René de Loraine, Marquis of D'Albeuf, was the seventh son
of Claude de Loraine, first Duke de Guyse. He was born in 1536, and died in 1566.
(Anselme, Hist. Geneal., vol. iii. p. 492.) He was General of the French galleys.
[7] The town of Dieppe, in France.—On the 11th January 1559-60, Queen Elizabeth
wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "Our shipps have bene stayed with contrary wynds, and
so be the French also;" and referring to what Knox has stated, it is added, "We be
advertised that Martiges is dryven by wether into Denmark; and one thousand
Frenchmen lost by tempest in Zeland; so as it shuld seme that God is pleased the
French purposees should not so speedely be accomplished, as their meaning is."—
(Burghley State Papers, by Haynes, p. 223.)
[8] Robert Melville was the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith (whose death is
recorded by Knox, vol. i. p. 284.)
[9] William Maitland of Lethington, younger, was appointed by the Queen Regent,
Secretary of State, 4th December 1558. (Reg. Secr. Sigilli.) He had previously been
employed in her affairs. In September 1555, the Treasurer paid to William Maitland,
"be the Quenis grace precept, for his pensioun of this instant zeir," £150. On the 11th
February 1557-8, when sent in embassy to London, he received from the Treasurer
600 crowns of the Sun, extending to £765; and on the 30th March 1558-9, he received
a similar sum, when "passand of Edinburgh to London and France, on the Quenis
grace affairis." He joined the Protestants in October 1559.
[10] Maitland was accompanied by Thomas Randall, under the assumed name of
Barnabie, and they were expected at Newcastle on the 21st November. (Sadler's State
Papers, vol. i. p. 592.) Some of Maitland's letters at this time, also the "Instructions for
the Lorde of Lidington, how to conceyve and directe the sute and complaynte of us
the Nobles, Gentlemen, and Burgesses of Scotland, in this our distresse, to the Quenis
Majestie of England," dated 24th November, are preserved by Sadler. (Ib. pp. 604,
628, 686, 716.)
[11] Kinneill House, in the parish of that name, now conjoined with Borrowstounness,
is the property, and was occasionally used as the family residence of the Dukes of
Hamilton.—The Treasurer, in October 1553, paid, "Be my Lord Gouernouris
commande, to the masonis in Kynnele, in drinksyluer, at the laying of the ground-
stane of the Palice of Kynnele." The house has a beautiful exposure on the south side
of the Frith of Forth, near where the old Roman Wall terminated.
[12] In the MS. of 1566, and Vautr. edit., "Stirveling."—It may be remarked that
several leaves of the MS. in this place form one of those quires or sets which appear to
have been rewritten, about 1570, with very little attention to minute accuracy.
Occasional corrections, chiefly in orthography, have therefore been made on the
authority of the Glasgow MS., but few of such importance as to require special notice.
[13] On the 8th of January 1559-60. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 684.)
[14] John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Arran, and Lord James Stewart, in a
letter to Sadler, dated Dysart, 19th January, make mention of the Earl of Huntly
having sent "in commission to us, his cousen the Erle of Sutherland, to offer unto us
adjunction in our common actioun in his name, and all his assistance; and, at the first
skirmishe, hazarding himself too farre, was shott in the left arme, and hurt very evill;
for which cause he is departed home, and shall cause the Erle Huntley performe his
promesse." (Vol. i. p. 691.) "The Lorde of Southerland, sithens he was hurte, is becom
a greate enemye of the Franches." (Letter to Sadler, 4th February 1559-60. Ib. p. 702.)
His wound did not prove fatal, but he died from the effects of poison, in 1567, in the
forty-second year of his age.
[15] In MS. G, "that Bey betuix Kinghorne."—The places here mentioned are all well
known, stretching along the coast of Fife, on the north side of the Frith of Forth, to the
west of Kirkaldy.
[16] In MS. 1566, "Paule Lambett."
[17] In MS. G, "over the stipell of Kinghorne."
[18] The persons here referred to, with other gentlemen of Fife, are afterwards noticed
by Knox, as having been apprehended by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart
for the assistance they had rendered to the French. Seafield and Balmuto are in the
parish of Kinghorn; Wemyss in the parish of that name; and Balweary in that of
Abbotshall.
[19] Omitted in the MS.—The House of Grange is about a mile to the north-east of
Kinghorn, and in that parish.
[20] In MS. 1566, "of new."
[21] In MS. G, "affirme."
[22] Several joint letters written by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart,
between the end of November 1559, and February following, communicating
intelligence of their proceedings in Fife, are preserved among Sir Ralph Sadler's State
Papers, (vol. i. pp. 620, et seqq.)
[23] In MS. 1566, "inevin."
[24] Bishop Lesley estimates their number at about 2000.—(Hist. p. 281.)
[25] Or, Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. It afterwards came into the possession
of the Family of Skene.
[26] In Vautr. edit., &c., "Battu," and "Le Battu." Elsewhere he is called Labast,
Labatt; by Pitscottie "Labattie."
[27] Patrick, Master of Lyndesay, succeeded to the title as sixth Lord Lyndesay of
Byris, on the death of his father, in 1563.
[28] In Vautr. edit. "Glennish House." There is a place still named Gleniston, near
Loch Gelly, a few miles from Kinghorn, which belonged in the 14th and 15th century,
to Glen of Balmuto; the property, by marriage, afterwards came into the family of
Boswell. There was also Glammis Tower, or Castle, an old stronghold which stood
upon the rising ground that overlooks the town of Kinghorn. (New Stat. Account,
Fife, p. 804.)
[29] This was probably Robert Hamilton whose name occurs in the Treasurer's
Accounts in the years 1561 and 1562, as Master of the Artillery.
[30] In MS. G, "to furneis the Frenche;" Vautr. edit. has, "to furnish them."
[31] The Queen Regent, in 1558, had made Captain James Cullen one of the keepers
of the town of Perth. As noticed, in the following page, on the 24th January 1559-60,
he and Captain Farny, "being in ane pink, were taken; and also ane uther schip callit
the Hoy, quhilkis were to pas in Fyff, with munitioun to furneis the Frenche Campe."
(Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 272.) In January 1559-60, letters had been sent "to
caus all maner of provision, sic as breid, drink, flesche, fische, and utheris necessaris,
to follow the Frenche army in Fyffe." (Treasurer's Accounts.) Payments to Captain
James Cullen, then in the Queen's service, occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, June and
September 1566. His ultimate fate is recorded in the Diurnal of Occurrents, and in
Richard Bannatyne's Memorials: having been taken prisoner in the Canongate on the
14th June 1571, he was tried at Leith, and beheaded on the 17th July, at the
instigation, it is said, of the Earl of Morton.
[32] Count Stephen de Martigues. In a letter from Sir N. Throkmorton to Queen
Elizabeth, 7th October 1559, in reference to the levying of troops to be sent from
France to Scotland, he says, "for the transporting whereof, it is said, one Monsieur
Martigues is appointed chief conducteur; who is a Gentleman of the Kingis chamber,
of the state of a Conte, in good estimacioun, and heretier to the Duke de Temps: and
there be ships already in order at Calais, and other parts upon this side." (Forbes's
State Papers, vol. i. p. 248.) In another letter, it is said, "The Marques D'Albeuf and
Martigues are appointed to take shipping at Calice, the last of this monethe,
November," (Ib. p. 257;) and letters of a subsequent date contain other allusions to
their progress. See supra, page 4, note 3. In a letter to Cecil, written from Dover, 24th
January 1559-60, Throkmorton, reports the information he had then received, "That
Martigues hath been all this his missinge tyme in the North Isles of Orkeney; and that
he is now salfflie arryved in Scotlande, with his viii enseignes of footemen, and well
landed them all," with the exception of one of the ships which was driven away by the
violence of the weather, before the men were put ashore, and was supposed to be lost.
(Ib. p. 307.) He also mentions the capture, at night, of one of the ships, after all the
stuff had been taken out of it. On the 22d February he informs the High Admiral of
England, that the Marquis D'Elbeuf, "now soddenly, upon the newes of the late
overthrow of fyve ensigns of their foote in Scotland, not far from Inskieth, and a good
personage lost, (referring to La Battu,) which are lately brought hither, as I wrote to
you before, he is now hastened away." (Ib. p. 333.) Bishop Lesley calls him
"Monsieur Martigo, ane valyant and curageous Capitane," and says, that upon his
arrival at Leith, in the month of November, "with ane thousand guid souldiouris, he
was appointed crownell of the hoill Frenche army." (Hist. p. 280.)
[33] Martigues landed at Leith on the 11th January 1559-60, (Diurnal of Occurrents.
pp. 55, 272.)
[34] Monday was the 22d of January.
[35] The Water of Leven is a small river which comes from the celebrated Loch of
that name, in Kinross-shire, and flows into the sea at the town of Leven on the Frith of
Forth.
[36] Kincraig is in the parish of Kilconquhar, and the headland under the name of
Kincraig Hill, rises to the height of about 200 feet above the level of the sea, with a
small bay between Earlsferry point.
[37] See note 3, page 11.
[38] Mr. Winter, Vice-Admiral of the English fleet, which arrived at this time in the
Frith of Forth, in the view of aiding the Protestants against the French auxiliaries. In
the Appendix to Keith's History, (vol. i. p. 408,) are inserted the "Instructions given by
the Queen's Majesty, to William Winter, Esq., Master of the Ordnance of her Majesty's
Admiralty, sent at this present to the seas with fourteen armed ships to sail to
Scotland," from a MS. in the Cottonian Library, written in the hand of Secretary Cecil,
and dated 16th December 1559.
[39] In Vautr. edit. "when God."
[40] In Vautr. edit. "they supped scarsly." MS. G. reads, "they sleiped scarsly."
[41] The village of Tullibody, in the parish of Alloa, and county of Clackmannan.
Tullibody House, the seat of Lord Abercromby, is situated near the banks of the Forth.
The Church, which was partially demolished by the French in January 1559-60, is a
building of great antiquity. In the course of the last century, it was new roofed and
repaired, to serve as the burial-place of the family, and has occasionally been used as a
preaching station. The destruction of the Church of Tullibody is mentioned in the
several histories of the time. Although the French were enabled to "make ane sure
passage, baith for horsemen and footemen," to cross the water, and came to Stirling on
the 28th of that month, Pitscottie relates, that they had to remain "all that night in
Fotherik Muire, without either meat or drink, and many of them were slaine or they
could get the bridge prepaired."
[42] In MS. G, "the said water;" in Vautr. edit. "the same water." Evidently the Black
Devon, a small river which rises in the western part of Fife, and falls into the Forth
below the town of Clackmannan; and, therefore, to be distinguished from the Devon
itself, which has its source on the northern declivity of the Ochil Hills, and after
passing through Glen Devon, celebrated for its romantic scenery, falls into the Frith of
Forth about two miles above Alloa.
[43] In MS. 1566, "morrow."
[44] Both MS. G, and Vautr. edit. have, "nor pitifull words."
[45] In MS. 1566, "houyer:" MS. G has "quhidder;" and Vautr. "whither."
[46] In MS. 1566, "in sending."
[47] In Vautrollier's editions, and in the later MSS. (A., E., I., L 2, &c.) the whole of
this paragraph is omitted, and also the following Letter from Knox to Cecil, written
from Dieppe in April 1559. The free strain of the letter was not calculated to
conciliate the favour of the English statesman; and we need not be surprised to find
Cecil, in a letter dated "from the Court," on the last of October, saying to Sadler, "Of
all others Knoxees name, if it be not Goodman's, is most odious here; and therefore I
wish no mentioun of hym hither."—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 532.)
[48] In MS. 1566, "grevous matter."
[49] In MS. 1566, "holylie."
[50] In MS. 1566, &c., "that you, wourthie of."
[51] Sir William Cecil, the eminent statesman, had been Secretary of State in the reign
of Edward VI. Under Queen Mary, he acted with so much caution, although known to
be a Protestant, that he remained unmolested, professing, among other reasons, "that
he thought himself bound to serve God first, and next the Queen; but if her service
should put him out of God's service, he hoped her Majesty would give him leave to
chuse an everlasting rather than a momentary service." From the strain of Knox's letter
to him, it might be inferred he had complied more ostensibly with the Romish party;
but immediately upon Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Cecil became a Privy
Councillor, and was reinstated in his office of Secretary. He was afterwards raised to
the peerage as Lord Burghley, and was appointed Lord High Treasurer. He died in
1598.
[52] In MS. G, "what you hard proclamed in the chapell."—This probably refers to a
discourse by Knox himself, in 1553, when preaching as one of the King's chaplains,
before Edward the Sixth.
[53] In MS. 1566, "how contemp that iver."
[54] This desire of Knox, repeated so frequently in subsequent letters, to be allowed to
visit England, was ungraciously refused, or allowed for many months to pass
unnoticed. On the 9th of July, after Knox had reached Scotland, but still expressing
the same anxious desire to see his brethren in the North of England, Cecil wrote to Sir
Nicholas Throkmorton: "Knoxe desireth to come hyther: if he might come secretly, I
wold allow it; otherwise not." On the 13th of June, Throkmorton, in a letter to Queen
Elizabeth, had mentioned that Knox's wife and his mother-in-law were then in Paris,
intending to return through England, and that he had promised letters in their favour to
Secretary Cecil; and he entreated her Majesty to overlook "his former faultes." On the
19th of July, after stating "of what importance the successe of thinges touching
religion in Scotland is for us," Throkmorton strongly urges upon Cecil the expediency
"that Knokes have liberty to repair into England, how short soever his abode be
there." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 129, 155, 167.) From Cecil's own letter, on
the 28th of July, (see page 34,) it appears that he had requested Knox to meet him at
Stamford; but the course of events, as related at page 32, prevented his travelling
beyond Berwick.
[55] In MS. G. "imprisonment."
[56] In the MS. of 1566, "thei counsall."
[57] In MS. G, "Lat no man."
[58] This date is supplied from the original, in the Harl. MSS. (British Museum) No.
7004. In the MSS. of Knox's History, it is dated the 10th of April.
[59] There is a slight discrepancy in the date of Knox's arrival in Scotland. Here it is
the 3d of May 1559, but at page 318 of vol. i., the 2d of that month is the day
specified.
[60] In June: see vol. i. p. 325.
[61] See infra, note 1, page 33.—Letters from Kirkaldy of Grange to Sir Henry Percy,
between the 23d June and 1st July 1559, are preserved in the State Paper Office.
[62] The words, "by some," are omitted in MS. G.
[63] In Vautr. edit, "the 26th of Julie;" MS. G. has "the 25th." In the MS. 1566, it
might either be 25 or 28. The original letter reads distinctly, "this Sounday, the 15 of
Julij;" but the 3d Sunday of July fell on the 16th; and it has been seen, that such
mistakes on the part of Knox are not unusual.
[64] Vautr. edit. has, "how we be able;" MS. G, "how we sall be able."
[65] In MS. G, "his holie evangell;" in Vautr. edit. "his gospell."
[66] In MS. G, "externall idolatrie."
[67] In MS. 1566, "wolce."
[68] In the original letter, the words, "the papisticall clergye," are added in the margin.
[69] In all the copies of Knox's History, this letter is dated the 17th of July; the
original has the 19th.
[70] The original of this letter, in the hand-writing of Knox, is preserved in the State
Paper Office. It is signed by the Earls of Argyle and Glencairn, the Prior of St.
Andrews, and Lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree. The original draft of Cecil's
answer, in the same collection, is dated 28th July 1559. (See Tytler's Hist. of Scotland,
vol. vi. pp. 122, 124.)
[71] This second letter to Cecil, and the following one to Queen Elizabeth, are omitted
in Vautrollier's edition and the later MSS. It is highly probable that these letters were
purposely suppressed while that edition was at press, in order to avoid giving offence
to Queen Elizabeth.—As already mentioned, the originals of several of Knox's Letters
of this period, are still preserved, and copies of them will be inserted in a subsequent
volume.
[72] Alluding to the publication by John Aylmer, afterwards Bishop of London, which
will be more particularly noticed in a subsequent volume, entitled, "An Harborowe for
faithfull and trewe subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste concerninge the
Government of Wemen." &c., Anno 1559. 4to.
[73] See supra, page 19, note 1.
[74] Referring to his "First Blast of the Trumpet," &c., published at Geneva, in 1558.
[75] In MS. G, "over any."
[76] In the MS. of 1566, "institued."
[77] MS. G. makes it the 28th; but the date of the original letter, as Mr. Tytler has
noticed, is the 20th of July. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 122.)
[78] See a brief notice of Whytelaw, in vol. i. p. 393. Throkmorton, in a letter dated at
Paris, 21st June 1559, says, "One Sanders Whitlo, a Scottishman, who was heretofore
pensioner in England, in King Edward's tyme," and "being a very honest, sober, and
godly man, and the most truely affectionat to England of any Scottishman I know
here, hath been with me, and given me diverse advertisements of things which be
trew;" and he recommends that he should receive the same pension he had enjoyed,
after his lands in Scotland had been forfeited by the Earl of Huntley. (Forbes's State
Papers, vol. i p. 137.) On the 28th June, he was the bearer of a letter from
Throkmorton to Secretary Cecil.—(Ib. p. 147.) A postscript to the letter adds, "This
bearer is greatly estemyd of John Knokes, and he doth also favour him above other:
nevertheles, he is sory for his boke rashly writen."
[79] In MS. G, "Anwich," the town of Alnwick, in the county of Northumberland, 84
miles from Newcastle.
[80] Stamford, an ancient borough town in the county of Lincoln. The Castle, of
which scarcely any vestiges are now visible, was granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir
William Cecil.
[81] In Vautr. edit. "then was he hated of his companie."
[82] Mr. Robert Hamilton was educated at St. Andrews. As witness of a deed, dated
1558, he is styled Rector of Torrens.—(Lyon's St. Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) He
afterwards became Minister of St. Andrews.
[83] Pittenweem, a royal burgh and sea-port on the east-coast of Fife.
[84] As this portion of the History supplies a defect in the previous Book, where the
application made by the Protestants for aid from England is scarcely alluded to; and as
there is an apparent confusion in some of the dates, owing to the letters being partially
or inaccurately copied, a few words of explanation may here be added. Knox's
conversation with Kirkaldy of Grange, (see page 21,) took place at St. Andrews, after
Cupar Muir, before the end of June 1559; and letters from Kirkaldy, to Cecil and
Percy, on the 23d and 25th of that month, and on the 1st of July, are still preserved.
Knox himself wrote to Cecil, on the 28th June. The result of their correspondence
was, that Whytelaw, who had then returned from France, and having passed through
England, had brought letters from Sir William Cecil, was sent back on the 20th of
July, as the bearer of the letters from the Lords of the Congregation, and from Knox,
to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth, which are printed in pages 22 to 30. After Whytelaw's
departure, Knox received a letter from Sir Henry Percy, wishing that they should meet
at Alnwick. His journey thither was delayed, in consequence of the Queen and the
French troops having advanced from Dunbar, on Monday the 23d of July, and the
Congregation having retired from Edinburgh on the 24th; but Knox, after a short
delay, passed through Fife to Pittenweem, and crossed the Firth to Holy Island.
Having acceded to the suggestions of Sir James Crofts, instead of proceeding farther,
he remained at Berwick until Whytelaw came with Cecil's letter, on the 2d or 3d of
August: (see page 35, note 1.)
[85] The Articles and Instructions, written by Knox, and left with Crofts to be
transmitted to the English Privy Council, are dated 31st July 1559. (See Tytler's
History of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 128.)
[86] MS. G. makes it, "Maister Knox."
[87] That is, "There is neither male nor female, for as saith Paul, they are all one in
Christ Jesus. (Galat. iii. 28.) Blessed is the man who trusteth in the Lord; and the Lord
will be his confidence."
[88] In MS. 1566, "need you writ."
[89] In MS. 1566, "M. Cecill;" and this mistake is followed in all the copies.
[90] Dr. M'Crie says, Knox, "at this time, prudently returned by sea to Fife:" the above
statement, I think, clearly shows, he must have returned by land. He set out from
Berwick, in company with Whytelaw, on the 3d of August, but the latter being
detained on the road by sickness, Knox proceeded, without delay, and reached Stirling
on or before the 6th of August, on which day he addressed letters to Sir James Crofts:
see Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. pp. 127, 130. Soon afterwards, Whytelaw having recovered,
and set out on his journey, along with William Knox, when between Preston and
Edinburgh, they were pursued by Lord Seaton, and narrowly escaped: see vol. i. p.
393.
[91] The result of Knox's previous communications was very important, having led to
the resolution of the English Council to support the Protestants in Scotland in their
contest with the Queen Regent, but with so much secrecy as might not infringe the
treaty of peace between the two kingdoms. For this purpose a commission was
granted on the 8th of August to Sir Ralph Sadler, in conjunction with the Earl of
Northumberland and Sir James Crofts, to reside at Berwick, ostensibly to settle some
Border disputes, and to strengthen the fortifications of that city; and the sum of £3000
was placed at Sadler's disposal. A similar sum was paid to him on the 5th of October;
and a third payment in November. It was part of this money that was sent to Scotland
with Balnaves, and with Cockburn of Ormiston. (See Letter of Queen Elizabeth to
Sadler, in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, 3d Series, vol. iii. p. 332.)—Sadler's
Correspondence, extending from August 1559 to April 1560, (included in his "State
Papers and Letters," Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to,) furnish copious and most important
materials for illustrating the negotiations and proceedings at this time.
[92] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit., "to Maister Cicillis writing."
[93] "Sir Henry Percy, second son of Sir Thomas Percy, who was executed in 1537, on
account of Aske's rebellion, and brother of Thomas seventh Earl of Northumberland.
Having remained attached to the Queen, and even taken arms against the insurgents,
in the great northern rebellion, headed by his brother and Westmoreland, he escaped
one great peril, and succeeded to the family titles and domains upon his brother's
execution, in 1572. But having engaged in Lord Paget's enterprise for setting Queen
Mary at liberty, and being imprisoned, he shot himself through the heart to prevent the
attainder and forfeiture which must have attended a conviction for treason."—(Note
by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 409.)
[94] In Vautr. edit. this name occurs as two words, "Butteau Court;" in MS. G,
"Buttincourt." The person referred to, the Sieur de Béthencourt, is already mentioned
in a note to vol. i. p. 384. Sir N. Throkmorton, in his correspondence from Paris,
notices that on "the 11th of this present, (i. e. the month of June) there arrived here in
post out of Scotlande, one Butomcourt, a Frenchman, Maister d'hostel to the Quene
Dowagier there, &c." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 130.) On the 21st June, he is
called "Betoncourt, the Scotishe Quenis Master d'hostel," (ib. p. 141); again, on the
29th July, "Butomcourt, which I thinke passed through to England, had in charge to
will the Quene Douagier of Scotland to conforme herself to the Scotts procedings in
religion, and to dissemble with them; supposing that to be the best meane to worke
theyr purposes." (Ib. p. 183.) And on the 8th August, he further says, there was "sent
by Botuncourt, at his last dispetche, diverse blankes to the Quene Dowager, signed by
the French King and Queen." (Ib. 193.) His arrival in Scotland, with these letters, is
noticed by Knox: see vol. i. p. 384.
[95] This date is left blank in the various copies of Knox's History. But the above is
neither a full or accurate copy of the letter, of which Mr. Tytler has given an extract
from the original in the State Paper Office.—(Hist. vol. vi. pp. 136, 386.) It is dated
not from St. Johnstone (or Perth,) but from "St. Andrews, 15th August 1559;" and will
afterwards be given entire.
[96] In Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. p. 401), there is a letter, dated 20th August 1559,
addressed by Sir James Crofts to Knox, mentioning that Sadler and himself were
desirous "to have som conference eyther with Mr. Henry Balnaves, or som other
discrete and trusty man, for the better expedicion of this grete and weightie busyness,
which you have in hande;" and suggesting, that he should come by sea to Holy Island,
and afterwards to be conveyed in secret manner to Berwick. On the same day, Sadler
and Crofts wrote to Cecil, representing that some aid should be granted, along with
the sum of 2000 or 3000 crowns, to relieve the Protestant party in Scotland in their
present necessities: see page 35, note 2.
[97] In MS. G, "being sent;" in Vautr. edit., "sent."
[98] The sum of £1000 sterling, on the last of October: see note in vol. i. p. 455.
[99] William Maitland, see supra, p. 4, note 2.
[100] In MS. 1566, "holye;" in MS. G. "haill."
[101] The Queen's letter to Sadler, intimating the appointment of the Duke of Norfolk
as Lord Lieutenant in the Northern Counties, is dated the last of December 1559. He
arrived at Newcastle on the 6th or 7th of January. The whole of his correspondence
with the Privy Council of England, while he exercised that office, has been printed in
Haynes's Collection of Original State Papers, from the Cecil or Burghley Papers.
(Lond. 1740, folio.) Sir Ralph Sadler has also preserved several other letters of a less
public nature: see note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler, vol. i. p. 718.
[102] In MS. G, "thair awin proper persons."
[103] The town of Carlisle.
[104] In the MS. of 1566, "anoyned;" MS. G. has "anoyit."
[105] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews: see vol. i. p. 249, note 5.
[106] See notes to pages 7 and 43-4.
[107] That is 1559-60. In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. this letter is dated "the 6th of
Februare in haist." In the former it is signed, "Your Grace's, &c.—JOHNE KNOX." The
MS. 1566, makes it "the 5th of Februarie, in Christ."
[108] Thomas Randall wrote to Sadler from Glasgow, on the 10th February 1559-60,
mentioning that the Lords of the Congregation had come to that town to consult; and
that Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Master of Maxwell, Wishart of Pittarrow, and
Henry Balnaves, had been appointed by the whole Council to meet with the Duke of
Norfolk at Berwick, on the 23d of that month. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 704.)
[109] In MS. G, "Balgone, Durie;" in MS. 1566, "Bawgane, Druye."—Supra page 7,
Knox alluding to the ravages committed by the French on the coast of Fife, in the
beginning of 1560, says, they did not spare even their own friends, the Lairds of
Senfield, Wemyss, Balmuto, and Balweary. In reference to the statement in the text,
Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th February 1559-60, says, "In Fife, all suche
gentlemen as were of any power or creditt, that tooke ony parte with the Franches, as
the Lorde of Wymes, the Lorde Bawerye, Syfeld, Bagonye, and other, have promised
their fidelitie, and given pledgis never to stand against the Congregation. This hath
bene the Lord James's action since the Franches cam their way." (State Papers, vol. i.
p. 701.) The persons mentioned by Knox, (using Lord for Laird,) I suppose, were, (1)
Sir John Wemyss of Wemyss, the ancestor of Lord Wemyss; (2) George Moutray of
Seafield, the ruins of whose castle or tower stands close upon the sea, to the west of
Kinghorn; (3) Andrew or Robert Lundie or Lundin of Balgonie, in the parish of
Markinch, a property that gives a second title of the Earl of Leven and Melville; and
(4) David Durie of Durie, in the parish of Scoonie. This property was afterwards
acquired by the father of the eminent lawyer, Sir John Gibson of Durie.
[110] Afterwards Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich: see notes, vol. i. pp. 202, 235.
[111] Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill was appointed Lord Advocate, and one of the
Judges in the Court of Session, on 20th October 1573. He was educated at St.
Andrews. His name occurs among the Determinants, in St. Leonard's College, in
1525. He probably spent some time on the Continent; and passed Advocate, 1st March
1549. He was twice married; Marion Blyth, his first wife, died 24th March 1570,
(Register of Confirmed Testaments.) His second wife, Margaret Guthrie, having
survived him, married Mr. John Lindesay, second son of Sir David Lindesay of Edzell,
and Parson of Menmuir. According to Scot of Scotstarvet, Borthwick had acquired
"many lands in Lothian and Fife, as Balnacreiff, Admiston, Balcarras, and others; but
having infest his son, Sir James, therein in his own time, he rested never till he had
sold all." Borthwick died in January 1581.
[112] In the MS. 1566, incorrectly written "Borwick," and "that favoris."
[113] In MS. G, "Audistoun." The property of Addiston is in the parish of Ratho. It
now belongs to the Earl of Morton; but the old house, situated on an elevated terrace,
was pulled down a few years ago.
[114] In Vautr. edit., "Frenche monsters."
[115] In MS. 1566, "pressed."
[116] Knox's amanuensis here introduces, as a parenthetical explanation, "NOW ERLE
OF MURAY ," a clear proof of this portion of the MS. having been transcribed before
1570. These words, also copied in MS. G, are omitted in Vautr. edit.
[117] In Rymer, &c., "the remanent of the rest of the Lordis."
[118] In MS. 1566, "except."
[119] In MS. 1566, "ane thousand;" MS. G. has "200 horsemen and 1000 foot."
[120] In the Cotton. MS., "Monneil." Sadler (State Papers, vol. i. pp. 431, 517) calls
him, "James McDonell," and "Macconnell," and says, 8th Sept. 1559, that the Queen
Regent had endeavoured to stir him, "and others of the Scottish Irishrie, against the
Erle of Argyle," to prevent Argyle from rendering aid to his associates, the Lords of
the Congregation.
In a Report on the state of the West Isles of Scotland drawn up by the Dean of
Limerick, in 1595 or 1596, James McConnell is specially mentioned as having been
"holden in great jealousie by the house of Argyle." It is further added, that "Anne
Cambell, halfe syster to the aforesayde Erle, the wife to the Sherif of Bute, by whome
she was hardlie entreated; ... by reason of her hard usadge jorneyinge towards Argeile,
she was intercepted by the said James, and marryed; by whome she had five sonnes
and a daughter." (Miscellany of the Maitland Club, vol. iv. p. 44.) As James Stewart,
Sheriff of Bute, had lawful issue by a second marriage, he probably had obtained a
divorce from his first wife.
[121] Knox has here inserted the Articles of the Convention at Berwick, 27th
February 1559-60, as confirmed by the Duke of Chattelherault, at Leith, 10th May
1560, "after the incoming of the English armies," (Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 578.)
In this confirmation the signatures of the Scotish Commissioners to the Articles are
omitted, as the copy it embodied was that exchanged with the said Commissioners,
and attested by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marischal of England, as
Commissioner from Queen Elizabeth. The original Articles, with the signatures of the
Scotish Commissioners, as given in the text above, along with the clause enclosed
within brackets, are inserted in Rymer's Fœdera, etc., vol. xv. p. 569; edit. 1740, vol.
vi. par. iv. p. 95, under this title, "Conventiones Scotorum contra Reginam Unionem
Franciæ et Scotiæ designantem, et pro Defensione contra Francos." A copy of these
Articles, from a minute endorsed by Secretary Cecil, and printed among the Burghley
State Papers, p. 253, omits the testing clause altogether. In the same volume, there is a
letter from the Duke of Norfolk to the Privy Council, last of February, stating,— "that
these three daies have we been in conference and consultation with the Lords of
Scotland, upon this great and weighty matter." Copies of this Convention are also
preserved among the Cotton. MSS. Calig. B. ix. fol. 34, and B. x, fol. 69. The
Commission, dated 29th March 1560, added to one of these MSS., has thefollowing
marginal note by Sir Robert Cotton:—"It seems by the Commission given by the
Queen for confirmation of these Articles, dated in the month of March following, that
this treaty was concluded before the Queen would openly profess herself a party,
which is to be noted."
[122] These Subscriptions obviously exhibit the names and not the actual signatures
of the Subscribers.
[123] Commendator of Kilwinning.
[124] Lord John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothock.
[125] Commendator of the Monastery of Inchcohn, or St. Colme's Inch.
[126] The words enclosed in brackets, are supplied from MS. G.
[127] In MS. 1566, "hires;" MS. G, "hyres."
[128] In Vautr. edit., "the Comishall."
[129] In. MS. G, "to pay;" in Vautr. edit. "to sell," and in both copies, "have
sufficiencie," at the end of the sentence.
[130] The names of these Commissioners are mostly well known:—John Earl of
Menteith, Andrew Earl of Rothes, Robert Lord Boyd, Sir William Murray of
Tullibardine, John Erskine of Dun, James Hamilton Earl of Arran, Alexander Gordon,
Bishop of Galloway, and Commendator of Inchaffray, Archibald Earl of Argyle,
Alexander Earl of Glencairn, Andrew Lord Ochiltre, and James Halyburton, Provost
of Dundee.
[131] See supra, page 12, note 1.
[132] William Lord Gray de Wilton, "a gallant warrior," who distinguished himself on
several occasions, and who, in 1559, was appointed Warden of the Middle and Eastern
Marches.
[133] In a letter to Sadler, Randall writes on the 25th January 1559-60,—"It is thought
that the Quene Douagier shalbe received very shortlie into the Castell of Edinburgh,
for any travaile that can be to the contrarie, with her onlie howsholde servaunts and
gentlewoomen." Two months later, on the 28th March 1560, he says, "It hath been
longe in doubte whether the Quene Douagier woolde either to the Castell of
Edinburgh or to Lythe; it is saide, that it is now resolved, that it will to the Castell this
daye."—(State Papers, vol. i. pp. 696, 712.) That the Queen had the purpose of
entering the Castle at the time first specified, is evident from an incidental notice in
the Treasurer's Accounts of his having paid £8 on the 26th January 1559-60, "to
Maister Johne Balfour, for transporting of the Quenis Grace cofferis fra the Abbay of
Halierudhous to the Castell of Edinburgh." On the same day, a messenger was sent
"with clois writtingis of the Quenis Grace to Monsr. Dosell;" and two days later 17s.
was paid "to ane boy passand of Edinburgh, with clois writtingis of the Quenis Grace
to Monsr. Labroce, rynnand all the nycht." On the last of January, the Queen herself
received the sum of £250. The actual date when the Queen passed from Holyrood
House to the Castle, was the 1st of April. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 56, 274.)
[134] The chief persons who remained in the Castle of Edinburgh with the Queen
Regent, were John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, William Earl Marischal,
William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld,
Abraham Crichton, Provost of the Church of Douglass, and James Makgill, Clerk-
Register.—(Lesley's History, p. 284; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 274; Holinshed's
Chronicles, &c.)
[135] In MS. G, "Inneresk;" in Vautr. edit., "Enresk." The village of Inveresk may be
said to form part of Musselburgh, and is situated on the east side of the River Esk,
near its confluence with the Frith of Forth, about six miles from Edinburgh.
[136] Saturday, the 6th of April, was the eve of Palm Sunday.
[137] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "pavilliones."
[138] The village of Restalrig lies about a-mile to the south-east of Leith.
[139] The building thus converted by the French troops into a place of defence, was
the Hospital or Preceptory of St. Anthony, founded by Robert Logan of Restalrig, in
1435. It stood near the Kirkgate Street, at the south-west corner of what is still called
St. Anthony's Wynd; and is said to have been the only establishment in Scotland
belonging to the Canons of St. Anthony. During the siege in May 1560, the building
was probably nearly all demolished. On the 17th of that month, the English troops
having raised earthen mounds for their great ordinance, "beganne to shoote at Sanct
Anthonyes steeple in Leith, upon the which steeple the Frenche had monted som
artillerie, which was very noisome to the campe; bot within a few hours after, the said
steeple was broken and shott doune; likewise they shott doune some part of the east
end of the kirk of Leith." (Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in the Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 84.) Another old authority states,—"Upon the 20th day [of April]
the principell blokhous within Leith, callit St Anthonies Kirk, was dung doun with
cannones, and also the High Street where the viveris (provisions) lay, and many uther
houssis upon the east syd of the toun."—(Lindesay of Pitscottie's Chronicles.)
[140] MS. G. has "go upe to the toun of Edinburgh."
[141] Easter Monday fell on the 15th of April.
[142] In the MS. copies of Knox, this Band of Association by the Lords and Barons of
Scotland, for setting forward the Reformation, is simply entitled, "The Last Band at
Leyth." It was printed "from the Original" at Hamilton Palace, by Bishop Burnet, in
his History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 287. It was probably not very accurately
transcribed, but some slight corrections from that work have been adopted. It was
reprinted in the Appendix to Crawford's Officers of State, p. 444; and in Keith's
History, vol. i. p. 273. In all these copies, as well as in Knox, the names of the Lords
and Barons who subscribed the Band are omitted. A contemporary copy in the British
Museum, among the Harleian MSS. (No. 289. fol. 70.) has enabled me to supply this
important omission.
[143] In Vautr. edit. "Now hereupon," &c.
[144] In MS. G, "taking and hald plain parte;" Vautr. edit. has "take and holde ane
playne parte." In Burnet, "taking one fold and plain part of the expulsion."
[145] In MS. G, "to be maid."
[146] In Knox these four words are omitted.
[147] I suspect some of these names may have been mistaken; such as "Graytly," and
"Faunhaus," which an examination of the original might correct.
[148] In all the other copies this marginal note forms part of the text. It is in the same
hand with the MS.: see note 1, page 68.
[149] In Holinshed's Chronicles is contained a minute account of the Siege of Leith, in
May 1560. Thomas Church-yard, the English Poet, who was present among the troops
commanded by Lord Gray de Wilton, published in "The First Part of Churchyarde's
Chippes," (a kind of Poetical Miscellany,) "The Siege of Leith," written in stanzas of
seven lines. It was first printed at London in 1565; again in 1575, and 1578. This
poem referred to, is included in the volume of "Churchyard's Chips concerning
Scotland," edited by George Chalmers, Lond. 1817, 8vo.
[150] In MS. G, "Bot be ressoun the wall was eirthe, the breiche," &c.; Vautr. edit.
has, as in the text, "But by reason all was earth, the breache," &c.
[151] As mentioned by Knox, supra, page 31, Sir James Crofts was captain of the
Town and Castle of Berwick, and warden of East Marches. "He had," says Sir Walter
Scott, "a good military reputation; having governed Ireland, and defended Haddington
(in 1547) against the French and the Scotch. He was attainted by Queen Mary, but
restored by Queen Elizabeth, and made Governor of Berwick; an office which he
enjoyed at the date of these letters." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 387.) But Crofts, for his
conduct at this time, was impeached by the Duke of Norfolk, and removed from his
office as Governor, which was conferred on Lord Gray. He afterwards became
Comptroller of the Household, and died in 1595.
[152] In MS. 1566, "of the assault it was easy."
[153] The interview of Crofts with the Queen Regent that Knox alludes to, took place
on the 6th April 1560, during the skirmish at Restalrig. "In this meantyme (says
Bishop Lesley) the Lord Gray, and Sir George Hawart, and Sir James Croftis to the
Castell of Edinburgh, to speik with the Quein to this effect (viz. the cause of the
coming of the army, &c.); quha had long conference with hir upoun the blok hous at
the uter yeit of the saide Castell, the same day, during the tyme of the scarmishe," &c.
(Hist. p. 283.) See also the Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in the Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 82.
[154] Some notices of this Frier Black will be given in the Appendix.
[155] This date, like that on the margin at page 65, is in the same hand with the MS.,
and serves to show that this portion of the volume was written or transcribed in May
1566. In MS. G. the date, by mistake, is May 1560.
[156] In MS. G, "dead" is omitted.
[157] In MS. G, "determined."
[158] In MS. G, "paviliounes;" in Vautr. edit., "pallions."
[159] In MS. G, "the Cole-raik;" Vautr. edit. follows the text.
[160] Robert Colville of Cleish, has already been mentioned, in a Note to vol. i. p.
348. The property of Cleish, in the parish of that name, Kinross-shire, had belonged to
William Meldrum of Cleish and Binns, whom Sir David Lyndesay has celebrated in
his well-known poem, "The History of Squyer Meldrum." There is every reason to
believe that this Robert Colville was the person who detected the imposture of the
pretended miracle of restoring sight to a blind person at Loretto.—See Row's History,
Wodrow Society edition, pp. 449-455. He was Master of the Household to Lord James
Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.
[161] This was probably Alexander Lockhart, styled Burgess of Ayr, who was
convicted for an unlawful convocation of the lieges within the borough of Ayr, 19th
January 1539-40. He had a charter of the lands of Quhitstanes, in that County, in 1547.
His brother, John Lockhart of Bar, is elsewhere mentioned by Knox.
[162] Instead of the 9th of June, the Queen Regent died on the 10th of that month. Her
body, by her own desire, was transported to France, after an interval of several
months; and towards the close of this Third Book, Knox takes occasion to notice the
delay of her funerals.—See note on the passage referred to.
[163] Mary of Lorraine was the daughter of Claude, Duke of Guyse.—See vol. i. p.
61, note 6.
[164] The Articles agreed upon, at Berwick, 14th June 1560, are printed by Keith.
[165] Charles de la Rochefaucault, Seigneur de Randan. In the Latin treaty, he is
designed "Dominus de Randan, Miles et Eques Auratus." In his passage through
England, he had an interview with Queen Elizabeth, in May 1560. Throkmorton, in
his letters 4th May, calls him "Monsieur de Randan, brother to the Comte
Rochefaucault, and to the Abbot of Cormery," and says, "he is a faire spokesman, and
a good courtesan, very well esteemed in this court, and of the faction of Guise." His
journey was delayed for some days; and Cecil, on the 22d May, informs Throkmorton,
—"Monsieur de Randan hath taken good leasure, and cam yesterdaye hyther to the
Court, with the Embassador, and the Bishop of Vallence."—(Forbes's State Papers,
vol. i. pp. 432, 433, 449, 460.)
[166] Monsieur John de Monluc, Bishop of Valence. On the 13th May 1560, Henry
Killegrew, at Cecil's desire, informed Throkmorton, "Yt was lang ere the Bishope of
Valence cold have save condyt of the Lords of Scotland, to repaire into the Quyne
Doujar, by cause they did mistrust the sufficiencye of his authoritie; bot yet at length
yt was granted. So as he went and spak with the Quyne in the Castell of Edenburgh,"
&c.—(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 456.)
[167] See supra, p. 17, note 2.
[168] In the copies of Knox, "Wittoun." Dr. Nicholas Wotton, was Dean of Canterbury
and York. "He was much employed (says Sir Walter Scott) in foreign negotiations,
during the Reigns of Henry VIII. and his successor, and died in 1566, after having
served in nine embasies to the several States of Europe."—(Note in Sadler, vol. i. p.
395.)
[169] The following Articles form only part of the last Convention or Treaty of Peace,
which was signed at Edinburgh, on the 6th July 1560. It is printed at full length in
Rymer's Fœdera. See also Keith's History, vol. i. pp. 298-306. It has not, therefore,
been thought necessary to supply the variations or omissions in this document.
In Rymer's collection there will likewise be found, (1.) The Commission from Francis
and Mary, King and Queen of France and Scotland, appointing Commissioners for a
Treaty of Amity and Peace with England, dated 12th May 1560. (2.) The Convention
(also in French) for the demolition of the Fortifications at Leith, 5th July 1560. (3.)
The Treaty or Convention (in Latin) alluded to, as signed at Edinburgh, on the 6th
July. The last two are signed,
J. MONLUC E. DE VALENCE.
RANDAN.
W. CECIL.
N. WOTTON.
(4.) Rymer also inserts the Ratification of this Treaty, by Queen Elizabeth, dated at
Windsor, 20th September 1560.
[170] Vautr. edit. "licensed."
[171] Vautr. edit. makes it, "Dunbar, and in such that."
[172] In MS. G, "of weir" is omitted.
[173] In MS. 1566, it is "constitute;" in Vautr. edit. "constitutions."
[174] In Vautr. edit., "from henceforth;" in MS. G, "fra this tyme furth."
[175] In MS. G, "fortificatioun."
[176] See note infra, page 84.
[177] In MS. G, "no les than twelf."
[178] In Vautr. edit., "rents and reuenewes."
[179] In MS. G, "sall be buryed, earthed, and forget;" in Vautr. edit., "shalbe buried
and forgotten."
[180] That is, the year 1558-9.
[181] In MS. G, "sall think;" in Vautr. edit., "shall judge."
[182] Lord David Hamilton, the third son of the Duke of Chatelherault: see note, vol.
i. p. 383. He returned to Scotland in October 1560.
[183] Francis the First, died 31st March 1547.
[184] In MS. G, "and in speciall that have the armes."
[185] In mentioning "the soum and effect" of this Treaty, in which, "as to the state of
religions, the same was deferrit to ane new Treatie," Bishop Lesley subjoins the
following explanation: "Heir is necessar to be rememberit, the caus quhy in this
Treatye thair was nothing aggreit tueching Religione; becaus the Commissioners of
Ingland wald haif wished the Congregatione of Scotland to haif ressavit the discipline
and ceremonies conforme to the Order establishit laitly befoir in thair Parliament of
Ingland, so that boith the Realmes micht haif ben uniforme in religione and
ceremonies; bot the Ministers and Congregatione of Scotland, thinking thair awin
profession eftir the order and discipline of Geneva, to be moir puir, as conteyning no
uther ceremonies nor is expressely mentioned in the Scriptour, thairfore wald not
ressave or admitt any uther; and the Commissioners for France walde not appreve
nane of the twa; and thairfoir that mater was delayit."—(History, p. 292.)
[186] In MS. G, "from this tyme furth;" in Vautr. edit., "from henceforth." In the
Diurnal of Occurrents, "fra this day furth, to desist and ceis fra all."
[187] The Treaty of Peace thus concluded and signed, peace was proclaimed, as
above, on the 8th of July; and Parliament was assembled on the 10th of that month, to
adjourn, as had been determined, until the first of August. The 10th of July occurs also
in the Acts printed immediately after the Confession; but both here, and at page 76,
Knox specifies the 20th of that month. The solemn public thanksgiving held in St.
Giles's Church, on the 19th July, was undoubtedly conducted by Knox himself,
although he withholds his own name, in the above narrative.
[188] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "we sobbed."
[189] In MS. G, "proclaimed;" in Vautr. edit., "reclamed."
[190] In MS. G, "unthankfulness."
[191] The first appointment of Ministers and Superintendents to the chief towns and
districts in Scotland, was made about the 20th of July 1560, or previously to the
meeting of Parliament.
[192] In the Diurnal of Occurrents, it is stated, that "Upon the first day of August, the
Parliament tuke begyning, and few or na Lordis came to the samyn, quhill the aucht
day of the samyn moneth," (pp. 61, 278.) The names of the persons present at this
memorable Parliament are preserved among the Cecil Papers, (MS. Cotton. Calig. ix.
fol. 144.) Although printed both in the Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 525, and in Keith's
History, I shall insert the list in the Appendix.
[193] John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.
[194] William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, who succeeded his brother of the half-
blood in 1527, and who survived till 1564. His nephew William Chisholm, was
constituted his coadjutor and future successor in the See, by a brief from Pope Pius IV.
dated 4 Non. Junij 1561. (Keith's Catal. p. 180).
[195] Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, who had previously been Provost of St.
Giles's Church, Edinburgh.
[196] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, and Bishop of Galloway: see a
subsequent note.
[197] Probably John Lesley: see Abbots of Lindores, in the Appendix to this volume.
[198] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see Appendix.
[199] James Stewart, of the family of Beath, Commendator of Inch-Colm, or St.
Colme. He was afterwards knighted, and raised to the peerage.
[200] Mark Ker, Commendator of Newbattle, ancestor of the Earls of Lothian.
[201] Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of King James the Fifth, Commendator of
Holyrood House, afterwards titular Bishop of Caithness and Earl of Orkney: see a
subsequent note.
[202] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews, and afterwards Earl of Murray, and
Regent of Scotland.
[203] Lord John Stewart, another natural son of King James the Fifth, was Prior of
Coldingham. In Book Fourth, Knox mentions his death at Inverness.
[204] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, Kirkcudbright: see note to vol. i. p.
372. It is a mistake, however, in saying that he died in 1571; as will afterwards be
explained.
[205] John Wynrame, Prior of Portmoak, and Sub-prior of St. Andrews: see vol i. p.
150; and a subsequent note in the present volume.
[206] William Maitland of Lethington, who made use of this expression, had been
chosen Speaker in this Parliament and had "opened the proceedings in an oration, of
which Randolph has given us the principal heads."—(Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 177.)
[207] In Vautr. edit. "to enjoy voice."
[208] In Vautr. edit. &c., "Gospell."
[209] In the printed copies 1561, "thrusted;" and in the London edit. 1561, lines 5-6,
of the title, "by their publicke voices authorised."—Some notices of the early editions
of this Confession will be given in the Appendix to this volume.
[210] In the printed copies 1561, "dampne," and "damne."
[211] In Lond. edit. 1561, "Gospell."
[212] In Lond. edit. 1561, "spreads abrode against us."
[213] In Edinb. edit. 1561, "for Christes and cherites sake."
[214] In Lond. edit. 1561, several words are here omitted, and the passage reads:
"repugnyng to God's holye worde, and do admonishe us of the same in writyng, we by
God's grace do promesse," &c.
[215] In the printed copies 1561, "oure Faithe, as by articulis followeth."
[216] The numbers of the Chapters, and the marginal Scriptural references are not
contained in any of the MS. copies of Knox's History. They are here supplied from the
first edition of the Confession, printed by Lekprevik in 1561, compared with the Acts
of Parliament of 1567, printed in 1568.
[217] These words, and such others as are inclosed within brackets, are omitted in the
copies of Knox. By "the old printed copies," in the following notes to the Confession,
is signified the editions printed in 1561, and the several editions of the Acts of
Parliament 1567.
[218] The words, "of quhom also God formit the woman to his awin image and
similitude," are omitted in the editions of the Confession 1561, and of the Acts of
Parliament 1567: also in Adamson's Latin translation, 1572.
[219] In the old printed copies, "we apprehend."
[220] In the old printed copies, "ressavit."
[221] In the editions 1561, "Church."
[222] In the MSS. of Knox, "the haill citie."
[223] In the old printed copies, "condempne."
[224] In the old printed copies, "did deny;" and "or," instead of "either," in the two
next lines.
[225] In the edition 1561, and MS. G, "whence also our salvation springeth, and
dependeth;" in the Acts of Parliament 1567, "fra quhilk all our salvatioun springs and
depends."
[226] In the old printed copies, "become."
[227] In the Acts 1567, "have tint."
[228] In the editions 1561, "not so much because he hath created us."
[229] In the London edition 1561, "to beare upon him."
[230] In the old printed copies, "the people."
[231] In the old printed copies, "unless the Spirite, &c. quickin that;" and "remove
the," &c.: "and bow."
[232] In the old printed copies, including the Acts of Parliament 1567, this Chapter is
numbered 14, and the mistake is continued throughout, so that the last Chapter 25, is
numbered 26.
[233] In the old printed copies, the words, "the devill, to abhorr," are omitted.
[234] In the editions 1561, and in the Acts 1567, the last seven words are omitted: the
sentence runs thus, "but by the power of the Lord Jesus, without whom thai war hable
to do nothing."
[235] The marginal notes on this and the following Chapters, (with the exception of
the Scripture references,) are not contained in Lekprevik's edition 1561: they are
copied from the edition of the Confession, printed at London by R. Hall, 1561, small
8vo.
[236] In the old printed copies, "withstand."
[237] In the old printed copies, "Goddis hait and displesoure is kendlit."
[238] In the old printed copies, "the doctrines the preccptes of men."
[239] In the MSS. of Knox, "maledictioun of the Law."
[240] Here and elsewhere, in the editions 1561, "Church" is uniformly substituted in
place of "Kirk."
[241] In the old printed copies, "constantlie believe."
[242] In the MSS. of Knox, "without the."
[243] In the old printed copies, "some fantastickis."
[244] In the old printed copies, "greater number."
[245] In the MSS. of Knox, "of holle judgment."
[246] In the old printed copies, "although that Counsellis."
[247] In the old printed copies, "have proponit."
[248] In the old printed copies, "two chief;" and "now instituted."
[249] In the old printed copies, "in his eternall substance."
[250] In the editions 1561, "and of the blood of Christ Jesus."
[251] In some copies, "spittle."
[252] In some copies, "his holy body."
[253] In the old printed copies, "gif the teacher plainly teach, &c. befoir God."
[254] Supplied from MS. G; but the old printed copies also read, "by the Evangelistis,
and by Sanct Paule;" omitting the word "three."
[255] In the old printed copies, "preach, magnifie, and prayse."
[256] In the old printed copies, "to sic onlie as be of the houshald."
[257] In the old printed copies, "conservatioun."
[258] In the old printed copies, "in executioun."
[259] In the old printed copies, "the trew Kirk; we meane not that every."
[260] This clause, omitted by Knox's amanuensis, is not contained in Vautr. edit., or in
the later MSS.
[261] In the old printed copies of the Confession, "cleif," "cleve," or "cleave to."
[262] In the Acts 1560 and 1567, "ar red."
[263] In the MSS. of Knox, and in Vautrollier's edition, the erroneous date, 17th July,
is given instead of the 17th August, as the day when the Confession of Faith was
ratified by Parliament. The same mistake occurs in the rare edition of the Confession,
printed at Edinburgh by John Scott, 1561, 4to.—See Herbert's Typographical
Antiquities, vol. iii. p. 1817.
[264] John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl. He succeeded his father in 1542. He
enjoyed the favour of Queen Mary, and promoted her marriage with Darnley. He
afterwards joined in the Association, and signed the warrant for the Queen's custody
in Loch-Leven. In 1577, he became Lord Chancellor of Scotland, and died 24th April
1579.
[265] James sixth Lord Somerville, succeeded to the title in 1550. From Sadler's
Correspondence it appears he was in England in 1543, as a hostage for his father, who
had been taken prisoner at Solway. (State Papers, vol. i. pp. 182, 348.) His name
occurs as signing the Bond in April 1560: (see page 63.) It may be questioned,
therefore, whether Knox is quite correct in the names of the persons whom he
mentions as having openly opposed the Confession in Parliament. See in the
Appendix an extract from Randolph the English envoy's letter to Sir William Cecil, on
the 19th of August, in which he says, "of the Temporal Lords, the Earl of Cassillis,
and the Earl of Caithness, said Noe; the rest of the Lords, with common consent,
allowed the same." (Tytler's Hist. of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 184, note.) Lord
Sommerville, who continued his adherence to the Queen's party, at the battle of
Langsyde, in May 1568, was severely wounded; and he died in the month of
December following.
[266] John fifth Lord Borthwick, in 1543, was served heir of his father, William fourth
Lord Borthwick, (his elder brother, the Master of Borthwick, having died without
issue.) He assisted the Queen Regent in her contests with the Lords of the
Congregation, and died in 1565.
[267] William Keith, fourth Earl Marischall, who succeeded his grandfather in 1530.
In 1541 he was appointed Extraordinary Lord of Session. See vol. i. p. 251. note 2. He
died 7th October 1581, having spent many of his latter years in retirement, in his
Castle of Dunnottar.
[268] The Acts referred to were renewed in the Parliament, held by the Regent Earl of
Murray, in December 1567. There was likewise another Act annulling all former Acts
made for the maintenance of Idolatry, or "contrary to the Confession of Fayth,
published in this Parliament." It was only by such ratifications that any proceedings of
the Parliament in 1560 were recorded. The Acts alluded to were republished in a
separate form, along with some of a subsequent date, connected with Religion.—1st,
in an edition "Imprintit at Edinburgh, be Johne Ros, Anno Do. 1580," 4to; and 2dly, at
"Edinburgh, prentit be Robert Waldegrave," 1593, 4to.
[269] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the Messe abolischit, and
punisching of all that heiris or sayis the samin.—Cap. v."

[270] Mr. James McGill, Clerk Register: see a subsequent note.

[271] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the abolissing of the Pape,
and his usurpit authoritie.—Cap. iii."
[272] See note to the preceding Act, which was passed on the same day.
[273] As already mentioned, no record of the proceedings of this Parliament in August
1560, was included in any of the printed collections of the Public Statutes, until Mr.
Thomson restored the three Acts, (see page 123, note 1,) along with the Confession of
Faith, in his edition of Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. pp. 525-535. An abstract of the
proceedings was furnished to Bishop Keith, by Father Innes, from Archbishop
Beaton's MSS. in the Scots College, Paris: a copy of this abstract will be given in the
Appendix, along with the extract of Randolph's letter, mentioned at page 121, note 2.
[274] James Sandilands, second son of Sir James Sandilands of Calder, (see vol. i.
page 301,) became Preceptor of Torphichen, (ib. page 249,) and in virtue of this
office, under the title of Lord St. John, he had a seat in Parliament. He was employed
in several embassies; and with the rest of his family he joined the Reformers; this
mission to France shews the estimation in which he was held. Having obtained a grant
of the possessions of the Knights Templars and Hospitallers in Scotland in 1563, the
same were erected into a Free Barony or a Temporal Lordship, in his favour, by Queen
Mary, as Lord Torphichen; and he relinquished his former title of Lord St. John. See
the copy of the Charter, dated 24th January 1563-4, with several interesting notices
regarding the Templar Lands and Dignities, by Mr. Maidment, in the Spottiswoode
Miscellany, (vol. ii. pp. 17-32,) Edinb. 1845, 8vo. James Lord Torphichen, died 29th
November 1596, leaving no issue, and his estates and title devolved on his grand-
nephew, James Sandilands of Calder.
[275] See note 1, page 131.
[276] In Knox's MS. 1566, the names of Winram and Douglas are added on the
margin, apparently in his own hand; in the text being simply styled, "the Suppriour,"
&c., and "the Rectour," &c., "the," being afterwards deleted. In Vautr. edit., and the
later MSS., the names are introduced into the text. The transcriber of MS. G, has,
however, omitted the name of "John Willok," as one of the compilers of the Book of
Discipline.
[277] This charge of avarice was made against John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of
Mar, and Regent of Scotland; who had married Annabella Murray, eldest daughter of
Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and Catherine, daughter of Sir Duncan Campbell
of Glenurchy.
[278] In MS. G, "Maister of Maxwell, thairefter Lord Herise." Sir John Maxwell, in
virtue of his marriage with the eldest daughter and co-heiress of William third Lord
Herries, assumed that title in 1567.
[279] John fifth Lord Lindesay of Byres, died in 1563, and was succeeded by his
eldest son Patrick, Master of Lindesay.
[280] Upon comparing this list of names with the signatures attached to the Book of
Discipline, it will be seen that Knox's amanuensis has unfortunately copied them only
in part, as the names of the Earls of Marischal, Monteith, and Morton, and a few
others here specified, are not given. See the end of Book Third, in the present volume.
[281] In the Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 605, "The Commission of the Estates to move
Queene Elizabeth of England to tak the Erle of Arran to hir husband," in August 1560,
is inserted, with the signatures, from the original, preserved among the Hamilton
archives. This Commission authorized "that honorable personis be sent in ambassat
fra and on behalf of the Estates." The ambassadors, the Earls of Morton and
Glencairn, and Maitland of Lethington, set out from Edinburgh, accompanied with
fifty-four horse, on the 11th or 12th October 1560. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 62.)
They returned on the 3d of January 1560-61. (Ib. pp. 63, 281.)
[282] "My Lord Duke and the Earl of Arrane, his son, on the 24th September 1560,
departit to cast doun my Lord Sempills hous;" and on the 14th October, "the Castell of
Sempill was tane be my Lord Duke." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 62, 63.)
Castle Semple is in the parish of Lochwinnoch, and county of Renfrew, and stood at
the northern end of the lake called Lochwinnoch, from which the parish derived its
name: it was demolished in the year 1735, and replaced by a modern mansion.
[283] The journey of Lord St. John seems to have been delayed for nearly a month
after the dissolution of Parliament. Robert Melville, who was to have accompanied
him, addressed a letter to the Lady Cecill, on the 21st September, in which he says,
"quhilk journay is alterit, and thought mare expedient that my Lord of Senjhone pass
in France, quhaire I daire not go at this tyme. Seeing my Lord is desirous to offer his
service untoyour Ladyship," &c. (Haynes's State Papers, p. 362.)—"Upoun the xxiij
day of September, the zeir of God 1560 zeiris, James Lord of Sanctjohne was directit
as ambassadour, and departit to France, throw the Realme of Ingland, to obtane
eonfirmatioun of the Quenis grace of this Realme, and hir Spouse, upoun the Actis
maid of the Parliament foirsaid." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 62, 280.) The same
authority states, that on the 19th December, "James Lord Sanctjohne come furth of
France to Edinburgh, and obtenit little or nathing of his errands expeid." (ib. p. 281.)
[284] George sixth Lord Seaton, was one of the Commissioners sent to France in
1558, at the marriage of Queen Mary. On the Queen's return to Scotland, he was
appointed Master of the Household, and remained attached to her in all her
misfortunes.
[285] So in the different MSS.; but it may be suggested, whether the name is not a
mistake for the Abbot of Sauls Seat, (Sedes Avimarum,) in Wigtonshire.
[286] In MS. G, "Restalrig."—Sinclair's name is added on the margin of MS. 1566.
[287] The persons of the French faction here named, have been previously mentioned
by Knox, viz. James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (vol. i. p. 252, note 2,) who
survived till the year 1603; George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, (vol. i. p. 183, note
2); and John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, (vol. i. p. 265, note 2,) became Bishop of
Brechin in 1563. See infra, p. 141. Beaton and Seaton arrived at Paris on the 3d of
August. (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 176.)
[288] There can be little doubt that by "Mr. George," we are to understand Mr.
GEORGE BUCHANAN. He was in France at the time of the King's death, and it is highly
probable he may not only have furnished Knox with the information contained in this
paragraph, but also have supplied him with the translation of the Latin verses on page
136. The style of this version corresponds so much with the prose writings and the
few letters of Buchanan written in his native tongue, as to warrant this ascription: but
in either case, whether translated by Buchanan or Knox, these lines may be esteemed
a literary curiosity. Buchanan returned to Scotland about the same time with Mary
Queen of Scots, in the summer or autumn of 1561.
[289] The account here given is not exaggerated, as the French Protestants were
subjected to fearful persecutions, and the number of persons brought to the stake on
account of religion, from time to time, would scarcely be credited, unless for the
undeniable testimony of contemporary writers. The sudden death of Francis the
Second, had undoubtedly the effect of preventing some intended atrocities against the
Reformed party in France.
[290] A blank space of about two lines left here in MS. 1566, as if to insert some
additional names.
[291] See next page, note 2.
[292] The date here assigned for the death of the French monarch, is incorrect. He
died on the 5th, not the 15th of December 1560, (although Mezeray, the French
historian, says it was on the 4th of that month,) after a short reign of sixteen months
and twenty-four days, in the 17th year of his age.
[293] The writer of these verses is unknown. They occur in an anonymous work,
containing much curious and important matter relating to the state of Religion in
France, entitled, "Commentaires de l'Estat de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois
Henry et Francois seconds, et Charles neufieme. (1556-1561.)—M.D.LXV." 8vo. foll.
262. The above "Vers Latins faicts sur la mort du Roy Francois," are thus introduced
at fol. 100:
"Non long temps apres furent divulguez quelques vers Latins faicts sur la mort dudict
Roy Francois, du Roy Henry son pere, et de l'Empereur Charles cinquieme, qui m'ont
semblé estre dignes de memoire, et d'estre conservez a la posterité: lesquels pourtant
i'ay voulu icy adiouster, la superscription estant telle qu'il s'ensuit ey apres.

"AD HVIVS TEMPORIS

Monarchas προτρεπτικον Carmen.

Consiliis Christum oppugnans," &c.

There is a similar work entitled, "Commentariorum de Statu Religionis et Reipublicæ
in Regno Franciæ, Pars I-V." by Joannes Serranus, a learned divine. The author of the
"Commentaires," was Peter de la Place, an eminent lawyer, whom Henry the Second
had appointed King's Advocate and President of the Court of Aids, in Paris. In 1560,
he openly avowed himself a Protestant, which obliged him to leave Paris, and in the
troubles that followed, his library and effects were pillaged or destroyed; and he
himself eventually became one of the victims in the atrocious massacre of the
Protestants on the eve of St. Bartholomew, 25th August 1572.
[294] The Emperor Charles the Fifth, and King of Spain. After having abdicated his
throne to his son Philip the Second, in October 1555, he took up his retreat in the
convent of St. Just, in the Province of Estramadura, in Spain. The change from an
active life, and his mortified ambition, led to acts of fantastic devotion, which
betrayed a weakness of understanding. He died 21st September 1558.
[295] Henry the Second, King of France. His death, on the 10th July 1559, is
previously mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 371.
[296] This projected alliance with Elizabeth was the chief object, as mentioned at
page 130, for which the Parliament had sent ambassadors to the Court of England.
This scheme being thus frustrated, the death of Francis the Second suggested a similar
alliance with Queen Mary.
[297] Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, heritable Sheriff of the county of Ayr, had
succeeded his father, Sir Hugh, in the year 1508. He survived till February 1561-2.
His son and successor, Sir Matthew Campbell, was a zealous and decided supporter of
the Reformation.
[298] The disappointment that attended his overtures of marriage with Queen Mary,
seems to have preyed on the Earl of Arran's spirits, and before long to have unfitted
him for all public employment.
[299] In MS. G, "the Kyrk."
[300] The Kirk of Field was the name usually given to the Collegiate Church of St.
Mary in the Fields, Edinburgh. It stood on the site of the College; and was the scene,
as related in Book Fifth, of Darnley's Murder in 1566.
[301] In MS. G, she is erroneously named "Marie Bowes;" her death took place
towards the end of December 1560.
[302] Lord Grey de Wilton: see supra, p. 65.
[303] In MS. G, "the fyft day." The 5th was a Sunday; the 15th Wednesday.
[304] Mr. Alexander Anderson, parson of Methlik, and vicar of Kinkell, was
appointed Principal of King's College, Aberdeen, in the year 1530. The General
Assembly having appointed a visitation of the College in 1568, Anderson, with the
Sub-Principal, and three of the Regents or Professors, were summoned "as very
obstinate Papists," and having refused to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and the
Acts 1560, and 1567, they were deposed by order of the Lord Regent and Council, the
sentence being pronounced by John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and
Mearns, 30th June 1569. (Calderwood's Hist. vol. ii. p. 491; Booke of the Kirk, vol. i.
pp. 141-143.)
Bishop Lesley, who was personally concerned in the disputation mentioned by Knox,
says, the Lords of the Congregation, (in the winter of 1560,) "Causit summone sindrie
of the best learnit men out of all the partes of the Realme to cum to Edinburgh, to gif
reasone of thair faith and professione of thair religeoune. Amangis the quhilkis thair
was causit to compeir furth of the Universitie of Aberdene, Mr. John Leslye, Official
of Aberdene, licentiat in boith the lawis, Mr. Alexander Anderson Principal of the
College, Professor of Theologie, and sindrie utheris." He adds, that after "very sharpe
and hard disputations," with Knox, Willock, and Goodman, "nothing was concludit,
for everie ane of thame remanit constant in thair awin professione." (Hist. p. 293.)
[305] That is, "Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an unworthy sinner, present
to thee the living and true God for my own sins, and for the sins of the whole Church
of the quick and the dead," &c.
[306] A short notice of Lesley, Bishop of Ross, will be given in the Appendix, under
the head of Abbots of Lundores. But here it may be mentioned, that the words in the
margin, "AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE OF ROSS," are written in a different hand,
(most likely by Knox himself,) and clearly posterior to the rest of the page. By
attending therefore to the dates of Lesley's successive appointments, this serves to fix
the period when this portion of the History was written to the earlier part of the year
1566.
[307] This marginal note occurs in no other copy; and the words "now to affirme,"
were evidently written during Sinclair's life; and along with the similar mention of the
Dean of Restalrig, in the Author's emphatic terms, "as a perfect hypocrite," (vol. i. p.
265,) it corroborates the supposition that the greater portion of this MS. must have
been written in the year 1566. It will be seen from the footnotes on the passage
referred to, that Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, was promoted to the See of
Brechin in 1563, and became President of the Court of Session, 13th November 1565.
He died at Edinburgh, 9th April 1566.
[308] Lord James Stewart was appointed to repair to Queen Mary, by the Convention,
15th January 1560-1. Chalmers is undoubtedly correct when he says, he had no
authority, to persuade the Queen to return to Scotland. (Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii. p.
141.) But Lord James, as we are informed by Randolph, was in no hurry to depart "till
he see what will be done at the ensuing Parliament." (Ib.) In a letter to Cecil, 7th
February 1560-1, he desires a passport, "being ordered by the Nobility and Council, to
our Sovereign, for declaration of our duty and devotion to her Highness." (Ib.) He left
Edinburgh, on his way to France, 18th March, passing through England, where he was
well entertained, and reached the town of Diziers, where Queen Mary was residing, on
the 15th April 1561. (Bishop Lesley's History, p. 294.)
[309] In the MS. 1566, of Knox's History, several blank pages occur after these words;
but the deficiency, consisting of the "Forme and Order of the Election of
Superintendents," &c., (ending at page 150 of the present volume,) has been supplied
from the Glasgow MS., collated with a copy annexed to "The Ordour of
Excommunication," &c., subjoined to an edition of the Psalms and Prayers, printed at
Edinburgh, by Robert Charteris, 1596. It is also included in the "Collection of
Confessions of Faith," &c., vol. ii. p. 625, Edinb. 1722. The Editor says, he has
printed it according to an edition by Robert Lekprevik 1569; and that "it differs little
from the ordinary copies that are printed with the old Psalms, but in the manner of
spelling of words."
The Editor of the Collection of Confessions, thus mentions the Order of Election of
Elders and Deacons: "It is uncertain when this was written; but it is in the Manuscript
copy of Knox's History, which is in the College Library of Glasgow, and is printed at
Edinburgh, with other publick papers, by Robert Lekprevik, Anno 1569, according to
which this edition is printed. It is approved by the General Assembly, April 1582,
Sess. 12, in these words,—'Concerning ane General Ordor of Admission to the Office
of Eldaris, referris it to the Ordor usit at Edinburgh, quhilk we approve.'"
The Admonition or prayer at the end, (see page 154,) in its reference to the King and
Regent, apparently fixes the date to the year 1568.
[310] That is, 9th March 1560-1.
[311] In some copies, "Moderator."
[312] Mr. John Spottiswood was born about the year 1510, and was educated at
Glasgow. His name occurs in the University records, as incorporated in 1534, being
designed "Servus domini Rectoris." In 1536 he had taken his degree as Master of Arts.
He is said to have been in England from 1538 to 1543, and to have returned with the
Earl of Glencairn. In 1548 he was presented to the Vicarage of Calder. Having early
joined the Reformers, he was nominated as Superintendent of Lothian in July 1560,
and was admitted, agreeably to the above form, 9th March 1561, without resigning his
charge as minister of Calder. (Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 367.) He may, with much
more truth, be said to have "continued in this holy function, with the approbation of
all good men, till his death," than to "have exercised fully the power, and discharged
faithfully the office of a Bishop, though under another style;" (Life prefixed to
Spottiswood's History, Lond. 1655, folio.) The office of Superintendent was merely
temporary; and he himself displayed no assumption of authority over his brethren in
the ministry, nor aspired after Episcopal dignity. He died 5th December 1585. His
eldest son, who became his successor as Minister of Calder, was ultimately
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord Chancellor of Scotland.
[313] As stated at page 143, the following Order of the Election of Elders and
Deacons is not contained in the MS. 1566, or in Vautrollier's edition; but, has been
supplied from MS. G.
[314] That is, according to the old version of the Psalms, by Sternhold and others,
which continued in public use in Scotland until the year 1650. The earliest edition is
that printed at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1565, along with the Common Prayers
and Calvin's Catechism: See notices and extracts in the Appendix to Baillie's Letters
and Journals.
[315] There were several Acts against immorality passed about this time, in
Parliament, and in the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Courts. One of these Acts of the
Town Council of Edinburgh, when about to be enforced against a delinquent in the
person of John Sanderson, Deacon of the Fleshers, led to the tumult to which Knox
refers. On the 22d November 1560, "The quhilk day the Baillies and Counsale being
convenit in the Over Counsale House of the Tolbuith of this burt. Comperit William
Harlay, dekin of the Hammarmen, and certane uthir craftismen, and desyrit the decreit
and sentence gevin aganis Jhone Sandersone, dekin of the Fleschouris, decernying
him to be cartit throuch the town, and thairafter banischit the samyn, for his manifest
adulterie committit with Margaret Lyell, to be continewit quhill the morne: Quhilk the
Provost, Baillies, and Counsale foresaid grantit, and thairupoun the said William askis
instruments."
On the following day the Council having adhered to their resolution that the sentence
against Sanderson should be carried into effect; this was so much resented by the
craftsmen of the town as a dishonour, that they assembled in a tumultuous manner,
broke up the prison, and set him at liberty. The Magistrates having immediately
complained to the Lords of the Secret Council, several persons connected with this
tumult, were apprehended and imprisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh. There are
several entries in the Town Council Records on this subject: see the account given in
Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 20.
[316] The Ambassador here spoken of was Mons. de Noailles, Master of Requests,
who had formerly been Ambassador in England. (Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. i. p.
157.) He arrived on the 11th of March, and returned on the 7th of June 1561. (Diurnal
of Occurrents, pp. 64, 282-3.)
[317] Mr. James Makgill or M'Gill, eldest son of Sir James Makgill, Provost of
Edinburgh.
He was educated at St. Andrews, having been incorporated in St. Leonard's College in
1532. He probably took his Master's degree, and completed his studies at some
foreign University. On the 1st March 1549-50, he was admitted an Advocate. On the
25th June 1554, he was advanced to be Clerk-Register; and continued to be employed
in various public affairs. He joined the Reformers, but on account of his concern in the
murder of David Riccio, 9th March 1566, he fled from Edinburgh, and his situation as
Clerk-Register was conferred upon Sir James Balfour. Upon a vacancy, in December
1567, after the accession of the Regent Murray to power, Makgill was restored, and he
continued in office till 1577. He died in 1579. (Senators of the College of Justice, p.
99.)
[318] This date occurs in the text; and the set or quire in this place was no doubt
transcribed about that time.
[319] During the festivities of the month of May, the games of Robin Hood were
attended with so much disorderly license, that they were ordered to be suppressed by
an Act of the Scotish Parliament in 1555. It is not easy, however, to abolish long
continued customs; and complaints to the General Assembly for their continued
observance were made until the close of the 16th century. Of the tumult that took
place in Edinburgh, on the 21st of June 1561, a very minute and interesting account is
preserved in the Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 283-4.
Several persons were brought to trial on account of these riots. On the 20th July 1561,
Robert Hannay, smith, and nine others were tried, as art and part in choosing George
Durye in the month of April last, and calling him Lord of Inobedience, and for rioting
on Sunday the 12th May. (See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 409.) And James
Fraser, sadler, and five others, were tried on the 8th of August, on account of the riots
in the month of July. (Ib. p. 410.)
[320] In MS. G, "Kyllone:" Vautr. edit. makes the name "Balon." In the Diurnal of
Occurrents, he is called James Killone and Kellone, at p. 65, but James Gilloun and
Gillone, at p. 283.
[321] The words enclosed in brackets, omitted in MS. 1566, are supplied from MS. G.
[322] Alexander Guthrie, city clerk.
[323] In MS. G, "and honest."
[324] Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie, filled the office of Provost of Edinburgh in the
year 1561. By a special mandate from Queen Mary, dated 21st August 1562, Douglas
was again chosen Provost of the City. (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 24.)
[325] See supra, page 71.
[326] Ib. page 68.
[327] The 10th of July is the day usually assigned for the Queen Regent's death:
others say the morning of the 11th: See notices of the Queen's death and funerals in
the Appendix to the present volume.
[328] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "and went."
[329] In MSS. 1566, G, &c., and Vautr. edit. "personis."
[330] In MSS. 1566, G, &c. "the 18." Vautr. edit. gives the correct date, "28th:" see
next page, note 4.
[331] The persons who formed this deputation from the General Assembly to the
Lords of Secret Council, were, (1.) Patrick Master of Lindesay, who succeeded to the
title of Lord Lindsay of Byres, on his father's death in 1563; (2.) John Gordon of
Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire; (3.) Andrew Ker of Farnihurst, in Roxburghshire,
ancestor to the Earls of Lothian; (4.) William Douglas of Whittingham, in East
Lothian, a grandson of James second Earl of Morton, and afterwards one of the
Senators of the College of Justice; (5.) Thomas Menzies of Pitfoddellis, who was
Provost of Aberdeen, from 1547 to 1576, without interruption; and, (6.) George
Lovell, burgess of Dundee, whose name has already occurred in Knox.

[332] In MS. 1566, "the Lard of Lowclewen."

[333] According to the "Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland," containing the
Acts and Proceedings of the Assembly, the meeting was held on the 26th of May; and
the persons above-named were appointed on the 28th to present the Supplication and
Articles "tuitching the Suppressioun of Idolatrie." The result of the application is thus
recorded:— "Upoun the whilk Supplicatioun, Articles and sute thairof was grantit,
and followit be the Lords of Secreit Counsell, and Act and Ordinance thairupon, with
letters therupon, answering to every head of the said Articles and Supplicatioun, at
length specified in the Act of Secreit Counsell made therupon; whilk is to be had in
the hands of John Johnstone, scrybe therof, and letters and publicatioun past
therupon."
[334] In MS. G, &c. "prosperit worse."
[335] Lord James Stewart (see page 142, note 3.) Queen Mary, in a letter to
Throkmorton, dated at Nancy 22d April 1561, declares that Lord James who was then
with her, had come without any special mission: "Quant à Lord James qui est devers
moy, il y est venue pour son devoir, comme devers sa souveraine Dame, que je suis,
sans charge ou commission qui concerne autre chose que son droit." She was anxious
he should not return through England; and there can be no doubt, his conduct was too
much influenced by the English Court. See the letters quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi.
pages 218 to 225. Lord James returned from France before the end of May 1561. The
Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 283) has the 19th of May; but according to a letter quoted by
Mr. Tytler, it appears that Lord James was in London on the 20th of that month, but
had reached Edinburgh on the 3d of June. (History, vol. vi. p. 225.)
[336] In MS. 1566, "at Reins) understand."
[337] The Count Rheingrave had the command of the German troops which formed
one of the divisions of the French forces sent to Scotland in 1548. He distinguished
himself at the sieges of Haddington and Dundee. (Lesley's History, pp. 206, 207, 219,
223.) He returned to France in 1549, but it seems doubtful whether he again visited
this country. He appears to have settled in France. John Philip Rheingrave, Count
Palatine of the Rhine, before 1554, married an heiress, Jean de Genoüillac, the widow
of Charles Seigneur de Crussol, Vicomte d'Uzés. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p.
768.) In December 1562, "the Rhyngrave lost fourscore of his horsemen," or,
"reisters," when Harfleur was taken by the English. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i.
pp. 119-120.)
[338] In MS. G, "upon the Change-brig;" Vautrollier's edition makes it, "upon the
point of change." The place referred to was the principal bridge in Paris, across the
river Seine, formerly known as the Grand Pont. It takes its name, Pont au Change,
from the changeurs or money-brokers who resided there, so early as the 12th century;
but the houses upon the bridge were finally removed in 1788, by order of Louis XVI.
[339] See supra, page 156.
[340] Monsieur de Nouailles left Edinburgh on the 7th June 1561. (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 64.)
[341] As Knox has enjoyed more than his full share of credit for destroying the
ecclesiastical buildings of this country, I may be permitted to call the reader's attention
to Dr. M'Crie's remarks on the "Alleged Excesses of the Reformers," in his notes to
the Life of Knox, vol. ii. pages 450-456. But it might not be difficult to show that the
actual devastations committed by the Reformers have been greatly exaggerated. The
object they had in view was not to destroy the buildings, but to remove objects of
idolatrous worship and superstition. It should also be remembered, that the revenues
appropriated for keeping such buildings in repair, being diverted to other channels,
these large and imposing edifices, more suited for the services of the Romish Church
than the simpler forms of Presbyterian worship, were allowed to fall into utter ruin.
When portions were restored to serve as parish churches, this was too often done but
little in accordance with their original richly decorated style of architecture.
[342] The Monastery of Paisley, in the shire of Renfrew, was not wholly destroyed, as
the nave of the church, with its aisles, remain very entire, and have continued to be
used as the collegiate church of the Abbey Parish.
[343] The words inclosed within brackets, omitted in the MS. 1566, and in Vautr.
edit., are supplied from MS. G.—In vol. i.p. 124, it is mentioned, that John Hamilton,
who afterwards became Archbishop of St. Andrews, had obtained the Abbacy of
Paisley in the year 1525. In 1544, he proposed to resign Paisley to his brother James,
reserving to himself the whole fruits of the benefice, with a right to re-enter to it,
should his brother predecease him. (Epist. Regum Scot. vol. ii. p. 212.) This
arrangement probably was not confirmed; as the Abbot eventually resigned the
Commendatorship to Lord Claud Hamilton, third son of James Duke of
Chattelherault. This appears to have taken place in 1553, when Lord Claud was aged
eleven years; the Archbishop still acting as Administrator in spiritual as well as
temporal matters, till the Commendator had attained the age of twenty-three. In
various deeds, so late as April 1565, the former continued to be styled "John, &c.
Archbishop of Sanctandrois, Primat and Legat of the haill Realme of Scotland, and
Abbot of the Abbay of Pasley." Lord Claud Hamilton was the ancestor of the Earls of
Abercorn.
[344] Only some inconsiderable remains now exist of the Monastery of Failfurd, in
the parish of Tarbolton, Ayrshire.
[345] Some portions of this stately building still exist, adjoining the Parish Church of
Kilwinning.
[346] The Abbay of Crossraguel, in the parish of Kirkoswald, about two miles from
Maybole, although in ruins, is preserved with great care, and is more entire than any
other monastic building in the West of Scotland.
[347] The Treaty of Leith, as already noticed at pages 73-84, was ratified by Queen
Elizabeth, 20th September 1560: The Ratification is printed in Rymer's Fœdera.
[348] Sir Nicholas Throkmorton:—His correspondence, addressed to Queen Elizabeth
and Secretary Cecil, whilst English ambassador at the Court of France, includes much
curious and interesting matter relating to Scotland. See in particular Dr. Forbes's
Collection of State Papers, Lond. 1740, 1741, 2 vols. folio: unfortunately the
intermediate portion of his Collections, from May 1560 to July 1562, was never
published. Throkmorton returned from France in 1564, and was afterwards sent on
more than one occasion to Scotland. He was made Chamberlain of the Exchequer; and
died in 1570.
[349] "Mr. Somer," or Sommers, was a confidential agent or messenger employed by
Cecil, in his correspondence with the English Ambassadors at the Court of France.
[350] In MS. 1566, "propertie."
[351] This marginal note forms part of the text in MS. G. It evidently is one of those
remarks of the author which form a kind of running commentary by Knox on this
communication. They are contained in Vautrollier's edition; but not in MS. G, with the
exception of this marginal addition.
[352] In Vautr. edit. "in very good health:" MS. G, (omitting the words, "I thank
God,") is the same as the text.
[353] The Seigneur D'Oysel: See notes in vol. i. pp. 328 and 355. Lord Clinton, in a
letter to the Earl of Sussex, 8th August 1560, mentions that D'Oysel and Martigues,
having 3500 French soldiers in their company, had then landed at Calais, on their
return from Scotland. Queen Mary had purposed sending him again to Scotland in the
spring of 1561. From letters of the time we learn he was not expected to reach
Greenwich before the 8th of July, and Cecil on the 25th of that month says, "Monser
d'Oyzell came from the Scottish Quene, with request that the Quene his Mistress
might have a salve conduct to pass alongst our sea coast, and hymself to pass into
Scotland to provide for her coming. Many reasons moved us to myslike her passadge,
but this only served us for answer," &c., namely, her refusal to ratify the Treaty of
Peace. It is added, "Monser d'Oyzell was also gently required to returne with this
answer." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 43, 62, 66.) Mr. Tytler has shown, that
D'Oysel "was altogether unworthy of the trust reposed in him," by his secret
communications both to the English Ambassador and Queen Elizabeth. (Hist. vol. vi.
p. 228.)
[354] The words enclosed within brackets are evidently added by Knox.
[355] This is one of Knox's additions.
[356] In MS. G, "to strayne."
[357] These words, enclosed, are remarks by Knox.
[358] In Vautr. edit., "the shew of England."
[359] The remark on Queen Elizabeth, in the preceding paragraph, "And yet is scho,"
&c., is omitted in Vautrollier's edition; and the words that follow, read, "Let the world
judge whether Queen Elizabeth, we say," &c., as above.
[360] "Manck," or deficient; that is, "I think (says Knox) there is something deficient
or wanting in this sentence, but I will not alter one word."
[361] Evidently a remark by Knox.
[362] In MS. G, "to declair."
[363] Mr. Stephen Wilson, who probably held some preferment in the Romish
Church, was an active partisan of Queen Mary. He had also been in the service of her
mother, the Queen Regent. On the 11th February 1559-60, the Treasurer paid, "be the
Quenis Grace speciale command to Maister Stevin Wilsone, passand of Edinburgh
throuch Ingland, in the Quenis Grace effairis, in France," the sum of £80. Randolph, in
a letter to Cecil, 7th February 1565-6, referring to a Band or Confederacy "to
maintayne Papistrye throughout Christendome," but more especially directed against
Queen Elizabeth and the Protestants in Scotland, which had been sent from France to
be signed by the Queen of Scots; he says, it was "to be returned very shortlie, as I
heare, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices." Killegrew, in a
letter to Lord Burghley, written from Edinburgh, 4th March 1573, says, "Stephen
Wilson, that carried letters from the Erle of Argile into France, is returned, and taken
by the Regentis commandment. To-morrow he shall be examined." (Wright's Queen
Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 220, 470.) His intercepted correspondence is also mentioned in
Killegrew's letter, on the 9th March, quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vii. p. 340.
[364] See page 141, and foot-note to page 139.
[365] Mr. James Thornton became one of the dignified clergy, and enjoyed the
parsonage of Alves, and the vicarage of Lanbryde, as Chantor of Murray. In 1559, he
was at Rome employed with John Row, (who afterwards became the Protestant
minister of Perth,) in transacting some ecclesiastical matters. In 1562, when the
Rentals of the Benefices were given in to the Commissioners, he made several of the
returns in the diocese of Murray. One of these was the Chantorie of Murray, rendered
by "Maister James Thorntoun in name and behalf, and as procurar of his Eme (uncle)
Maister John Thornetoun eldar, quha is in titell of the said Chantorie." Another was
the parsonage of Adwy, given in by him, "in name and as procurar for his brother,
Maister Johnne Thornetoun younger, possessor and titular of the samyn." He appears
to have been an active and confidential agent of James Beaton, Archbishop of
Glasgow, (who had retired to France, after the establishment of the Reformation,) in
carrying on his negotiations with this country. Queen Mary addressed a letter to
Queen Elizabeth, 27th May 1565, requesting a safe conduct "for Maister James
Thorntoun, Secretair to the Archbishop of Glasgo, as Ambassatour in France." In
1566 he brought from France the Bond mentioned in the preceding note. It was about
this time that he obtained, probably as his uncle's successor, the titular appointment of
Chantor of Murray.
[366] The whole of this concluding sentence, and the Book of Discipline itself, are
omitted in the Glasgow MS. In such of the later MSS. of Knox as contain the Book of
Discipline, it is literally copied from Calderwood's printed edition in 1621; in small
4to, pp. [xvi.] and 92.
[367] Archbishop Spotiswood, in his History of the Church of Scotland, (edit. 1655,
pp. 152-174,) has also introduced a copy of the Book of Discipline, and assigns the
following reason for doing so: "In the Convention kept at Edinburgh in January
preceding [1560-1], a form of Church-policy was presented, and desired to be ratified.
Because this will fall to be often mentioned, and serveth to the clearing of many
questions which were afterward agitated in the Church; I thought meet word by word
here to insert the same, that the Reader may see what were the grounds laid down at
first for the Government of the Church, so we shall the better decerne of the changes
that followed." (Hist. p. 152.) Spotiswood does not state from what authority he has
given it; but it is undeniable that he has curtailed various passages which will be
pointed out in the Appendix, in the note on the Book of Discipline. At the conclusion
he adds,—"This was the Policy desired to be ratified: It had been formed by JOHN
KNOX, partly in imitation of the reformed Churches of Germany, partly of that he had
seen in Geneva; whence he took that device of annuall Deacons for collecting and
dispensing the Church rents, whereof in the sixth head he speaketh; I cannot say." (Ib.
p. 174.) It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the Second Book of Discipline,
forming part of Calderwood's edition, was of a subsequent date, having been agreed
upon in the General Assembly 1578, inserted in the Registers of the Assembly 1581,
and recognised by Parliament in 1592.
[368] There is no separate title either in the MS. 1566, or in Vautrollier's edition,
which contains the earlier portion of the BOOK OF DISCIPLINE. (See note 1, page 197.)
The edition 1621, quoted in the foot-notes, was published anonymously by David
Calderwood the historian, and was evidently printed in Holland. A copy of the title-
page is herewith annexed. It was reprinted in the "Collection of Confessions of Faith,"
&c., with a separate title-page, dated 1721, but the volume ii. (pp. 515-608,)
containing it, was not completed until 1722. The Editor says, "This edition is
according to that which was printed in 1621," correcting typographical errors, and
supplying "from other copies some words which probably have been omitted by the
printer." It is to be regretted that he should not have specified what "other copies" he
made use of. But one of these, no doubt, was Spotiswood's, referred to in note 2, page
181.

THE FIRST AND

SECOND BOOKE OF
DISCIPLINE

Together with some

ACTS OF THE GENERALL

ASSEMBLIES,

Clearing and confirming the same: And

AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT.

EXOD. 25. 9.
According to all that I shew thee, after the paterne of the Tabernacle, and the paterne
of all the instruments thereof, even so shall yee make it.
Printed Anno 1621.
[369] Omitted in MS. 1566, but contained in Vautr. edit. and edit. 1621.
[370] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Church" is used throughout the earlier portion of
the Book of Discipline in place of "Kirk:" see note 2 to page 201.
[371] In edit. 1621, "pleasure and."
[372] In edit. 1722, Chap. I.
[373] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Evangell" is always rendered "Gospell."
[374] In edit. 1621, "repugnant."
[375] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "repressed."
[376] In edit. 1621, "Lest that upon," and omits "our."
[377] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "other fonde" and "fond feastes."
[378] In edit. 1722, Chap. II.
[379] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "preached and declared."
[380] See note infra, page 210.
[381] In Vautr. edit, and edit. 1621, "spittle."
[382] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "who dare."
[383] In edit. 1722, Chap. III.
[384] In MS. 1566, "monkis, freiris."
[385] In edit. 1722, Chap. IV.
[386] In Vautr. ed., and ed. 1621, "appeire."
[387] In edit. 1621, "the best reformed citie and toune, that is, to the towne."
[388] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "intruded."
[389] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "or yet retained."
[390] In edit. 1621, "and so not only his life is."
[391] In edit. 1621, "should be."
[392] In edit. 1621, the words transposed, "if he were a common fornicator." Vautr.
edit., corresponds with the text.
[393] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "which the church oweth."
[394] In edit. 1621, "pastor."
[395] In edit. 1621, "they pronounce from God's word."
[396] In edit. 1621, "examined."
[397] In edit. 1621, "and learned men were also rare."
[398] In edit. 1621, "to thurst forth faithfull workmen into this his harvest."
[399] In edit. 1621, "altogether."
[400] In edition 1621, "Kirk" and "kirkis," are uniformly "Church" and "churches,"
throughout a considerable portion of this book; but see note 2, page 201.
[401] That is, the Prayers that were usually printed with the Book of Common Order,
and the Psalms in metre.
[402] In edit. 1621, "to a farther degree;" Vautr. edit. is the same as the text.
[403] The edit. 1621, takes no notice of this sentence having been added; and thus
connects it with the preceding words, "honestie and further knowledge, that none be
admitted to preach," &c. Vautr. edit. is nearly the same with the text.
[404] In edit. 1722, Chap. V.
[405] Vautrollier's suppressed edition breaks off at the foot of page 560, with these
words, "the widow and the children of him who in." See vol. i. pp. xxxii. xxxix.-xlii.
[406] In edit. 1621, "serve in."
[407] This addition is in the margin of the MS. It is taken into the text in edit. 1621,
without notice, and reads as follows: "be left comfortles of all provision; which
provision for the wives," &c., "is to be," &c.
[408] In MS. 1566, "the same;" in edit. 1621, "and treasurie."
[409] In edit. 1621, "and more so much."
[410] In edit. 1621, "But to him."
[411] In edit. 1621, the words "place," and "farther," are omitted.
[412] The edit. 1621, omits the words "for his horse;" and makes it "six hundreth
merkes money."
[413] In MS. 1566, "must," is usually written "most."
[414] In edit. 1621, "bursissis."
[415] In edit. 1621, "any man."
[416] In edit. 1621, "when it seeth profite and honour thereto annexed; and."
[417] See note 1, page 196.
[418] There were persons styled Exhorters, employed in the Church about this time:
see next paragraph.
[419] In edit. 1621, "shall be perpetually sustained."
[420] In edit. 1621, "or mair or less."
[421] The edit. 1722, supplies the words, "ought to [compell to work, or then]
punish."
[422] In edit. 1621, "fallen into decay and poverty."
[423] In this place of the MS. 1566, a blank space occurs, at the conclusion of one of
the re-written quires, with the catchword "such provi-," in connexion with the top of
the next quire, which is written in a kind of official square hand, and was probably a
portion of the copy laid before the Convention, in January 1561. Instead of "Kirk," it
will be observed that the word "Church" is now employed; and curiously enough, in
Calderwood's edition, 1621, this is reversed, and "Church," which had hitherto been
used, gives place to "Kirk."
[424] In edit. 1621, "where they would."
[425] In edit. 1621, "The Head of the Superintendents." In edit. 1722, Chap. VI.
[426] In edit. 1621, "ten or twelve," &c., and "and should be given."
[427] In edit. 1621, "whose diocesse shall comprehend the Isles Orknay, Zetland, and
Caithnes," &c.
[428] In edit. 1621, part of this sentence is omitted: it reads "The Superintendent of
Fiffe and Fotheringhame to Stirling."
[429] See following note, page 204.
[430] The words after "the Watter of Forth," in clause 7, are transferred to this clause,
in edit. 1621: it reads, "whose Diocesse shall comprehend the whole Tivitdail,
Tweedaill, Liddisdail, and thereto is added by consent of the whole Kirk, the Merse,
Lawderdaill and Weddaill, with the Forrest of Ettrick."
[431] In edit. 1621, "may not make long residence in anyplace till thair kirkis."
[432] The words "or threttye," (thirty,) omitted in edit. 1621.
[433] In edit. 1621, "hath teached us."
[434] In edit. 1621, "Electioun, who all must be put in an Edict."
[435] In edit. 1621, "sent forth, warning all men that have any exception."
[436] In edit. 1621, "with three or foure."
[437] In edit. 1621, "or that shall be thareto nominated."
[438] In edit. 1621, "the votes of them that convene should be required."
[439] In edit. 1621, "against him that standeth."
[440] Edit. 1621, omits "the present."
[441] In edit, 1621, "his offence."
[442] In edit. 1621, "Elders of the Toun and Province."
[443] In edit. 1621, "Kirk is established."
[444] In edit. 1621, "in the ministrie of the same Kirk."
[445] In edit. 1621, "feast of their fruit."
[446] In edit. 1722, "Chap. VII. Of Schools [and Universities.]"
[447] In edit. 1621, "from tyranny and bondage."
[448] In edit. 1021, "in some purity in the posterity."
[449] In edit. 1621, "we can but freely."
[450] In the present edition, the sub-divisions have been numbered, I., II., &c. The
Editor of the Collection of Confessions, in 1722, has not only numbered the chapters
and sub-divisions, but also the paragraphs of each chapter.
[451] In edit. 1621, "ignorant of God and of all godliness, and seing also he ceasses."
[452] In edit. 1621, "Kirk have one."
[453] That is, the translation of Calvin's Catechism: see subsequent note.
[454] It was so named from having been compiled for the use of the English
congregation at Geneva, while Knox was minister there. It bears this title: "The Forme
of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, &c., used in the English Churche at
Geneva," &c. From Knox's share in this book of Common Order, it will be included in
a subsequent volume of his Works. Having been subsequently approved and received
by the Church of Scotland, the Geneva edition of 1558 was reprinted at Edinburgh in
1562; and it continued with occasional alterations, to be prefixed to most editions of
the old metrical version of the Psalms, printed in this country. The translation of
Calvin's Catechism, first reprinted at Edinburgh in 1564, was also usually adjoined to
the volume.
[455] In edit. 1621, "over much."
[456] In edit. 1722, "to the aged and unlearned."
[457] In edit. 1722, "their sonnes, by training them up in good exercises."
[458] In edit. 1621, "the Minister and Elders, and the rest of learned men in every
town, shall in every quarter make examination."
[459] In MS. 1566, "have the formar knawledge;" in edit. 1621, "that they have
further knawledge."
[460] In edit. 1621, "such other points."
[461] In edit. 1621, "neither any man deserves to be called a Christian."
[462] In edit. 1621, "in three Townes."—It will be observed that this was in 1560; and
that the University of Edinburgh was not founded till the year 1582; and Marischall
College and University of Aberdeen till 1593.
[463] The University of St. Andrews, founded in the year 1411.
[464] The University of Glasgow, founded in 1450.
[465] The University and King's College of Aberdeen, founded in 1494.
[466] In edit. 1621, "Dialecticæ," and "Mathematicæ."
[467] In edit. 1621, "of."
[468] In edit. 1621, "Of Readers, and of the Degrees, and time of Study;" to this the
edition 1722 adds, "and of Principals and Rector, and of Bursars."
[469] In edit. 1621, "Dialectica, Mathematica, Arithmetica." In that edition,
throughout this chapter, most of these names of the branches of study are in like
manner given in a Latin form.
[470] In edit. 1021, "in three moneths."
[471] In edit. 1722, "or of the."
[472] In edit. 1621, "triall be taken."
[473] In edit. 1621, "in the Dialectica."
[474] In edit. 1621, "Seage of Divinity."
[475] In edit. 1621, "and Politica."
[476] The Editor in 1722, says, "There is here no mention made of Medicine or
Greek; but it is probable that a Professor of Greek was designed both for Glasgow and
Aberdeen for the reason given in the remark on 25 § of this chapter:" (Note 2, page
219.)
[477] In edit. 1621, "a principal man;" in the edit, 1722, "a Principall, who must be a
man of learning."
[478] In edit. 1621, "as exercising."
[479] In edit. 1621, "hold a weekly."
[480] In edit. 1621, "with a single eye."
[481] In edit. 1621, "and everie one having first protested."
[482] In edit. 1621, "tryall to be taken."
[483] In MS. 1566, "proposed."
[484] The Editor in 1722, says, "Some copies have Insignia Magistratus being born
before him, he shall visite every Colledge monethly." &c.
[485] In reckoning the number of Bursaries, it was proposed that the University of St.
Andrews should consist of three Colleges; and Glasgow and Aberdeen of two each;
thus making 72 for the former, and 48 for each of the latter.
[486] In edit. 1621, the words, "and Medicine" are omitted.
[487] The Editor in 1722, remarks, "The ordinary expenses of Glasgow or Aberdeen
extend only to 2722 Pounds and one Merk, so that probably it was designed that these
two Universities should have had each of them a Professor of Greek, whose salary
was to have been 200 Pounds."
[488] In edit. 1621, "not excepting."
[489] In edit. 1621, "to amasse."
[490] In edit, 1722, Chap. VIII.
[491] In edit. 1722, "ministers of the Word."
[492] In edit. 1621, "have before been opprest."
[493] In edit. 1621, "may find."
[494] In edit. 1621, "whatsoever they afore payed to the Kirk."
[495] In edit. 1621, "if we permit cruelty."
[496] These words, "Concludit be the Lordis," are omitted in the later copies.
[497] This addition is omitted in the later copies.
[498] In edit. 1621, "presupposed right or warrant, were thevis."
[499] In the edit. 1621, the words "the poore and," are omitted.
[500] In the edit. 1621, "off the tenths; to wit, the tenth sheafe, hay, hemp, lint, fishes,
tenth calfe, tenth lamb, tenth wooll, tenth folle, tenth cheese."
[501] The Sisters of the Sheens, Senys, or Sciennes, were Nuns of the Predicant Order
of St. Dominick. Their Convent, consecrated to St. Katherine of Sienna, an erection of
so late a date as 1517, was situated a short distance to the south of Edinburgh. The
name of the Sciennes, still designates the locality. King James the Fifth, soon after his
assuming the government, granted to the "Sisters of the Senys," an annual pension of
£24; and from the Treasurer's Accounts, it appears that this sum was continued until
1558, to be paid by the Queen Regent, Mary of Guise. A volume printed for the
Abbotsford Club, in 1841, entitled "Liber Conventus S. Katherine Senensis prope
Edinburgum," includes the "Constitutiones Sororum," &c., along with the several
Charters that could be recovered relating to this Convent.
[502] This paragraph is added on the margin of the MS. 1566, and is omitted in all the
editions. It affords a proof of the discussion that took place on some of the Heads in
the Book of Discipline.
[503] In edit. 1621, "be perfectly kept."
[504] In edit. 1621, "domination."
[505] In edit. 1621, "shall suffer."
[506] In edit. 1722, Chap. IX.
[507] In edit. 1621, "contemners."
[508] In edit. 1621, "or known to few men."
[509] In edit. 1621, "and trespass."
[510] In edit. 1621, "Kirk."
[511] In edit. 1621, "and with reverence confesse his sinne, doing the same."
[512] In edit. 1621, "If he continue not in his repentance, then must the Kirk be
advertised."
[513] This was afterwards done, in the Order of Excommunication and of Public
Repentance.
[514] In edit. 1621, "If any man should think it severe."
[515] In MS. 1566, "publict praying."
[516] In edit. 1621, "cryme and offence."
[517] In edit. 1621, the words "cryme," and "contempt," are transposed.
[518] In edit. 1621, "before the whole."
[519] In edit. 1621, "the received."
[520] The words, "yf they offend," are omitted in edit. 1621.
[521] In edit. 1621, "of the Kirk."
[522] In edit. 1722, Chap. X.
[523] In edit. 1621, "and their names."
[524] In edit. 1621. "If the kirk."
[525] In edit. 1621, "to wit, in determining and judging."
[526] In ed. 1621, the words "and geir," omitted.
[527] In MS. 1566, "if thay be."
[528] In edit. 1722, Chap. XI.
[529] In edit. 1621, "Policie wee call an exercise of the Kirk."
[530] The Editor in 1722, has given this sentence as follows:—"The Order to be kept
in teaching the Catechism, and how much of it is appointed for every Sunday, is
already distinguished in the Catechism printed with the Book of our Common Order."
[531] See note 2, page 210.
[532] In edit. 1621, "many are deceived, thinking."
[533] In edit. 1621, "to make the people have greater reverence to the administration
of the Sacraments then they have."
[534] In edit. 1621, "minister oftner, but we studie to represse."
[535] In edit. 1621, "to serve."
[536] In edit. 1621, "thir great mysteries."
[537] The Editor, in 1722, supplies, at the end of this paragraph: "And understandeth
not the use and virtue of this holy Sacrament."
[538] Nearly two lines in this place are omitted in the editions 1621 and 1722.
[539] In edit. 1621, "stubburnly contemne."
[540] In edit. 1621, "to live as members of the Kirk, and yet to continue in ignorance."
[541] In edit. 1722, Chap. XII., and the title is, as in the edit. 1621, "For Prophecying,
or Interpreting of the Scriptures."
[542] In edit. 1621, "that is the Kirk of Corinth, when they did assemble."
[543] In edit. 1621, "least of this profitable exercise there arise."
[544] In edit. 1621, "The sequele."
[545] In edit. 1621, "not able."
[546] In edit. 1621, "The whole Ministeris;" the edition 1722, after these words, adds,
"with a number."
[547] In edit. 1621, "and speciall graces."
[548] In edit. 1621, "to live."
[549] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIII.
[550] In edit. 1621, "assured in conscience."
[551] The words within brackets omitted in MS. 1566, are supplied from ed. 1621.
[552] In edit. 1621, "asking their counsell."
[553] In edit. 1621, "the dowrie."
[554] In edit. 1621, "wicked contemners."
[555] In edit. 1621, "such enormities and crymes."
[556] In edit. 1722, after "in their youth-head," is added, "and are to be held as
married persons."
[557] In edit. 1621, "may the time."
[558] In edit. 1621, "The Sunday before noon, we think most expedient."
[559] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIV.
[560] In edit. 1621, "which are not only superstitious."
[561] In edit. 1621, "superstitious."
[562] In edit. 1621, "of all inconvencies."
[563] In edit. 1621, several words in this sentence, are omitted.
[564] This addition is not contained in the edit. 1621, or any other copy.
[565] In edit. 1621, the words, "preaching of the," are omitted.
[566] In edit. 1722, Chap. XV.
[567] In edit. 1621, "that the Kirk and place."
[568] In edit. 1621, the words, "of the word," are omitted.
[569] In edit. 1621, "according to the abilitie and number of kirks."
[570] In edit. 1621, "thack able to."
[571] In edit. 1722, Chap. XVI.
[572] In edit. 1621, "the cause wherefore they are ordained."
[573] The last six words are omitted in edit. 1621.
[574] In edit. 1621, "a balk."
[575] In edit. 1621, "the re-edifying."
[576] The edit. 1722, here supplies, "not to presume upon the like hereafter, as
likewise to all others who are not lawfully called to the holy Ministry."
[577] In edit. 1621, "the greasing."
[578] In edit. 1722, is here added, "to seek to enter in the holy Calling for Christis
glorie."
[579] In edit. 1621, the words after "ordinarie vocation" are omitted: in the edit. 1722,
their place is thus supplied, "in Kirks reformed."
[580] In edit. 1621, "this nation."
[581] That is, the 27th (in edit. 1621, the 17th) of January 1560-1; as the year did not
begin at that time till the 25th of March.
[582] James Duke of Chattelherault, Regent and Governor of Scotland, after the death
of James the Fifth: see vol. i. pp. 95, 242. In edit. 1621, his name is omitted in the
above list.
[583] James third Earl of Arran, and eldest son of the Duke of Chattelherault. Owing
to his declared incapacity, at his father's death, in 1575, the family estates devolved
upon Lord John Hamilton the second son; but the Earl survived till 1609.
[584] Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle, succeeded to the title in 1558. He at first adhered
to the Queen Regent, but soon joined the Lords of the Congregation, and continued to
act along with the Earl of Murray, until 1568, when he went over to the Queen's party,
without materially aiding her cause. When the Earl of Morton was chosen Regent, the
Earl of Argyle succeeded him as Lord Chancellor, 17th January 1573; but he did not
long enjoy his honours, having died suddenly on the 12th September 1573, and not
1575 as stated in the Peerages and other works. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 337, and
Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[585] Lord James Stewart, Commendator of St. Andrews and Pittenweem; afterwards
Earl of Murray, and Regent of Scotland.
[586] Andrew fourth Earl of Rothes, succeeded on the death of his father, November
1558.
[587] In the MS. this name stands in a kind of intermediate column by itself. James
Halyburton, sometimes styled Tutor of Pitcur. He was a person of great activity and
influence, and filled the office of Provost of Dundee for the long period of thirty-three
years. He died in 1588, aged seventy.
[588] Robert, fourth Lord Boyd, had a pension from England, and was concerned in
most of the public affairs between 1560, and the Raid of Ruthven in 1582. He was
appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 24th October 1573. Although removed in
1578, he was subsequently restored, and died 3d January 1590, in the 72d year of his
age. (Brunton & Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 155.)
[589] Alexander Campbell, Dean of Murray, was the third son of Colin, third Earl of
Argyle. In the edit. 1621, the name Dean of Murray has been separated from
Alexander Campbell, as if two distinct persons. Alexander Dunbar, Sub-Chantor of
Murray, was appointed a Lord of Session, 16th August 1560, as he appears in the
Books of Sederunt, on the 26th June 1566, under the designation of Dean of Murray,
we may presume that Campbell was then dead.
[590] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see note in the Appendix to the
present volume.
[591] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, was second son of John,
Master of Huntly, by Jane, natural daughter of King James the Fourth. He was Bishop
of the Isles, in 1553, and Abbot of Inchaffray and Icolmkill; and was translated to the
See of Galloway, after the death of Andrew Durie, in September 1558. He joined the
Reformers, and still enjoyed his titles; but he was not allowed to exercise his functions
as a bishop, nor was his petition acceded to, to be appointed visitor of the churches
within his diocese of Galloway. He died 11th November 1575. (Register of Confirmed
Testaments.)
[592] Thomas Kennedy, o Bargany, (in the parish of Dailly, Ayrshire,) the son of Sir
Thomas Kennedy. In 1540, he is styled "Apparent of Bargany;" and died in June 1564.
(Register of Confirmed Testaments, 26th April 1580.)
[593] Andrew, (frequently by mistake called Sir Andrew) Ker of Faldonsyde, in
Selkirkshire. He was concerned in Riccio's murder, and was at the battle of Langsyde
in 1568. He had from Parliament a ratification of the third part of the lands and barony
of Bolton in 1581. He married, for his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of
Lord Ochiltree, and widow of John Knox. He died about the year 1598.
[594] Thomas Scott of Hayning, in Selkirkshire. A Charter of Confirmation,
"quondam Thomæ Scott de Hanyng," of the lands of Eleistoun, in the shire of
Roxburgh, dated 23d March 1575-6, shows that he was dead in 1576.
[595] John Lockhart of Bar, in the parish of Galston, Ayrshire. He died before 10th
May 1575, when his son John Lockhart of Bar was served his heir. (Retours, Ayr, No.
13.)
[596] In the edit. 1621, this name is omitted. George Corrie of Kelwood was served
heir of his father, Thomas Corrie of Kelwood, "qui obiit sub Majestatis vexillo in
bello de Fausyde," 25th October 1547. (Retours, Ayr, No. 2.) He was alive in
December 1580. (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 89.)
[597] John Schaw of Haly, near Largs, in Ayrshire.
[598] Andrew Hamilton of Lethame, in Lanarkshire. He was Captain of the Castle of
Dumbarton in 1546. He went to France on a mission in 1550, and had a charter under
the Great Seal of the lands of Drumcross, in the county of Linlithgow in 1552. He was
at the Raid of Stirling in 1571, and died before 1585. (Anderson's House of Hamilton,
pp. 320, 469.)
[599] Alexander Earl of Glencairn: see vol. i. p. 72. He died in the year 1574.
(Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[600] Andrew, second Lord Stewart, of Ochiltree or Uchiltree, in Ayrshire. He
succeeded to the title in 1548, and survived till near the close of the 16th century.
[601] Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar, ancestor of the Earls of Dumfries (now
represented by the Marquis of Bute.) He died 23d May 1569, and was succeeded by
"his son and air, Robert, now Lord Creichton," who was then a minor. (Register of
Confirmed Testaments, 8th March 1573-4.)
[602] Sir James Sandilands, Lord St. John, and afterwards Lord Torphichen: see vol. i.
p. 301, vol. ii. p. 125.
[603] William fifth Lord Hay of Yester, was served heir of his father in 1559. He died
in August 1576.
[604] Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, ancestor of the Marquesses of Queensberry,
was Knighted by the Governor of Scotland in 1553, and appointed Warden of the
West Marches. He died in 1578.
[605] William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire. He died in January
1575-6. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 17th April 1577.)
[606] In edit. 1621, "James Maxwell." As John sixth Lord Maxwell was a minor at his
father's death in 1552, and was not served heir till May 1569, it was no doubt Sir John
Maxwell of Terreglis, (who became Lord Herries in 1567,) whose signature was
attached to the Book of Discipline.
[607] George Fenton of Fenton was probably succeeded by "John Fenton of that Ilk,"
to whom the three daughters of Patrick Quhitlaw of Quhitlaw were served heirs-
portioners of their grand-uncle (abavus), 30th March 1586. (Retours, Haddington,
Nos. 399, 400, 401.)—In MS. 1566, the name is made "George Seton." As Lord
Seaton was the head of the family, there could be no Seaton of that Ilk; and George
fifth Lord Seaton never joined the Reformers.
[608] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire, the ancestor of the Earls
of Kenmure. In 1555, he was appointed Justiciary of the Lordship of Galloway. He
survived till the year 1604. (Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 25.)
[609] In MS. L4, is this note at the top margin, "This Preface was not written by Mr.
Knox untill the moneth of Maij 1566." This indeed we learn from Knox's own words,
in the second following page. In the MS. 1566, the commencement of Book Fourth
forms part of one of the re-written quires or sets.
[610] MS. G, has always "Kirk;" MSS. M, and L4, "Churche."
[611] In MS. G, "some" is omitted. In MS. L 4, "some degrees."
[612] In the margin of MS. G, "Witness the tippets and cornered cappes."
[613] See the Petitions referred to, in vol. i. pp. 306, 333, &c.
[614] MS. L 4, adds to this marginal note, the words, "and did it not,"
[615] This "dispersioun of Goddis people," refers to what occurred shortly after the
murder of David Riccio, when besides the persons who were implicated in that
outrage, many others, like Knox himself, who had rendered themselves obnoxious to
the Queen, were obliged to fly from Edinburgh for safety. As Knox was employed at
this time, while residing in Kyle, in continuing his History, this may serve to explain,
although not to justify, the very strong language which he frequently uses in
mentioning Queen Mary, and the license of the courtiers.
[616] MS. G. omits "awin."
[617] The Glasgow MS. of Book Fourth, as stated in the preface, vol. i. p. xxxiii.
formed originally a separate volume, and was written apparently some years earlier
than the first three Books. It contains marginal notes, so nearly verbatim with the MS.
1566, as to leave little doubt of its having been copied from it, probably about the year
1580. But to the above marginal note, after "banisshed," there is added: "Anno 1566,
after Davie's slauchter."
[618] In MS. G, "The Quenis arryval from France."
[619] In MSS. A, M, and L 4, "The twentie day."
[620] The Queen arrived in Leith harbour on Tuesday the 19th August 1561, and
landed on the following day.
[621] In MSS. M, and L 4, instead of the next five lines, there is substituted this
sentence, which is also copied by Calderwood, (vol. ii. p. 142,) "Shee brought with
her als faire Jewells, pretious stones and pearles as wer to be found in Europe. Her
tapestrie, and other stuff wer brought to Leith, in October. The verie face," &c.
[622] Celebrated in Scotish Song: see "The Queen's Marie," in Sir W. Scott's Border
Minstrelsy. One of the verses in this ballad of Mary Hamilton, thus names them:
Yestreen the Queen had four Maries,
The night she'll hae but three;
 There was Marie Seaton, and Marie Beaton,
And Marie Carmichael, and me
Bishop Lesley in describing the persons who accompanied the young Princess in her
voyage to France in 1548, (see vol. i. p. 219,) says, "Of the quhilkis thair was four in
speciall, of whome everie one of thame buir the samin name of Marie, being of four
syndre honourable houses, to wyt, Flemyng, Levingstoun, Setoun, and Beatoun of
Creich; quho remanit all foure with the Quene in France, during her residens thair, and
returned agane in Scotland with her Majestie, in the yeir of our Lorde Jm Vc lxj
yeiris." (History, p. 209.) And in his account of the Queen's arrival in Scotland in
1561, he repeats that she was attended "with many ladies and gentillwemen, speciallie
the four maidis of honour quha passit with hir Hienes in France, of hir awin aige, the
name everie ane of Marie, as is before mentioned." (Ib. p. 297.) Buchanan, in his
verses, The Pomp of the Gods at the Marriage of Queen Mary, 29th July 1565, speaks
of her five Maries. When she arrived in this country she was still in her first dule or
mourning dress. But on the 11th November some change was made in the dresses of
her pages and maidens; and one of the entries in the Treasurer's Accounts on that day,
is as follows:—"Item, be the Quenis Grace precept, to Jacques de Soulis, talliour to
hir Grace, to gif the Madynnis efter following, viz. to —— Flemyng, —— Betoun,
—— Sunpartew, —— Levingstoun, —— Seitoun, —— Wardlaw, to by thair secund
dule, ilk ane of the said five, ix lib., and to the said Wardlaw, x lib. vij s.—Summa,
£55, 7s." There was also furnished black stannyng for clokis, and black velvet to 14
dames, damosels, and maidens, "to be thair secund dule;" to the extent of £144, 18s.,
and £112, 16s. 3d. Also, on the 18th, £4, 10s. for gray mantill claith, to be a gown,
lined with green, for hir Grace's Fule; and on the 28th, £23, for "quhite tafiteis of the
cord," and "red tafiteis of the foure threidis," to the Lady Seitoun.
[623] Claude de Lorraine, Duke d'Aumale, third son of Claude Duke de Guise, was
born in 1526. He was in the army, and gave proofs of his courage. He was killed at the
siege of Rochelle, by a cannon ball, 14th March 1573.
[624] Francis de Lorraine, seventh son of Claude Duke de Guise, was a Knight of
Malta, Grand Prior, and General of the French galleys or war vessels. He
distinguished himself in the wars with the Turks in 1557; and died from the effects of
his exertions at the battle of Dreux, 6th March 1563, aged 29.
[625] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf, was the youngest son of Claude Duke de
Guise, and was born in 1536. He became successor to his brother Francis in 1563, as
General of the French galleys; but he died in 1566, aged 30.
[626] Henry second son of Anne Duke de Montmorency, and Constable of France, is
known in history as the Seigneur de Damville. He was born in 1534, and upon the
death of his elder brother in 1579, he succeeded to the Dukedom, and survived till
1614. (Anselme, Histoire Genealogique, vol. iii. p. 605.)
[627] In the Queen's retinue, among other persons of note, was Peter de Bourdeille,
known by the name of the Sieur de Brantome, of which he was Abbot. He was
attached to the Court as one of the gentlemen of the bed-chamber to Charles IX., and
Henry III. of France. He owes his distinction to his posthumous Memoirs, which serve
at least sufficiently to illustrate the licentious and corrupt state of manners of the time.
In his Vies des Dames Illustres, there is a Discours on Mary Queen of Scots, who, he
says, on the day of her nuptials with Francis, "paroistre cent fois plus belle qu'une
Deesse du Ciel." He died in July 1614, at the age of 87.
[628] In MS. G, "surfece weitt." MS. L 4, follows that of 1566, in "surfett."
[629] Instead of this sentence, in MSS. M, and L 4, we find, "Shee wes honnorablie
receaved be the Erle of Argyle, the Lord Areskin, Lord James, and other Noblemen,
and the Citizens of Edinburgh. Becaus," &c.
[630] The Queen's arrival was earlier than was expected. On the 7th of August, the
Treasurer had paid messengers passing "with clois writings" of the Lords of Secret
Counsall to the Nobility and Magistratis, and others, "to be in Edinburgh with thair
honorable cumpaneis to the Quenis grace enteres furth of France, agane the last day of
August." It has been seen that she landed on the 20th of that month.
[631] See pages 155-159.
[632] In MS. G, "of most honest men." MSS. A, and L 4, "the most honest."
[633] Brantome in his account of the Queen's arrival, takes notice of the thick fog
(grand broüillard) which prevailed, so that they could not see from one end of the
vessel to the other. His account of the serenading of the pious minstrels, is very unlike
that of the text. His words are,—"Le soir, ainsi qu'elle se vouloit coucher, estant logée
en-bas en l'Abbaye de l'Islebourg, qui est certes un beau bastiment, et ne tient rien du
Pays, vindrent sous la fenestre cinq ou six cent marauds de la ville, luy donner aubade
de meschants violons et petits rebecs, dont il n'y en a faute en ce pays-la; et se mirent
à chanter Pseaumes, tant mal chantez et si mal accordez, que rien plus. He! quelle
musique! et quel repos pour sa nuit!"
[634] In MS. G, these words are added to the previous sentence. MS. L 4, follows that
of 1566.
[635] In MS. G, "understude."
[636] In MS. G, "which perceaved, the hearts of all the godlie." In MS. M, "The hearts
of the godly being pierced with that grosse abhomination, began to bowden and
swell." In MS. L 4, "pierced all the heartis of the godlie, that they began to bowden
and swell."
[637] Patrick, eldest son of Lord Lindesay, was styled Master of Lindesay, during his
father's life. As already noticed, he succeeded to the title in 1563.
[638] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.
[639] Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James the Fifth, had the Priory of
Coldingham conferred on him in his youth. He has previously been mentioned (supra,
page 88) as having joined the Reformers.
[640] Lord Robert Stewart, also a natural son of King James the Fifth, by Euphemia
Elphinstone, daughter of Lord Elphinstone. He had a grant of the Abbacy of Holyrood
in 1539, when only seven years of age. See vol. i. p. 458, and a subsequent note in the
present volume.
[641] This Act is not contained in the existing volumes of the Privy Council Records.
—In MS. M, the Act itself is omitted, but its purport is briefly stated.
[642] MS. G, omits "suddane."
[643] It appears that such Letters of Proclamation were accordingly issued on the 29th
of August. (Treasurer's Accounts.)
[644] In MS. G, "divisioun."
[645] MS. L 4, has this marginal note, "The Erle of Arran's protestation against this
proclamation."
[646] In MSS. G, A, and L 4, "then called." The latter has this marginal note, "The
fervencie of professors cooled."
[647] In MS. G, "als temperat here."
[648] MS. L 4, instead of this marginal note, has "Mr. Knox findeth fault with the
toleration of the Quenis Messe."
[649] MS. G, adds here, "quoth he."
[650] In MSS. G, and L4, "two gentilmen."
[651] See this vol. i. page 28.
[652] John Aylmer: see this vol. page 26, note 3.
[653] That is, Mary, Queen of England.
[654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his release from the
French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth, (1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.
[655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August. Randolph alludes
to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr. Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the
Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you
know ther be of that sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The
brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the Papistis dowte what
wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)
[656] In MS. G, "all the."
[657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."
[658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written sets or quires,
and is in the same hand with the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment
of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in June 1567, from whence she made her escape
on the 2d May 1568.
[659] Namely, John Knox.
[660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.
[661] In MS. G, "how little."
[662] In MS. G, these words are added to the preceding sentence. In MS. L 4, the
words are arranged, and perhaps more correctly thus:—"So say ye," said the Quene,
"Bot (said he) I can believe that it has not been this day," &c.
[663] In MS. G, "his awn."
[664] In MS. L 4, "those that war appointed, war."
[665] The meeting of the Privy Council, referred to, was held in the Palace of
Holyrood, on the 6th of September 1561. See an extract from the Register, in Keith's
History, (new edit. vol. ii. p. 78.)
[666] Claude, Duke d'Aumale, (see note 6, page 268.) On Sunday, the last of August,
he was present at the banquet given by the Town of Edinburgh to the Queen and the
French princes; and on the following day, "the said Monssieur Domell [d'Aumale]
depairtit with the twa gallionis, quhilk brocht the Quenis Grace hame, to France."
(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67.) The Queen, on the 24th of August, had granted
precepts for the following sums, £37, 10s. to be paid "to John Terrie, maister of ane
schip;" 100 crounis of the sun "to six pilots, of the twa galeris;" £66, 13s. 4d. to
"Monsieur Tynnance, to be distributit amangis the officiaris of the twa galeris;" and
200 crounis of the sun, or £266, 13s. 4d. to Monsieur Tynnance, for his own use.
(Treasurer's Accounts.)
It may be added, that the Grand Prior, the Sieur Damville, and most of their
attendants, returned by land, intending to visit the English Court. They were
accompanied to Berwick by several of the Scottish Nobility; the Queen having
addressed letters "to some Lords and others to convoy the Grande Priour and Monsr.
Damweile of Edinburgh to Berwick," on the 8th and 9th of October. About the same
time, the Treasurer "deliverit to the Quenis Grace ane chene of gold contenand Jo 1.
(150) crounis of the sone, and twa chenis of gold, ilk ane of tham contenand 1. (50)
crounis of the sone, quhilk hir Grace deliverit to Monsr. Marquess, to gif three
Frenche men that passit with the Grande Priour and Monsr. Danweill—Summa, £333,
6s. 8d." There was also paid to James Mosman, goldsmith, for making these chains,
£29, 10s., and 20s. in drink-silver to his servants.
[667] Preparatory to the Queen's progress, her Master Stabler, on the 6th September,
purchased 10 horses or haikneys. She was accompanied by two of her Uncles,
Monsieur Damville, and a number of ladies. She set out from Holyrood Palace on
horseback, after dinner, on the 11th of that month, and remained at Linlithgow Palace
that night, and the following day; on the 13th she rode to Stirling Castle, and was
there on Sunday the 14th; on the 15th she passed through Alloa to Kincardine, or, as
some authorities state, to Leslie Castle in Fife; on the 17th she came to Perth; on the
19th to Dundee; crossed the Tay to St. Andrews, on the 20th; a few days afterwards
she proceeded to Falkland Palace; and returned to Holyrood on Monday the 29th of
September 1561. (Chalmers's Queen Mary, 2d edit. vol. i. pp. 82-86; Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 69.)
[668] See next page, note 1.
[669] From the preceding note it will be seen that Queen Mary returned from her
progress on the 29th of September; and that Knox has mistaken the date of her first
entry into Edinburgh. It was on Tuesday the 2d September. A minute and interesting
notice of it occurs in the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67, but the passage is too long for
quotation. She rode through the town to the Castle, where she dined at 12 o'clock; and
then returning, various pageants were represented in different parts of the town, as she
proceeded, convoyed by the nobility and chief inhabitants, dressed in velvet gowns
and bonnets, carrying a pall of fine purple velvet, with fringes of gold and silk. Upon
reaching the Palace of Holyrood, she received a propyne, or gift of a cupboard,
"quhilk was double our-gilt; the price thairof was 2000 merks." Randolph, in his letter
to Cecil, on the 7th September, also mentions that part of the pageant to which Knox
alludes. He says, "Upon Tuesday last the Queen made her entry. She dyned in the
Castle. The fyrst syghte she sawe after she cam oute of the Castle, was a boye of six
yeres of age, that cam, as it were, from heaven oute of a rounde globe, that presented
unto hir a Bible and Psalter, and the keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses
which I send you. There, for the terrible sygnifications of the vengeance of God upon
idolatrie, ther war burnt Coron, Dathan, and Abiram, in the tyme of thair sacrifice.
Thei war mynded to have had a priest (that is, the representation of a priest) burned at
the altar, at the elevation. The Erle of Huntlye stayed that pagent, but hath playde
manye as wicked as that since he came hyther." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p.
73.) The expenses attending the "Banquet" on the 31st August, and the "Triumph," on
the 2d September, cost the inhabitants of Edinburgh the sum of 4000 merks, which it
was resolved should be levied by a general stent or assessment.
[670] Arthur Erskine was Captain of the Queen's guard. He was present at supper in
Queen Mary's apartment the night of Riccio's murder. And having escaped from her
temporary confinement in Holyrood, on the night of the 11th of March 1566, she
"came to the place where Arthur Ersken, the captayn of her garde kept the horses, and
so rode her waye behinde Arthur Erskin untill she cam to Seton. There she took a
horse to herself, and rode to Dunbarre," &c. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 231.)
In April 1562, the Treasurer paid "be the Quenis Grace speciall command, to Arthur
Erskin to by him ane hors, £40:" and on the 2d of June 1565, in like manner there was
paid "to Arthur Erskin ane of the maisteris of hir Graces Curie to by him ane horse, xx
crownis." In December 1564, he is styled "Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, brother-
german to John Lord Erskine." (Register of Signatures.) He was probably the ancestor
of the Erskines of Scotscraig in Fife, who flourished in the following century.
[671] In MS. A, the marginal note is thus inserted in the text, "ance or twice since this
was Balfoures rule."
[672] Keith has accused Knox of misstating this fact. Had he examined the Council
Records more carefully, he would have found direct evidence of the practice of
proclaiming the Statutes enacted by the Council, to which Knox alludes, on the 8th
November 1555. Knox's account of the change of the Magistracy of Edinburgh is
quite correct, although it has also been called in question. Upon examining the
Council Records, it appears that Archibald Douglas was Provost; and Mr. James
Watson, David Somer, Edward Hope, and Adam Foullarton, Baillies, in 1560-1561;
and that on the 24th March 1560-1, proclamation was made of the Act 1560, against
Priests, Adulterars, &c. At the next election in September 1561, Douglas was re-
elected Provost, with David Forster, Robert Kar, Alexander Home, and Allan
Dikesoun, as Baillies. On the 2d October, the above proclamation was ordered to be
made on the following day; and on the 5th, the Queen sent a macer enjoining the
Town Council to deprive their new Magistrates, and to appoint others in their room. A
new election accordingly took place on the 8th of October, as detailed at considerable
length by Maitland, (Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 21.)
[673] In MS. 1566, and also in MSS. G and A, a blank space is left for these names; in
MS. L 4, "&c." is supplied; and this marginal note added, "The Provost, Baillies, of
Edinburgh changed at the Quenes command."
[674] See note 2, p. 289, respecting the election. In a letter to Cecill, Knox, on the 7th
October 1561, writes:—"At this verry instant ar the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies
thairof, command to ward in thare Tolboght, be reason of thair proclamatioun against
Papists and hoormongeris. The whole blame lyeth upon the necke of the two
fornamed," viz. Lord James Stewart and Lethington.
[675] In MS. G, "to oppone himself to impietie."
[676] In MS. G, "Mr. Thomas M'Cally chosen Provost."—Mr. Thomas M'Calzean of
Cliftonhall, was educated at St. Andrews, being a fellow-student with George
Buchanan, in St. Salvator's College in 1525. He was admitted Advocate in 1549, and
became Assessour of the Town of Edinburgh; and was chosen Provost in 1558, as well
as on the above occasion. He was appointed a Lord of Session, 20th October 1570;
and died 5th June 1581.
[677] In MS. G, "will schut in."
[678] In MS. G, "Baalim's bleating preests."
[679] Hallowmass, or All Saints, the 1st of November.
[680] In MS. 1566, one of the transcribed quires ends here with the catch-word, "of
Mr. James," the last page being blank.
[681] Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoule, held the office of Justice Clerk for nearly
thirty years. He was appointed successor to his father, 25th June 1547, and the office
was again filled in November 1578, by Sir Lewis Bellenden, although then in "his less
age," which Lord Hailes conceives to mean that he was not then twenty-five. Sir John
died 6th October 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[682] Mr. James Makgill of Nether Rankeillor, was Clerk Register from 1554 to 1566,
when he was deprived for his being concerned in Riccio's murder. He was restored in
December 1567, and continued till 1577. He died in 1579.
[683] At the first nomination of ministers in July 1560, Row was appointed to Perth.
He died 16th October 1580.
[684] Mr. George Hay, Commissioner of the diocese of Aberdeen and Banff.
[685] Mr. Robert Hamilton, minister of St. Andrews, and formerly one of the Masters
or Regents, was advanced in 1574 to be Provost of St. Mary's College. When the new
erection of the College was agreed upon, Hamilton was superseded; and in May 1580
he was ordered to account for his intromissions. In October following, he was
denounced as rebel. (Treasurer's Accounts.) He died 16th April 1581. (Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 283.)
[686] In MS. G, "should be to."
[687] In MS. G, "move the hearts."
[688] In MS. G, "appointed Lieutenant." In MS. L 4, the whole structure of this
sentence is thus changed: "Whill the Court wes myndefull of nothing bot pleasures
and prodigallitie, the Border[er]s brack lowse, and vexed the countrie adjacent with
rapine, thift, and murther; Lord James, Lievtennant since the Quenis arryvall, was sent
hither to repress them. Some suspected," &c.
[689] On the 13th October 1561, the Privy Council resolved that a Justice Court
should be held at Jedburgh, by Lord James Stewart on the 15th of November; and in
the Register, on the 12th of that month, is preserved a copy of Instructions to be used
by him. See Keith's History, vol. ii. pp. 104-107.
[690] This paragraph is very different in MSS. M and L 4, being thus amplified, in the
style of David Buchanan's interpolations:—"When Lord James was absent, the Quene
tooke greater libertie, for shee wes not content with the severitie of the present
Government, nor the floorishing of Religion, so that sometymes speiches would
eschape her which bewrayed her disposition and inclination to tyrannie. Wheras Kings
wont before to commit thamselfs to the trust of the Nobilitie, shee purposed to have a
guard of hyred souldiours, bot could find no pretext, saving onlie the custome of
forraigne Kings, and the shaw of magnificence. Shee consulted with hir bastard
brother John, an ambitious man, bot not so grave and austere as Lord James. He
resolved to obey hir in all things, and therfor wes the more deare to hir, being desirous
to confound all things. She consulteth with him how to get a companie of hyred
souldiers about her. Ther was a tumult or sturr famed as though the Erle of Arrane had
enclosed the Palace of Halyrudehous round about, and by force wold cary the Quene
to his Castell fourtene myles from thence. This invention had some likliehood becaus
of the immoderate love he bare unto hir, and of her affection estranged from him; both
which war not unknowin to the people. The fray was so great that the Toune of
Edinburgh wes called to watch. Robert Lord Halyrudhous, and John Lord Coldingham
keeped watch by course; skouts wer sent furth, and sentrinells, and wer commanded
under the pane of death to keep their stations. They feared wher ther was no feare.
After the souldiers had skoured the fields all night, they shew themselfs before the
Palace gates, some offendit at them, and others jesting at the sport. Bot the authors of
this invention, howbeit they knew the vulgar people did not beleve them, yit being
secure that no man wold controle them regarded not man's secreit judgement."—
Calderwood has copied this passage very closely. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 158.)
[691] In MS. G, "in fear of it."
[692] Two natural brothers of the Queen: see page 271, notes 2 and 3.
[693] Sir Peter Mewtas was sent by Queen Elizabeth to Scotland, chiefly to evade
discussion respecting the Succession to the throne, although ostensibly to request that
the Treaty of Edinburgh, in July 1560, should be ratified. See in Keith's History, vol.
ii. pp. 132-136, the letters that passed between Queen Mary and Elizabeth, after
Mewtas's return in October 1561. On the 19th of that month, is this entry in the
Treasurer's Accounts: "Item, be the Quenis Grace speciale command to Sir Peter
Mutus, Inglis Ambassadour, ane chene of gold of iijo crownis of the sone, iiijo lib."
(£400.)
[694] In MS. G, "Her answer was."
[695] In MS. G, here and elsewhere, "Kirk;" in the MS. 1566, except in the later
portions, it is usually "Church."
[696] The Third meeting of the General Assembly was held in December 1561; but no
notice of the proceedings is recorded in the Book of the Kirk, except the Supplication
to the Queen, which will be found at page 316.
[697] Mr John Wood, son of Andrew Wood of Largo, was educated for the church,
and took his degree of Master of Arts in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1536.
He has been styled Vicar of Largo; and is said to have accompanied the Prior of St.
Andrews to France in 1548. He joined the Reformers, and at the first General
Assembly in December 1560, his name occurs among those at St. Andrews who were
considered qualified for "ministring and teaching." He was nominated an
Extraordinary Lord of Session, by the title of Tullidavie, 9th December 1562, but was
deprived in 1565; and although restored he retained only a temporary possession of
his seat on the Bench. When his patron the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent,
Wood became his Secretary, and was employed in the proceedings against Queen
Mary, at York, in 1568, as related by Sir James Melville, who styles him "a great
ringleader." In September 1568, the Treasurer furnished Mr. John Wood fyne black
velvet, and black satin, for a dress. The Regent, it is well known, was assassinated in
January 1570, and Bishop Lesley in his Negotiations says, "That within a few days
after his man Mr. John Wood, was killed in Fife, by the Laird of Rires." The cause of
this murder is nowhere stated, but it took place on the 15th of April, by Arthur Forbes
of Reres, (in the parish of Kilconquhar,) assisted by his son Arthur, and Henry Forrest;
for which the latter were denounced rebels, 6th February 1572-3. (Pitcairn's Criminal
Trials, vol. i. p. 40.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we learn that on the 23d
September 1570, "the Laird of Reres was at the horne, (that is, denounced as rebel,)
for the slauchter of umquhile Maister Johne Wood."
[698] In MS. G, "of the Kirk,"
[699] In MS. G, "on eyther syde."
[700] In MS. G, "stude or sould stand."
[701] See page 260, note 19.
[702] The words, "to wit, Johne Knox," interlined in the MS. 1566, are likewise added
in the margin, apparently in Knox's own hand. In MS. L 4, it is "Maister Knox
answered."
[703] So in MS. L 4. MS. G, has "For many had into thair hands."
[704] In MS. G, "most hartely."
[705] In MS. L 4, "that the Third parte sould be lifted up for the sustentatioun of
Ministry and the Quenis use, as is expressed in the Acts which we will set down in
their owne place."
[706] The following Acts relating to the proposed arrangements for supporting the
Ministry, by appropriating the Thirds of Benefices, have been collated with the
Register of Privy Council, which has furnished the Sederunts of the meetings, and
some slight corrections. In Knox, the first Act is dated the 20th instead of the 22d
December 1561.
[707] See page 309, notes 1 and 2.
[708] In Knox, the words are, "to stay the samyn, and to evit all incommodities that
mycht thereupon ensew."
[709] The names of these Prelates were John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,
Robert Creichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, Patrick Hepburn, Bishop of Murray, and Henry
Sinclair, Bishop of Ross.
[710] In MS. 1566, it is, "to be content of the Two parts of the rentis of thair
benefices, and the Fourt part," &c. In MS. G, "and the Third part to be employed."
[711] The words, "the Ferd parte," here, and also a few lines above, were altered in the
MS. 1566, to "the Thryde parte," but again corrected in the margin to the original
words. MSS. G, and L 4, have "the Fourt parte."
[712] This name, The Mounth or Mount, was long applied to designate the mountain
pass in the Highlands, in reaching the North of Scotland. In David Buchanan's
editions of Knox's History, where the word occurs it is rendered "on this side of the
Water," or, "beyond the Water," a rather vague description. The pass or road referred
to led from Fettercairn (in Kincardineshire) to Banchory, on the north side of the Dee
(in Aberdeenshire;) but here it may be considered to denote the mountain range itself,
usually called the Grampian Mountains, which extend across the Island from
Aberdeenshire in the north-east to the west coast in Argyleshire.
[713] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.
[714] Namely, the 22d December 1561. This portion is not contained in Knox: it is
here inserted, as it serves to connect the preceding Act with those that follow.
[715] See page 300, note 2.
[716] There is no Sederunt of this date given in the Register.
[717] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.
[718] In MS. G, the words after "Abbottis," are omitted, and "&c." added.
[719] In Knox it is, "the Ministerie of the Kirk."
[720] These officials, who are not named, were Mr. Robert Richardson, Prior of St.
Mary's Isle, Treasurer; William Maitland, Younger of Lethington, Secretary; Mr. John
Spens of Condie, Queen's Advocate, and Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller.
[721] Omitted in the Register.
[722] Omitted in the Register.
[723] The words enclosed within brackets are not in the Register; and in MS. G, the
names after "Abbots," as in the preceding Act, are omitted.
[724] In MS. G, "for the weill."
[725] In MS. G, "that they quha hes not produced thair Rentales."
[726] It will be seen at page 299, that this list corresponds with the Sederunt of the
Privy Council on the 22d December 1561.
[727] In MS. 1566, the above list is repeated in the following paragraph, the
transcriber having overlooked its being inserted in the previous page of the MS. The
only difference is the addition of the Comptroller's name.
"The Lordis of Secreat Counsall that war present at votting and maiking of these
foirsaid Actis, war James Duck of Chattellarault, George Erle of Huntley, Archibald
Erle of Ergyle, William Erle Merchell, John Erle Atholl, William Erle Montrose,
James Erle Mortoun, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, James Commendatar of
Sanctandrois, Johne Lord Erskin, the Thesaurar, the Cleark of Registre, Justice Cleark,
Secreatarie, and Comptrollar."
The paragraph is also repeated in MS. A; but it is omitted in MS. G.
[728] It may here be added, that the Register of the Privy Council contains another
long minute of a meeting held at Edinburgh, on the last of February 1561-2, relating to
the Thirds of Benefices. The Sederunt at this meeting: George Earl of Huntley, James
Earl of Mortoun, Archibald Earl of Argyle, William Earl Mareschal, and James Earl
of Mar.
The Council directed Letters of Proclamation to be issued, ordaining the fruits of
benefices to remain undelivered to the old possessors, or their collectors, "unto the
tyme thai be charged of new be letters past be deliverance of the Lords of Session,
dated after the 1st of March."
[729] In all the copies of Knox, the sum is left blank.
[730] Among the Public Records, there are several volumes of Accounts of the
Collectors General of the Thirds of Benifices, commencing in the year 1561.
[731] In MS. L 3, this word is left blank.
[732] John Wishart, Laird of Pittarrow in Forfarshire, son of Sir James Wishart,
Justice Clerk, was an early and active supporter of the Reformation. At the Parliament
in August 1560, he was one of the number selected for the government of the State;
and some time after Queen Mary's arrival in Scotland, he was appointed Comptroller,
in which office he was succeeded by Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, in 1563-4.
Upon occasion of the marriage of Lord James, Earl of Murray, (see notes to page
314,) Wishart was one of ten gentlemen who had the honour of Knighthood conferred.
He was advanced to be an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 19th November 1567, and
accompanied the Regent Murray to York in the following year. He died 25th
September 1576.
[733] In MS. G, "gredie Fectours."
[734] In MS. G, "the living of uther."—MS. L 4, corresponds with the text.
[735] Randolph in his letter to Cecil, 7th December 1561, furnishes a remarkable
instance of profanity at this time. Referring to the Marquis d' Elbeuf, he says, "We fell
in talk of the pastimes that were the Sunday before, where the Lord Robert, the Lord
John, and others rang at the ring, six against six, disguised and apparelled, the one
half like women, the other like strangers, in strange masking garments. The Marquis
that day did very well; but the women, whose part the Lord Robert did sustain, won
the ring. The Queen herself beheld it, and as many others as listed."
[736] In MS G, "Erle of Murray."
[737] That is, 1561-2. The Earldom of Murray was first taken from the Earl of Huntly,
and granted to Lord James Stewart, by a charter, dated 30th January 1561-2. On the
7th of February following, the Earldom of Mar being conferred on him he publicly
assumed this title, until it was restored, per modum justiciæ, to John Lord Erskine.
Lord James then resumed the title by which he is chiefly known to posterity as the
Earl of Murray.
[738] In MS G, "first maid Erle of Murray" In MS L 4, the commencement of this
paragraph is thus amplified—"The Quene this winter preceding made Lord James Erle
of Mar, as some thought to conciliat his good will quhom she had found in absence
offendit. At this time he married also Agnes Keith, daughter to the Erle Marchell.
Soone efter the Erledome of Murray was bestowed upon him instead of the Erledome
of Mar. Lord Erskin had an old right to the Erldome of Marr."
[739] The marriage of Lord James Stewart with Agnes Keith, daughter of William
Earl of Marischel, was celebrated on the 8th of February 1561-2, in the Church of St.
Giles, Edinburgh, "with sik solemnitie as the lyk hes not bene sein befoir; the haill
Nobilitie of this Realme being thair present, and convoyit thame doun to the Abbay of
Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace thairat." (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 70) The same authority mentions the rejoicings on that occasion, and
that the Queen conferred the honour of Knighthood on Wishart of Pittarrow, Lermonth
of Dairsy, Kirkaldy of Grange, Stewart of Traquair, Murray of Balvaird, and five
others.
[740] That is, John Knox.
[741] "At this notable marriage, (says Randolph to Cecil,) one thing there was which I
must testify with my own hand, which is, that upon Shrove Tuesday, at night, sitting
among the Lords at supper, in sight of the Queen, and placed for that purpose, she
drank unto the Queen's Majesty (Elizabeth,) and sent me the cup of gold, which
weighed eighteen or twenty ounces." (Letter, 12th February 1561-2, quoted by Mr
Tytler, vol. vi. p. 258.)
[742] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 27th December 1561, has given a somewhat
similar account of this riot or "disorder which was of late in this town." The letter is
printed in Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 128.
[743] In June 1571, Cuthbert Ramsay was elected one of the Magistrates of
Edinburgh. He joined the Queen's adherents in defending the Castle, under Sir
William Kirkaldy of Grange, in 1573; and on the 3d of June, when the Castle was
surrendered, Ramsay was one of the prisoners who were conducted by the English
forces to Leith; but he appears to have escaped the ignominious fate awarded by
Queen Elizabeth to the gallant chief, and his brother Mr. James Kirkcaldy, who were
hanged for treason on the 3d of August 1573.
[744] It would appear that a General Assembly or Convention was sitting at
Edinburgh, towards the end of December 1561, when this occurence took place; and it
was resolved to present the Supplication to the Queen:
"The whilk day, tuiching the slander takin be the horrible fact and impietie committed
within this burgh under silence of night, be Marques Dalbuiff and his colleagues, in
breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay his zets and doores, and searching and seiking his
dochter-in-law to oppresse her, as appeirit; it is thought good be the haill Kirk, that a
Supplicatioun be made and given in to the Quenis Majestie, in the name of the
Professors of the Evangell, and the personis before nominat present the samein, to seik
the answer thairof." (Booke of the Universal Kirk, vol. i. p. 11.)
[745] In the Book of the Kirk, "gudlie provydit."
[746] In the Book of the Kirk, "laid asyde."
[747] The Cardinal Charles de Lorraine, Archbishop and Duke of Rheims, was the
second son of Claude Duke de Guise. He was born 17th February 1524. He obtained
the See of Rheims in 1538, and was consecrated in 1545, when twenty-one years of
age. We need not refer to Protestant writers for his character, or to the work entitled
the Legend of his Life, as it is admitted that to avarice and inordinate pride, he joined
cruelty, want of faith, and licentiousness. Brantome admits that the Cardinal was no
ornament to the Church, when he says, "qui, quoique mauvais Chrétien, etait, pour le
temps, tres-bon Catholique." He died 24th December 1574, aged 49.
In addition to note 4, page 267, it may be noticed that Calderwood says, when the
Queen was preparing to return to Scotland, "In the meanetyme, Charles Cardinal of
Lorraine, counselled her to leave beside him her apparell and household stuffe, till it
was seene what was the successe of her voyage. She being acquainted with his nature,
answered, she could not see wherefore she should be more carefull of her stuffe and
apparell nor of her owne persone." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 131.)
[748] In MS. G, "que je soy."
[749] Henry the second of France succeeded to the throne in 1547, and died in 1559.
This incident is not recorded in the Histories of the time, but may be referred to the
later period of his reign. As noticed in a previous note (page 269,) the extreme
profligacy that prevailed at the Court of France is but too manifestly exhibited in the
pages of Brantome: a more unfortunate place could not have been chosen for the
young Scotish Princess to have received her education.
[750] This marginal note does not occur in MS. G, and seems to have been added in
MS. 1566, subsequently to the transcription of this portion of the text. It contains an
evident allusion to the Queen's imprisonment after her surrender at Carberry Hill in
July 1567: see vol. i. p. 218, note 4.
[751] On the 19th of December 1561, (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70.)
[752] Gawin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, was the fourth son of James Hamilton
of Raploch. In 1521, James the eldest son on his marriage with the heiress of
Stenhouse, resigned the fee of the lands of Raploch, and upon the death of the next
two brothers, Gavin succeeded to the property in 1559. He had been educated for the
Church; and obtained the Deanery of Glasgow, which he exchanged in 1550 for the
Abbacy of Kilwinning. In 1555, he was raised to the bench. He was a steady adherent
of Queen Mary, and distinguished himself in several skirmishes; but was mortally
wounded, and died at Leith, on 16th June 1571.
[753] Andrew, second Lord Stewart of Ochiltree: see page 260, note 19. His eldest son
Andrew died in the year 1578, having predeceased his father, Master of Ochiltree,
here mentioned.
[754] In MS. G, "upoun the streat."
[755] Lord John Stewart, Prior of Coldingham, an illegitimate son of James the Fifth,
by Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Carmichael. His sister became the first wife of
Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle. Randolph in a letter to Cecil, 24th October 1561,
mentioning the leading persons at Court, says, "The Lord John of Coldingham hath
not least favour with his leaping and dancing: he is like to marry the Lord Bothwell's
sister." His marriage with Jean only daughter of Patrick third Earl of Bothwell, was
solemnized at Seton, in presence of Queen Mary: see following note.
[756] Lord Robert Stewart, see page 271. Randolph in the letter referred to in the
previous note, says, "The Lord Robert consumeth with love for the Earl of Cassillis
sister." This was Lady Jane Kennedy, eldest daughter of Gilbert third Earl of Cassilis.
In another letter, 27th December 1561, he says,—"The Lord Robert was married on
Sunday was eight days to the Earl of Cassillis sister; and my Lord John upon Sunday
next to the Earl of Bothwell's sister: I mean not here, in the Court, but where the
women are in their friends' houses." According to this intimation, the marriages took
place on the 14th and 28th of December respectively.
[757] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf: see note 8, page 268. He had a natural son
born in Scotland, "de Marguerite Chrestien, demoisselle Ecossoise." According to one
authority, d'Elbeuf remained in Scotland till the end of February 1561-2:—"Upoun the
penult day of Februar, the zeir of God 1561 zeiris, [the] Marques departit furth of
Halyrudhous fra the Quenis Grace to Fraunce." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 71.) But in
June 1562, there was paid, "be the Quenis Graces speciale command to Monsr
Marques at his departing furth of this realme to France, as his acquittance, &c. £500."
(Treasurer's Accounts.)
[758] Betwixt the Cross and the Salt-Trone; that is, in the High Street, near the present
Trone Church, where the Trone or beam for weighing merchandize formerly stood.
[759] In MS. G, "The Maister of Maxwell, (thairafter maid Lord Herries,) gave
declaration, &c.:" see vol. i. p. 319.
[760] Randolph says, that the day after the tumult, both the Duke and Bothwell were
sent for to the Court, the former being "convoyed with all the Protestants that were in
this town; the other with the Papists. It was concluded, that for avoiding of cumber,
the Earl Bothwell should leave the toun till the 8th of January." According to the
Diurnal of Occurrents, (p. 70,) the Earl of Bothwell, on the 21st December, "depairtit
with his freindis furth of Edinburgh, at the Quenis command."
[761] From about the end of March till the beginning of May 1562.
[762] Knox has previously mentioned Barron, (vol. i. p. 268); and in 1556, (ib. p.
246,) he gives an account of the death of his first wife, Elizabeth Adamson. Baron for
several years filled the office of one of the magistrates of Edinburgh, and was returned
as one of the Commissioners to the General Assembly, from 1560 till the year of his
death, which took place in September 1569. His will was made at Kynnaird in Fyfe,
21st September 1569, having married for his second wife Helen Leslie, "gud-wyf of
Kynnarde," by whom he left several daughters. (Register of Conf. Test.) This lady,
who survived him, appears to have married again, first to Mr. James Kirkaldy, brother
of Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, by whom she had a son and a daughter; and after
his death in 1573, (see page 315, note 2,) to Mr. James Beaton. There was granted to
Patrick Halket of Petferren, the escheit of 18 scoir pundis auchtand to vmquhile James
Barroun, burgess of Edinburgh and to Helen Leslie his spous.... Now spousit in
marriage with Maister James Kirkcaldy, brother-german to Sir William Kirkcaldy of
Grange knycht,—the said Mr. James hir spouse, "being denounced rebell, &c., penult
September 1571." (Register of Signatures, vol. iii. fol. 102.) In the confirmation of her
own Testament, mention is made of her two children by her second husband; and she
is described as now spousit to Mr. James Beaton, parson of Old Roxburgh. She died in
June 1577. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.) In 1580, George Baroun paid a
composition, as son and heir of Helen Leslie of Kynnaird. Sir Robert Sibbald, among
the eminent men of Fife, says, "The learned Doctors of Divinity, John and Robert
Baron, were cadets of the Lairds of Kinnaird, in this shire, of that name."
[763] John Cockburn of Ormiston: see vol. i. pp. 142, 455.
[764] This allusion of Knox to his own family is interesting, as it furnishes the only
information that can be relied upon respecting his ancestors.
[765] In MS. G, "wold attempt."
[766] In MS. G, "the said Erle."
[767] He was the eldest son of John Cockburn of Ormiston. In the following page
331, Knox mentions him as conveying the message from the Queen, which led to the
communing there detailed. He died in 1564: and in early life he had been a pupil of
Knox: see vol. i. p. 185, note 3.
[768] See page 327, note 2.
[769] In MSS. G, and L 4, "Mr. Gawin Hammyltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning"
[770] Henry Drummond of Riccarton succeeded his father, who is mentioned as slain
at the siege of Leith in 1560. But see note to vol. i. p. 376. In 1574 he was succeeded
by his brother of the same name, and probably the issue of a second marriage. (House
of Drummond, p. 292.)
[771] In MS. G, "Seeing therefore that."
[772] The 26th March, 1562.
[773] Mr. Richard Strang was an Advocate. His name occurs in the proceedings of the
General Assembly as one of the three Procurators who were appointed in 1567, "to
defend and pursue all actions pertaining to the Kirk."
[774] Alexander Guthrie held for many years the office of Town Clerk of the City of
Edinburgh.
[775] In MS. G, "of the quhilks."
[776] "Upon the 25th day of March 1562, my Lordis of Arrane, quha was eldest sone
to James Duke of Chattellarault, and Bothwill, wer aggreit be Johne Knox minister,
and thairefter raid and spak with the Duke." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 71.) "And
upoun the 29th day of March, my Lord of Arrane come furth of the Palice of Kynneill,
in ane franysy, in the nycht, at ane heich wyndo, and past to the Quenis Grace at
Falkland, and sayd to her that my Lord Duke his fader, and my Lord Bothwill, and
Gawin Commendatare of Kilwynning, had conspirit aganis the Quenis Grace and
Lord James." (Ib. p. 71.)
[777] Hallyards, in the parish of Auchertule in Fifeshire. Sir Robert Sibbald, in 1710,
speaks of "Hallyairds, the residence of a gentleman of the name of Skeen: a great
building, surrounded with gardens, large enclosures and planting: having large
meadows to the west, and a loch fertile of fish to the east." (Hist. of Fife, edit. 1710,
App. p. 3.) At the time referred to by Knox, it belonged to Sir William Kirkaldy of
Grange: see vol. i. p. 90.
[778] "Upon the last day of March (1562,) my Lord Bothwill and the Commendatare
of Kilwynning wer commandit in ward, in the Palice of Falkland." Diurnal, p. 71.)
[779] It is a peculiarity in Knox's chief amanuensis, always to write "he" as "hie."
[780] In MS. G, "Mr. Gawin, Abbot," &c.
[781] In MSS. G, and L 4, "conveened."
[782] James Stewart of Cardonald, about two miles from Paisley, in the county of
Renfrew. In a letter dated 7th September 1561, Randolph says, "James Steward's
admission to be Captain of the garde, stayett upon the Lord of Lidington's retorne, to
certifye whether he be sworne Englishman." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 74.)
On the 4th May 1562, "Capitane Stewart, capitane of the Quenis gard," with 24
horsemen, convoyed Arrane, Bothwell, and the Abbot of Kilwinning from St.
Andrews to Edinburgh. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.)
[783] In the Acts of the Privy Council, there is no minute of any meeting held on the
18th of April 1562. But the records of that time are not very entire. In the Diurnal of
Occurrents it is stated, that a Convention was appointed to be held at St. Andrews, on
the 15th of that month, "for taking tryell of the matter above written, and thair
compeirit certane Lordis to the samyne;" and that, on the 18th of April, "My Lord
Duke raid to the Quenis Grace in Sanctandrois, quhairintill he purgit himself of the
conspiracie foirsaid in hir presens."
[784] "Upon the xxvij day of April (1562) the Castell of Dumbartane wes deliverit be
my Lord Duke to Capitane Anstruther, in the name and behalf of the Quenis Grace."
(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.) Captain Robert Anstruther, in the previous year, had
the command of the fortified island of Inchkeith, in the Frith of Forth, with "40
hagbutteris, remanand within the said Inche," (Treasurer's Accounts.)
[785] At the end of this paragraph, the transcriber of MS. L 4, has added, "Thus farr
Mr. Knox in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Let the Reader compare this relation
with Buchanan's, and follow his own judgement." In like manner Calderwood (Hist.
vol. ii. p. 177,) says, "Thus I have related this part of the Historie, as Knox hath sett it
down in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Mr. Buchanan, his relation, is somewhat
different. He writeth," &c. Instead of quoting this passage, the reader may be referred
to Buchanan's own work, in which he ascribes a plot to murther the Earl of Murray, as
having been devised by the Earl of Bothwell, upon finding that he would not join
Bothwell in his first design against the Hamiltons.
[786] Queen Mary returned from her journey and residence in Fife, to Edinburgh,
early in May. Knox probably confounded this absence from Edinburgh, with the
Queen's more protracted progress in the North in Autumn, (see page 381,) which may
account for his mistaking the precise time of his second communing with the Queen,
which actually took place in December: see next page, note 2.
[787] In MS. G, "taills."
[788] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 16th December 1562, says, "upon Sunday
last he (Knox) inveighed sore against the Queenis dancing, and little exercise of
herself in vertue and godliness. The report hereof being brought unto her ears,
yesterday she sent for him. She talked long time with him: little liking there was
between them, of the one or the other, yet did they so depart as no offense or slander
did rise thereon." We thus learn, that Knox's sermon was delivered on the 13th, and
that the interview occurred on the 15th December.
[789] In MS. L 4, "Patrick Cockburne." See page 324, note 3.
[790] In MS. G. "oratioun."
[791] In MS. G, "to cum to waitt."
[792] In MS. G, "and credytte," are omitted.
[793] Various letters written by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth at this time are
contained in the Prince A. Labanoff's collection: "Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de
Marie Stuart, Reine d' Ecosse," &c. Londres, (Paris) 1844, 7 vols. 8vo. See also
Keith's History.
[794] In MSS. M and L 4, the words after "Sowth partes" are omitted, and the
following sentence interpolated. "Duke D'Awmall had opened up the English
Ambassaders letters, who was then lying at Court, as wes reported; and by his
procurement an English schip quhairin another Ambassador did fair, wes spoiled.
There being appearance of warres betwix England and France, the Quene came from
St. Andrews to Edinburgh, at what tyme she committed the Earl of Arran to ward in
the Castell of Edinburgh." Calderwood has copied these words verbatim. (History, vol.
ii. p. 182.)
[795] The Swedish Ambassador, "Herr Peter Groif," arrived in Leith on the 24th
April, where he remained till the 9th of May, when the Queen came from Fife. In
Edinburgh "he logeit in Mr. Harie Lawder's lodgeing, quhairto he was conveyit
honorabill," and departed on the 1st of June, "with his answer, and imbarkit that nycht
at ten houris at nicht, and obtanit ane fair wynd." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 72, 73.)
[796] The King of Sweden referred to was Eric XIV., who was born in the year 1533.
He was educated in the Protestant faith, and succeeded to the throne on the death of
his father Gustavus Vasa, 29th September 1560. He was unfortunate in his projected
alliances, and also in the latter part of his career, having been forced to abdicate in
1568; and he died of poison in 1578.
[797] Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, succeeded his father in 1526. He married Lady
Margaret Douglas, the daughter of Archibald Earl of Angus, by his wife, Margaret
Queen of Scotland, widow of James the Fourth, and sister of Henry the Eighth. Their
son Henry Lord Darnley, who married Queen Mary of Scots, was born in 1545. The
Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of Scotland 11th July 1570, but was slain 4th
September 1571. The Countess of Lennox died 9th March 1577, in the 62d year of her
age.
[798] John Lockhart, son of John Lockhart of Barr in Ayrshire. He was served heir of
his father, 10th May 1575.
[799] The disturbed state of the Borders called for this summary act of justice.
According to Randolph's letter, dated 7th July 1562, there were eighty-three persons
apprehended at Hawick, "of the which twenty were acquitted by the assize; the rest
condemned; of the which twenty-two were presently drowned there, for lack of trees
and halters; six hanged at Edinburgh, yesterday being Monday," &c. (Chalmers'
Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 360; Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 259. But Chalmers dates this
letter 7th June; Tytler, the 8th July.)
[800] The Borough or Common Muir, about a mile to the south of Edinburgh, was of
great extent, stretching from the Pleasance westward to beyond Merchiston Castle.
The place where the old wooden gallows stood for the execution of criminals,
according to Maitland, was "on the west side of the Dalkeith road, where it is left by
the way to Musselburgh." The position was afterwards changed: see his History of
Edinburgh, p. 176, chap. 177, respecting the Borough Muir.
[801] In MS. 1566, "the 24;" in MS. L 4, "the penult of Junij;" in MS. M, "the penult
of Julie." The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the penult or 29th of June 1562.
See the Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland, vol. i. p. 13. It should no doubt be,
in "Mr. Henry Lawder's lugeing," instead of "Mr. Hendrie Lands house," (ib. p. 14,)
where the Assembly was held.
[802] Mr. John Scharp was educated in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, having
taken his Bachelor's degree in 1555; and he became a licentiate or Master of Arts in
1557. At the Reformation he appears to have occasionally exercised himself in the
office of the ministry, without being appointed to any particular church. The want of
efficient preachers to supply the vacant charges rendered the General Assembly more
anxious to secure the services of qualified persons. On the 2d July 1562, the Assembly
"finding him able to preach the word and minister the sacraments, as he had done
before times, charged him to re-enter to the ministry, the place where he should
minister being reserved to farther deliberation." And on the 4th July, "It was concludit
that Mr. John Scharp should re-enter in the ministrie, and to serve in the kirk whilk the
Superintendent of Lothian should appoint; and if he refused, that the censures of the
Kirk be execute against him." Scharp, however, according to the above marginal note,
became an Advocate, and long practised at the bar with great success. Mr. John
Scharp, Advocate, had a charter of the lands of Houston, in the shires of Edinburgh
and Linlithgow, 25th March 1576. His name occurs in an Act of Parliament, in July
1604, as "Maister John Scharp of Houston, Lawer." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 264.)
He was one of five persons connected with Scotland who were knighted by King
James at Whitehall, on the 17th December 1604.
[803] In the Booke of the Kirk, "of the haill Kirk."
[804] In MS. G, "These cause;" MS. L 4, "This causethe."
[805] In MS. G, "discharged." In the Book of the Kirk, and MS. L 4, "disappointed."
[806] At the 6th Sess., 4th July.
[807] In MS. G, "wer maid."
[808] As mentioned in the previous page 337, Knox has mistaken the time when the
General Assembly met, and in this way he probably committed the mistake of saying,
"Schort after," instead of "Short before the Conventioun." The meetings of the
Assembly were from Monday the 29th June, till Saturday the 4th July 1562. The
above conflict took place on Saturday the 27th June. The Magistrates having
apprehended and imprisoned Gordon of Finlater, and ordered two of the Ogilvies to be
kept in ward, they sent a messenger to the Queen, who was then in Stirling, to obtain
her instructions. The Queen's letter, dated penult of June, is preserved in the Council
Register, and is printed by Keith. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 156.) But Sir John Gordon, as Knox
mentions, soon afterwards made his escape to the North.
[809] Sir John Gordon was third son of George fourth Earl of Huntley. Alexander
Ogilvy of Ogilvy, in 1545, having disinherited his son James Ogilvy of Cardell,
settled his estates of Finlater and Deskford upon John Gordon, who assumed the name
of Ogilvie, which was the occasion of the animosity that existed between the two
families. James Ogilvy of Cardell had been in France, and was Master of the
Household of Queen Mary. He was now endeavouring to recover possession of his
father's estates. The claim between the rival families of Gordon and Ogilvy having at
length been referred to arbitration, the estates of Deskford and Finlater, in 1566, were
affirmed to James Ogilvy, the ancestor of the Earls of Finlater; and this award was
ratified in Parliament, 19th April 1567.
[810] According to most accounts James sixth Lord Ogilvy of Airly was so severely
wounded in this conflict, on the 27th June 1562, that his life was considered to be in
imminent danger; but he recovered and survived till the year 1606.
[811] In MS. G, "certanely affirme."
[812] George fourth Earl of Huntley succeeded his grandfather in 1524. He became a
favourite of King James the Fifth, with whom he had been educated. He was admitted
a Privy Councillor in 1535, and was constituted Lieutenant-General of the North in
1540. In 1546 he succeeded Cardinal Beaton as Lord Chancellor. He obtained in 1549
a grant of the Earldom of Murray, but this he was forced to resign in 1559. The estates
and dignities of Mar and Murray having afterwards been conferred upon Lord James
Stewart, this served to encrease those fatal dissensions which ultimately led to the
Earl's death, at Corrichie, on the 28th October 1562.
[813] The Provost of Ayr was, no doubt, Wallace of Holmstone, on the south bank of
the river, about a mile from the town.
[814] Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee.
[815] Or Walston, parish of Tarbolton.
[816] Alexander fourth Earl of Glencairn.
[817] Robert fourth Lord Boyd: see page 259, note 7.
[818] Robert Cunningham, minister of Failfurd: see a subsequent note.
[819] William Campbell of Skeldon, in the parish of Dalrymple.
[820] John Fergushill of Fergushill, in the parish of Kilwinning.
[821] Robert Master of Boyd. He predeceased his father Lord Boyd.
[822] Sir William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead.
[823] Andrew second Lord Stewart of Ochiltrie.
[824] In the list this appears as a distinct name, but Robert Cunningham was Laird of
Auchinharvy.
[825] The Laird of Middleton was also a Cunningham.
[826] Or Clavanes, parish of Dundonald.
[827] Or Gibb's-yard.
[828] In all the copies of Knox this name is left blank, his transcriber in 1566
apparently being unable to decypher it.
[829] Or Martinham, parish of Dalrymple.
[830] Or Daljarrock, parish of Colmonell.
[831] Or Piedmont.
[832] Or Horsecleuch, in the parish of Cumnock, a designation assumed by the
Campbells of Skerrington, although probably at first by a distinct branch of the family.
[833] Or Corseclays, in the parish of Colmonell.
[834] In MS. G, at the end of this list of names is added, "With many uther Gentilmen
of worth, and Burgesses." In MS. L 4, the list is dated, the 3d of September; but the
names of the Subscribers of this Bond are only partially given; but adding these
words, "with an hundreth more gentlemen," &c. Calderwood also gives a similar
abridged list. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 202.)
[835] Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, Warden of the West Marches: see vol. i. p. 319.
[836] Giving ear to the Bishop, that is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.
[837] Quintin Kennedy was the fourth son of Gilbert second Earl of Cassillis. As a
younger son, intended for the church, he pursued his studies at St. Andrews, and
afterwards at Paris. He obtained the Abbacy of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, in the year
1549. He died on the 22d August 1564. See notice of his life in the Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 89.
[838] The Disputation referred to took place at Maybole in September 1562. Knox
published a detailed account of it, under the title of "The Copie of the Reasonyng
which was betwix the Abbot of Crossraguell and Johne Knox, in Maybole, concerning
the Masse," &c. Printed at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1563, 4to. This, of course,
will be reprinted in a subsequent volume of his Works.
[839] Mr. George Hay was first minister of Eddilston, and in or before 1563, was
appointed Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and Banff, and also Minister of
Ruthven. In August 1562, he had been appointed to visit Ayrshire (see page 347); and
Knox's allusion is evidently to Hay's controversy with the Abbot at this time, which
was published under this title, "The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguells Masse,
set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by Robert Lekprewik,
1563," 4to; dedicated "To the Most Noble, Potent, and Godly Lord James, Earle of
Murray."
[840] The following is a brief notice of the Queen's progress in the North of Scotland.
She set out from Edinburgh, on horseback, on the 11th August 1562, dined that day at
Calder, and then reached the Palace of Linlithgow. Next day, after dinner, at Lord
Livingstone's, in Callander House, she came to Stirling Castle, where she remained till
the 18th. She proceeded to Aberdeen, where she arrived on the 27th, and remained till
the 1st of September. Having changed her purpose of visiting the Earl of Huntley, she
proceeded, stopping at places not so well prepared for her reception, passed the Spey,
and reached Elgin on the 4th. On the 8th she passed forward to Kinloss Abbey; on the
following day to Tarnaway Castle, the chief mansion of the Earldom of Murray, where
a Privy Council was held on the 10th of September; and Lord James Stewart having
resigned the title of Mar, produced his patent, and assumed the title of Murray. Next
day the Queen reached Inverness. On the 15th she set out on her return, stopping at
Tarnaway and Spynie Castle, recrossed the Spey at Fochabers, and reached Aberdeen
on the 22d, where the inhabitants shewed their loyalty on occasion of her public entry.
Here she remained till the 5th of November, during which time the fatal conflict at
Corrichie took place, ensuring the triumph of Murray, and the ruin of Huntley, which
Chalmers and other writers assert was the chief object in inducing the Queen to
undertake this journey. In her return she passed through Dunottar, Montrose, Dundee,
Perth, and arrived at Holyrood on the evening of the 21st of November, after more
than three months' absence. See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. i. sect. iv.
[841] Being denounced rebels, in August and October 1565.—Some letters in this
marginal note, cut away by the binder, are supplied from MS. G.
[842] Apparently Capt. Alexander Stewart, son of Capt. James Stewart of Cardonald,
who is mentioned at page 329. On the 29th October 1562, there was paid by the
Queen's speciale command "to Capitane Moffet ensinge to Capitane Stewart for his
trew service done and to be done, £66, 13s. 4d."
[843] The battle of Corrichie takes its name from the vale or small stream so called, in
the parish of Mid-Mar, about twenty miles west of Aberdeen. The hill of Fare is
computed to be 1793 feet above the level of the sea.
[844] This veteran has been several times mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 317; vol.
ii. pp. 56, 63. It may be added that at a later period of life he obtained a grant of the
Commendatorship of the Priory of Pittenweem. As elsewhere mentioned he died in
1588, aged seventy. He was buried in the church of Dundee, and the inscription on his
monument, which, I believe, is still preserved, was published by Monteith, in his
"Theater of Mortality." Edinb. 1713, 8vo.
[845] In MS. G, this marginal date is inserted in the text.
[846] In MS. L 4, all the words after "should be there dead," are omitted.
[847] Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Robert Lord Keith, who with his father William
third Earl Marischal, was killed at Floddon in 1513.
[848] In MS. 1566, "message."
[849] In MS. L 4, "an Yrish work."
[850] In MS. G, in this place there is a marginal note, "Let utheris that yet live mark
this."
[851] See page 345, note 2.
[852] In MS. L 4, this sentence reads, "These thingis thus reveilled, the Quene
returned shortlie efter, leaving the Thesaurer, Mr. James Mc Gill, Mr. John Spence of
Condie, and the Laird of Pittarrow in Aberdene, to compone for the eschetes of those
who were in the fields with the Erle of Huntlie." Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 200)
copies these words verbatim. The Treasurer in his Accounts from February 1561-2 to
February 1562-3, charges himself with £3542, 6s. 8d., as the composition of various
persons in the North for assisting, &c. George Earl of Huntley, "in Campo de
Correchie, in mense Oct. ult." In October £33 was paid to Archibald Earl of Argyle,
Lord Justice, and £62 to Sir John Bellenden, Justice Clerk, for the time they remained
in Aberdeen. "Item, to John Johnstoun, Clerk of the Secreit Counsel, for his
extraordinar wagis and ane servand, awaiting upoun the Quenis grace and Lordis of
hir Secreit Counsel, all the tyme fra hir Grace departing furth of Edinburgh towart the
North partis, fra the first day of August, 1562 zeris, to the last day of November in the
said zeir, extending to 122 dayis, &c. £100."
[853] On the 21st November.
[854] The following payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, confirm this notice of the
Earl's contemplated forfeiture:—

1562, November, Item to Patrick Hume,

for the fraucht of his schip, of Abirdene
to Leith,
 £10
—for the carriage of ane kist, quhairin
wes contenit my Lord of Huntleis
bodie, of Leith to Edinburgh,
4s.
—for bandis for the same,
10s.
—to Robert Hendersone, chirurgen, for
expensis maid be him upoun spicis,
vinagre, acquavitie, pulderis, odouris,
and hardis, with sindrie utheris necessaris,
and for his laubouris in the
handeling of the said Erle of Huntleis
bodie that it suld nocht putrefie, as
compt gevin in be the said Robert,
beris.
£28, 3s. 4d.
[855] See infra, page 380.
[856] George Lord Gordon was the second son of the Earl of Huntley. He succeeded
his elder brother Alexander Lord Gordon, who died in 1553, without issue. Alexander
married Lady Margaret, the second daughter, and George, Lady Anne, the third
daughter of the Duke of Chattelherault. On his father's death at Corrichie, George
became fifth Earl of Huntley. But being apprehended, he was convicted of treason on
the 8th February 1562-3, his estates forfeited, and he himself sentenced to be
executed. The latter part of the sentence however being delayed, he was sent to
Dunbar Castle, where he remained a prisoner until August 1565. He was then restored
to favour, and adhered to the Queen's party. He was advanced to be Lord Chancellor
in March 1566, and after several changes of fortune, he died in 1576.
[857] Of the five persons here named, who were proposed as husband to Queen Mary,
the first was Don Carlos, Infant of Spain, son of Philip the Second, born in 1545, and
died in 1568. The next was the Archduke Charles, a younger son of the Emperor
Ferdinand the First, and brother of Maximilian the Second, born in 1540, and died in
1596. The third was Lord Robert Dudley, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, who
created him Earl of Leicester, born in 1532, and died in 1588. The fourth was James
(of the house of Savoy) Duke de Nemours, born in 1531, and died in 1585. He was
reckoned as "l'un des plus beaux Princes de son tems, et des plus braves, fut liberal,
magnifique, et sçavoit des langues." In 1566, he married Anne d'Este, widow of
Francis Duke de Guise. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p. 512.) The last was Henry
Lord Darnley, eldest son of Matthew Earl of Lennox, born 1545, and whom she
afterwards married, 29th July 1565.
[858] See page 335, note 2.
[859] Robert Melvin or Melville, the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith. In May
1555, "Robert Melville, servand to the Quenis Grace, received be hir speciale
command," the sum of £50; and in September following, £75, as his pension for the
Whitsunday term, that year. He had long resided at the Court of France, during the
reign of Henry the Second; and was afterwards much employed in public affairs. He
was knighted in 1582, and was raised to the Peerage, by the title of Lord Melville of
Monimail, in 1616, having survived till 1621, when he died at the very advanced age
of 94.
[860] In MS. G, "quhair he pleased."
[861] In MS. G, "mening of Huntlie."
[862] In MS. 1566, the marginal note at the top of the next page, judging from the
different hand and colour of ink, was evidently added in 1571. The words "then was,"
refer to the year 1562-3. The note occurs in MS. G, with this addition, "then was (as
he is now)."
[863] In MS. G, is this marginal note, which cannot be attributed to the author:—"The
end declared thair words to be trew." Lethington, it is well known, having adhered to
the Queen's party, he remained in the Castle of Edinburgh during the whole time of
the siege by the English troops in 1573, until its surrender, under promise that the
Governor and his associates should be favourably treated. But Queen Elizabeth
delivered them up to their implacable enemy the Regent Morton; and Lethington was
with Kirkaldy of Grange, and the other prisoners, carried to Leith; but whether it was
his own act, to save the disgrace of a public execution, or that of others, he died, "not
without suspicion of poison," on the 9th June 1573.
[864] In MS. G, "the speaker, quhilk was John Knox."
[865] In MS. G, "of the Kirk."
[866] John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns. Calderwood repeats
this notice, and says, that Cumming was accused "for infecting the youth committed
to his charge with idolatrie."
[867] Knox has previously mentioned Paul Methven as an active and zealous
preacher, (vol. i. p. 300.) The proceedings against him by order of the Assembly,
contained in the Book of the Kirk, consist of extracts from Calderwood. Knox was
appointed on the 30th December 1562, to proceed to Jedburgh, and on the 3d of
January to take trial of the slander raised against Methven. At the next General
Assembly, on the 25th June 1563, Knox reported that Methven had been removed
from his charge, and excommunicated.
[868] The writer of the Fifth or Supplemental Book of the present work, notices
Methven's contrition and public repentance; and his earnest desire to be received again
into church-fellowship. It does not appear that he was permitted to resume his
ministerial functions.
[869] The following account of Chastelard, in MS. L 4, is introduced with a passage
relating to "Danvill, son to Annas Montmorrencie, Constable of France," who had
accompanied "the Guises to Scotland;" but the reference, "as Thuanus sayeth," clearly
shews it to be a subsequent interpolation. "When he (Danvill) departed, he left behind
him Monsieur Chattellet, nephew to the famous knyght Pierr Tertall, by his daughter.
Whill he is left a brocker between Danvill and the Queen, he lauboured to conquist hir
affection to himself. He passed all others in credit," &c. See Cald. Hist. vol. ii. p. 211.
It may be added, in reference to this MS. L 4, that it corresponds very closely with the
MS. portion of Mr. M'Crie's copy of Vautrollier's edition; and the latter was probably
the copy that Calderwood the Historian made use of, as his extracts correspond with
it, and the MS. additions resemble the handwriting of his amanuensis.
[870] The name of Chastelard, among other varieties by different writers, occurs as
Chatelar, Chastellet, Charterlet, Chatillon. But we cannot well identify him with a
person of nearly the same name who had been attached to the household of the Queen
Regent in 1555, as appears from this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts, on the 7th
January:—"Item, Given to Franschois Chattillihon, kepar of the Quenis Grace
chalmer dur, be ane precept and speciale command at his departing to Fransche—1
lb." (£50.)
Chastelard arrived in Scotland in 1561, as one of the suite of M. de Damville. He
returned with him to France; but in November 1562, he again visited Scotland as the
bearer of letters to the Queen. He remained about the Court until the 12th of February
1562-3, the night when he concealed himself in the Queen's bed-chamber in the
Palace of Holyrood. He followed her to Fife, and two days later, he was discovered, as
Knox relates, at Burntisland, and being arrested, he was conveyed and tried at St.
Andrews, where he was executed on the 22d February 1562-3. No account of his trial
has been preserved, the scroll Court-book of Justiciary, from May 1562 to May 1563,
being lost. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 427.)
[871] In MS. G, "talketh."
[872] Brantome has given a tolerably full account of Chastelard, and says, he was a
gentleman of Dauphinè, and grand-nephew on the mother's side of the celebrated M.
de Bayard. On the day of his execution, he says, when brought to the scaffold, he took
into his hands the hymns of the French poet Ronsard, "et, pour son éternelle
consolation, se mit à lire tout entiérement l'hymne de la mort, qui est tres-bien fait, et
propre pour ne point abhorrer la mort; ne s'aydent autrement d'autre livre spirituel, ny
de Ministre, ny de Confesseur." He then adds that Chastelard turned to the place
where he supposed the Queen to be, and cried aloud,—"Adieu, the most beautiful and
the most cruel Princess of the world." (Oeuvres, tome ii. p. 357.) Randolph, however,
says, "he died with repentance." (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 274)
[873] Bishop Keith animadverts with some severity on Knox's language in thus
attributing this dearth and high price of provisions "as an immediate punishment upon
what he calls 'the idolatry of our wicked rulers.'" (Hist. vol. ii. p. 193.) He also quotes
an Act of Privy Council, 11th February 1562-3, against eating flesh during the season
of Lent, because, as the Act bears, "The cattle had suffered much by the tempestuous
storms of the winter bypast."
[874] On the 13th February 1562-3, "Williame Maitland apperand of Lethingtoun, and
Secretar to our Soverane Ladie, depairtit furth of Edinburgh to France in
ambassatorie, to quhat effect none knowis." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.) Keith has
printed from what he calls "the Shattered MS.," the "Instructions by the Queen of
Scots to her Secretary, Mr. William Maitland, younger of Lethingtoun." (Hist. vol. ii.
p. 188.) They have reference, however, to his mission to Queen Elizabeth, and not to
the Court of France. The date, 12th February 1562-3, is confirmed by a letter quoted
by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi. p. 275.
[875] Easter Sunday, 11th April.
[876] Whitehorn or Candida Casa, was a Priory in Wigtonshire, founded in the reign
of David the First, by Fergas, Lord of Galloway. The Commendator here mentioned
was Malcolm Fleming, supposed to be a younger son of John second Lord Fleming,
who died in 1524. Dns. Malcolmus Flemyng Vicarius chori Glasg., was incorporated
in the University of Glasgow, 29th October 1519. He was Commendator and Vicar-
General of the Diocese of Galloway, in December 1541. His name as Commendator
occurs in February 1515-6, (Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. iii. pp. 439, 419.) Also, in
1565, (ib. p. 432.) He died intestate in the year 1568. John Lord Fleming being
"decernit executor dative." (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[877] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G.
[878] Quintin Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, (see supra, pp. 351, 352.)
[879] Mr. Robert Creichton was Parson of Sanquhar, in Dumfries-shire, and Canon of
Glasgow, in 1549. He was educated at the College of Glasgow, being incorporated in
1521. He died 16th January 1570-1. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[880] This interview is supposed to have taken place on the 13th April 1563. On the
15th of that month the Queen removed from Lochlevin to Perth.
[881] In MS. G, "war two directed, (Walter Melvill was the one.)"—Walter Melville, a
younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith, was in the Queen Regent's service, and at
the time of her death received £30. At this time he was in the Queen's service. He
afterwards became one of the gentlemen of the Earl of Murray's chamber. His brother,
Sir James Melville, in reference to him and Kirkaldy of Grange, says, "Quhilk twa tint
him sa schone (soon) as he became Regent, and lykwise my self; for we had bene
famyliar with him, and had assisted him in all his troubles; but when he was Regent,
wald reprove, admonish, and tell his faltis, wherby we tint his favour. And uthers that
had ny bene in his contrair befoir, cam in and flatterit him in his proceedings, and
bekkit wery laiche to him, calling him 'Your Grace,' at ilk word, &c." (Memoirs,
Bann. Club, edit. p. 260.)
[882] Hawking appears to have been a favourite pastime of the Queen. In April 1562,
Matthew Ker succeeded James Lindesay as "Maister Falconar." In the same month
£20 was paid to two persons, "passand of Edinburgh to Scheitland for halkis."
[883] Patrick Lord Ruthven. His grandson, John second Earl Gowrye, was also
accused of dealing in magic.
[884] In MS. G, "the Bishop of Cathenis;" (but the marginal note in that MS. reads
correctly "Bishop of Athens.") This error in the printed copies has led Mr. Tytler and
others into the mistake of saying, that the Queen here referred to "the Bishop of
Caithness." The titular Archbishop of Athens, Alexander Gordon, afterwards Bishop
of Galloway, &c., (see page 259, note 10,) was undoubtedly the person alluded to.
[885] In the proceedings of the General Assemblies, held between June 1562 and
August 1575, (or less than three months of his death,) Bishop Gordon's name
frequently occurs. Having petitioned the Assembly in June 1562, it was declared, the
Assembly "cannot acknowledge him for a Superintendent lawfully called for the
present, but offered unto him their aid and assistance, if the Kirks of Galloway shall
suit (solicit), and the Lords present;" and enjoins him to subscribe the Book of
Discipline, (although he seems actually to have done so in 1561: see page 258.) On
the 29th December 1562, the Assembly nominated for that office, "Mr. Alexander
Gordon, entituled Bishop of Galloway, and Mr. Robert Post, minister of Dunkell;" and
ordered the inauguration of the person elected to take place in the Parish Kirk of
Dumfries, "on the last Lord's day of April." The election, as Knox intimates, did not
take place. But Gordon was continued as Commissioner for planting and visiting the
churches of that diocese; although there were frequent complaints made against him.
[886] Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of King James the Fifth, and Elizabeth,
daughter of John Lord Carmichael. Her marriage with Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle
took place in April 1554, and proved unfortunate for both parties; but no separation
ensued till about the year 1564. She received from her sister, Queen Mary, a pension
of £150, in June 1565. She was one of the party at supper in Holyrood Palace the
night of Riccio's murder, 9th March 1566. She stood sponsor for Queen Elizabeth at
the baptism of James the Sixth. In 1567, (15th November,) the Treasurer paid "to
Dame Janet Stewart, Comptis of Ergile," £133, 6s. 8d. The action of Divorce founded
upon the complaints of both parties, led to a lengthened litigation, of which Mr.
Riddell has furnished a detailed account in his most valuable work on Peerage and
Consistorial Law, vol. i. pp. 547-551. In 1569, the Earl offered to adhere, and to
receive her in his Castle of Dunoon, but the Lady now refused. At length the Earl, on
the 23d June 1573, "obtained, (says Mr. Riddell,) a decree of divorce, simpliciter, by
the Commissaries of Edinburgh, adjudging her to have 'lost her tocher ad donationis
propter nuptias."' The Earl immediately availed himself of this judgment, by forming
an alliance with Lady Jane Cunningham, daughter of Alexander Earl of Glencairn, in
the month of August. Having died within a month of his second marriage, 12th
September 1573, (see page 258;) his first wife soon afterwards raised an action of
Reduction of the Divorce, styling Lady Jane Cunningham, as "pretendit spous of
umquhil Archibald Erle of Argyle." She died in the Canongate, 7th January 1586-7,
and was interred in the Royal Vault in the Abbey of Holyrood House. Her own
settlement became the subject of litigation. (Commissary Court Records, 11th March
1587)
[887] On the 15th of February 1562-3, proclamation had been made for Parliament to
assemble on the 20th March. It was delayed till the 26th of that month: see next page,
note 2.
[888] On the 19th of May 1563, John Archbishop of St. Andrews, and forty-seven
others, chiefly persons in holy orders, were tried before the Court of Justiciary for
celebrating Mass, and attempting to restore Popery, at Kirk Oswald, Maybole, Paisley,
and Congalton. Among the pannels were the persons mentioned by Knox—Malcolm
Prior of Whitehorn, Robert Creichton, parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton, tutor of
Cammiskeyth, and John Gordon of Barskcocht. Most of the persons were committed
to ward in Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and other places. See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials,
vol. i. p. *427, and the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.
[889] See page 370, note 4.
[890] See page 371, note 3.
[891] Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and President of the Court of Session.
[892] Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. This venerable Judge was born in 1496,
and survived till 1586. His attachment to literature has conferred an enduring celebrity
on his name.
[893] Archibald Earl of Argyle, as hereditary Lord Chief Justice, presided on such
occasions.
[894] Daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine: see page 128, note 2.
[895] The meeting of Parliament took place on the 26th May 1563. Randolph, on the
3d June, writes thus to Cecil: "The Parliament began 26th May, on which day the
Queen came to it in her robes, and crowned; the Duke carrying the crown, Argill the
scepter, and Murray the sword. She made in English an oration publiquely there, and
was present at the condemnation of the two Earles, Huntley and Sutherland." In like
manner, the Diurnal of Occurrents states, that "Upon the xxvj day of the said moneth
of Maij, the Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, with the Lordis of
Parliament, in the maist honourable manner, and past thairin; and efter that she had
maid hir proposition and orisoun in Parliament, the Lordis chesit the Lordis of the
Articles," &c. (p. 76.)
[896] According to a barbarous custom, the body of a person deceased, when accused
of treason, was brought into Court. It will be seen from the note at page 359, that
Huntley's body, in the view of carrying through his forfeiture, had been brought to
Edinburgh in December 1562. And, "Upoun the xxviij day of the said moneth, [May
1563] the Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh and Lordis of
Parliament, at ane efternone, and foirfaltit George Erle of Huntlie, being in the said
Tolbuyth in ane kist, &c.; and als Alexander Erle of Sutherland was foirfaltit, and the
saidis Erlis armes reven and deletit furth of memorie." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 76.)
[897] The record of this Parliament is lost; and in the printed Acts no mention is made
of the forfeitures of Kirkaldy of Grange, Balnavis of Halhill, Lesley of Parkhill, and
Whytlaw of New-Grange, having been rescinded.
[898] In MS. G, "an oration."
[899] In MS. G, "mislyked."
[900] In MS. G, "sall ask."
[901] In MS. G, is this marginal note, "Occasioun painted with a bald hind-heid."
[902] This was probably in July 1552, Lord James having remained for some time in
London on his way to France, or upon his return in December following. In 1556-7,
he subscribed the letter sent to Knox at Geneva, inviting him to return to Scotland. See
vol. i. p. 267.
[903] After the words, "least that they," in the margin of MS. 1566, there was added,
"Lethingtoun and his Companyons;" but this note was afterwards deleted. At this
Parliament, Lethington was not present. Two or three slight corrections in the text of
the MS. also occur in this place.
[904] The Acts of this Parliament were printed in a separate form at Edinburgh by
Robert Lekprewik, 1565, folio,—an edition of great rarity. The Acts of 1563, are
twenty-five in number, "extractit furth of the buikis of Parliament," by Maister James
Makgill, Clerk Register. They are included in the collected edition of the Acts of 1424
to 1564, which issued from the same press in 1566, and in all the subsequent editions.
[905] Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, and afterwards Lord President of the Court
of Session.
[906] After the skirmish of Restalrig, (see vol. i. pp. 460-463,) on Monday the 6th
November 1559, "the said day at evin in the nycht, the Congregatioun depairtit furth
of Edinburgh to Lynlithquo, and left thair artailzerie void upon the calsay lyand, and
the Toun [of Edinburgh] desolute." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 54.)
[907] This refers to Queen Mary's first husband, Francis the Second, who was styled
King of France and Scotland.
[908] In MS. 1566, it was originally written "The Persone of Dundrennan," but this is
deleted, and "Proveist of Lyncluden, Douglas of Drumlanrig by name," inserted. In
the MS. the name Lyncluden appears as if written Glyncluden; and this form of the
name is retained in the later MSS., adding an additional blunder, by writing, "N.
Douglas of Lanerk by surname, &c."—Lincluden was a Priory or Convent of Black
Nuns, situated upon the water of Cluden a few miles above Dumfries; but owing to
their scandalous lives, the Priory had been changed by the Earl of Douglas, in the
reign of Robert the Third, into a College or Provostry. (Keith's Catalogue, pp. 459,
470.)
According to the peerage writers, Mr. Robert Douglas, Provost of Lincluden, (from
whom the Douglasses of Burford are descended,) was the second son of Sir William
Douglas of Drumlanrig, who was killed at Floddon in 1513. But Chalmers has shown,
that he was the natural son of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, who succeeded to the
estates in 1513, and died in 1578. Mr. Robert Douglas obtained letters of legitimation,
8th October 1559, being twelve years after his appointment as Provost of Lincluden,
16th September 1547. (Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 309.) In December 1585, Mr. Robert
Douglas still retained his title as Provost of Lincluden, and the fruits of the benefice,
when a gift of the Provostrie was ratified by an Act of Parliament in favour of William
Douglas, lawful son to —— Douglas of Drumlanrig. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. pp. 415,
436.) About the same time he was appointed Collector General and Treasurer of the
New Augmentations: he is so styled in deeds and Parliamentary proceedings between
1587 and 1594. William Douglas of Lincluden and Grenelaw, "the eldest son and
apparent heir of William Douglas of Baitford," was tried and executed at Edinburgh in
September 1610. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 90.)
[909] This interview with the Queen must have been at the end of May or beginning
of June, as Knox says it was immediately after a sermon he had preached before
Parliament was dissolved.
[910] Evidently the same person with Marna, whose name occurs among the
"gentilhomes servans," in the "Menu de la Maison de la Royne, faict par Mons. de
Pinguillon," 1562; as the names of persons, in this curious record, are very incorrectly
written. A few copies were printed for private circulation, by Thomas Thomson, Esq.,
in 1818, 4to.
[911] Lethington returned from England towards the end of June. Keith says, "The
Secretary was not in Council on the 18th of June, but he was present next Council-
day, viz. 8th July."
[912] Francis de Lorraine succeeded his father as Duke de Guise, in 1550. He died
24th February 1562-3, having been assassinated by one of his own gentlemen, named
Poltrot, while besieging the city of Orleans, which was defended by the Protestants. In
the following month, the Grand Prior, (see page 268, note 7,) another of the Queen's
uncles, was slain at the battle of Dreux.
[913] The Cardinal de Lorraine, in August 1563, had actually proposed the Archduke
Charles of Austria to Queen Mary for a husband; but she declined such an overture.
[914] Knox, in a letter to Cecil on the 6th October 1563, (quoted by Mr. Tytler,)
expresses this same feeling in regard to the Queen's progress, when he says, "the
carrying of the Mass through those quarters which longest had been best reformed,
had dejected the hearts of many, and caused him to disclose the plainness of a troubled
heart." (Hist. vol. vi. p. 286.)
[915] Randolph, on the 13th June 1563, informs Cecil that "The Queen, the
Parliament now ended, hath made her Highland apparel for her journey into Argile."
The absence of the English ambassador from Scotland during the next three months,
has deprived us of much minute information. Keith states that the Queen "sat in
Council at Glasgow on the 8th of July, after which day both she and the Earl of Argyle
were not in Council until the 19th of August at Dumfries."
[916] See vol. i. p. 458; vol. ii. pp. 271, 321.
[917] In the MS. 1566, these words, "quhairof more is spoken after," form part of this
note, but are deleted, probably when the additional passage was inserted: see next
note.
[918] Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham: see page 320, note 5. By his
marriage with the sister and sole heir of James Hepburn Earl of Bothwell, his family
inherited a reversion of that lordship; and his son, Francis Stewart, in 1587, obtained
the dignity of Earl of Bothwell.
[919] The remaining portion of this paragraph is added in the MS. 1566, upon a
separate slip of paper, written in a hand very like Knox's own; and there is written as a
marginal direction to his amanuensis, "Tak in this that is sewed in this place quhar it is
scraped out." The words that are so scored through to be deleted, are: "When such
thingis war schawin unto the Quene, thei war but mocked at, sche affirmyng that thei
war devised by Maister Johne Woode and by the Laird of Pettarrow; as we sall after
more planelie heare." See fac-simile.
[920] In MS. G, "uther things."
[921] In MS. G, "Madame Baylie."—This Madame Raylie was the wife of Mons.
Raullet or Roullet, the Queen's private Secretary. The disturbance which is here
alluded to, happened on Sunday the 15th of August 1563. Roullet is frequently
mentioned in Queen Mary's correspondence. He was sent to Flanders with letters of
credit from the Queen, addressed to the Cardinal de Granville, in January 1564-5.
(Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. i. pp. 197-206, vol. vii. p. 291.) He died 30th August
1574, as the Queen informs Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, in a letter dated
Sheffield, 4th September, (ib. vol. iv. p. 216.) The Earl of Shrewsbury took this
occasion to search his coffers in the hope of discovering letters or papers that might
implicate his Royal Mistress, the unfortunate Queen of Scots. (Chalmers's Life, &c.,
vol. ii. p. 68.) In 1586, in the list of the Queen's attendants, one of the "gentlewomen
of her chamber," was Renee Rallay alias Beauregard. (Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol.
vii. p. 252.)
[922] Andrew Armstrong and George Rynd, burgesses of Edinburgh, on the 1st
October, found surety "to underly the law," on the 24th of that month, for breaking the
Queen's proclamation, "in carrying sundry pistollets, and for convocation of the lieges
at the Palace of Holyrood, and invading sundry of the Queen's domestick servants
therein." The case was postponed to the 13th November, when Patrick Cranston was
commanded to appear. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *434.) No account of the
subsequent proceedings has been preserved. At the same time Christian Pinkerton,
spouse of James Rogers, and twenty-one other persons, of whom eight were females,
were impannelled for being present at the celebration of Mass, in the Chapel of
Holyrood, on the 8th August.
[923] In MS. 1566, "devulgat."
[924] In the MS. 1566, the transcriber has written thirteen lines of the paragraph at
page 397, beginning, "The Brethren advertissed," &c., preceded with the words, "as
after we shall heare." Having obtained a copy of his own letter, all this is deleted; the
words "as heir followes" are added, and the paragraph itself repeated, after the letter:
see p. 397.
[925] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G; but it occurs in MS. L 4; and in MS. L
3, it forms part of the text.—The name of Captain Robert Lauder occurs in the
Treasurer's Accounts for 1561, and at other times. Captain Robert Lauder had a
charter of the lands of Straegthrow, in Forfarshire, 20th July 1566. Parliament, in
1578, passed an Act of Pacification in his favour. (vol. iii. p. 111.) In March 1566-7,
we find the names of "Capitanes Robert and Hew Lauderis, Alexander Stewart, and
James Culane." (This Stewart was probably the person mentioned at p. 354.)
[926] Failfurd, the seat of a convent of Red Friars, in the parish of Torbolton,
Ayrshire, was founded in 1252. "The chief who ruled this convent," says Chalmers,
"was styled Minister. The Minister of Failfurd was Provincial of the Trinity Order in
Scotland. From being the head of the Order, he appears to have had a seat in
Parliament." (Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 492.) In 1540, Robert Cunningham, a natural son
of William Earl of Glencairn, at the age of twenty-two, was appointed Minister; and
he sat in Parliament among the clergy in 1546; and also in 1560. "William Wallace,
brother to John Wallace of Cragy, had a letter of presentation to the benefice of the
ministrie of Failfurde, vacant be deceis of umquhile Robert Cunnynghame, last
minister thairof," dated 18th April 1576. (Register of Signatures.)
[927] Mr. Henry Sinclair, (see vol. i. p. 274,) was successively Rector of Glasgow and
a Lord of Session in 1537, Abbot of Kilwynning in 1541, Dean of Glasgow in 1550,
and President of the Court of Session in 1559. The Queen Regent, on the 27th March
1560, had written in his favour, to be advanced to the See of Ross, then vacant, by the
death of David Panter, as mentioned by the French envoys De la Brosse and the
Bishop of Amiens, in their letter of that date, to the Cardinal de Lorraine, and the
Duko de Guise:—"La Royne Douugere vous escript pour les expeditions de l'Evesché
de Rosse en faveur du Doyen de Glascou, qui est President de la Session. Son age, et
fort bonne vye, et emynent scauoir le recommendent assez; et n'avons voulu faillir a
vous en porter sa tesmoignage, et vous dire qu'il est bien affectioné et bien necessaire
pardeça. L'Evesché est encores entièr." (Stevenson's Illustrations, &c. p. 80.)
[928] Calderwood says, that Sinclair "was a speciall enemy to Mr. Knox, becaus he
still affirmed, that a Bishop receiving profite, and not feeding the flock by his owne
labours, is a theefe and a murtherer." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 233.) Knox employs no
measured terms in also speaking of his brother John Sinclair, who became Bishop of
Brechin, and his successor as President, "as ane perfyte hypocrite," (vol. i. pp. 265.)
Queen Mary, on the 20th February 1563-4, applied to Queen Elizabeth for a safe
conduct "unto our traist Counsalour. Henry Bischop of Ross, (quhom we haif licent to
pas to the partes of France, to seke cure and remedie of certane maladyis quhairwith
he is presentlie diseasit,") &c. (Labanoff, Recueil des Lettres, &c., vol. vii. p. 293.)
On the 18th September 1564, the Queen applied for a safe conduct to "oure weil
belovit Clerk, Maister Johne Sinclair, Dene of Restalrig, being in the partes of France,
and willing to returne hamewart in this oure Realme." (Ib. vol. i. p. 227.) In the above
passage Knox evidently alludes to the disease of which the Bishop of Ross died, at
Paris, on the 2d January 1564-5. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 77, 79.)
[929] In MS. G, "the Maister of Maxwell, efter maid Lord Herries." In a previous
note, (vol. i. p 319,) it will be seen that Sir John Maxwell, whose name occurs
repeatedly in Knox, married the eldest daughter and co-heiress of Lord Herries of
Terreglis. Sometimes he is styled the Master of Maxwell, as presumptive heir of the
title. He was much employed in public affairs, and was long Warden of the West
Marches. Having joined himself with the Lords of the Congregation, on the 2d
February 1559-60, he was one of the ambassadors sent by them to England. He was
generally known as Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis; and this barony, in 1566, was
erected into a Lordship, and Sir John took his seat in the Parliament 1567, as Lord
Herries. In the latter period of his life, he became one of the most constant and zealous
adherents of Queen Mary.
[930] The portion of the MS. which bears internal evidence of having been transcribed
in 1566, terminates with the commencement of this paragraph. In what follows,
having the marginal note 3 as a kind of title at the head of the page, and extending in
all to twenty-nine leaves, the transcription could not have been earlier than December
1571, (yet during Knox's life.) This concluding portion is hastily written, more like a
scroll copy from dictation, than an accurate transcript—many of the words are omitted
or inaccurately written. Various minute corrections, chiefly in orthography, have
therefore been adopted from MS. G. It may further be added, that from the irregular
manner of the writing, the marginal notes have suffered so much in the binder's hands,
that some of them can scarcely be deciphered; but the Glasgow MS. fortunately serves
to supply such deficiencies.
[931] The words inclosed within brackets are supplied from MS. G.
[932] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar: see supra p. 260, note 27.
[933] This date forming part of the text, proves that this portion of the MS. must have
been transcribed at that date: see introductory notice, vol i. p. xxx.
[934] Mr. John Spens of Condie was Queen's Advocate from 1558, and has several
times been mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 419. He died in June 1573. (Register of
Confirmed Testaments, 5th March 1577-8.)
[935] In MS. 1566, "my falt."
[936] In MS. G, "spack to Johne Knox,
[937] In MS. G, "in December 1563."
[938] Knox states that his examination before the Privy Council was the middle of
December. Randolph, in one of his dispatches to Cecil, on the 21st December,
mentions that the Lords had assembled for three causes, the last of which was, "To
take order with Knox and his faction, who intended, by a mutinous assembly made by
his letter before, to have rescued two of their brethren, (viz. Armstrong and Cranston,)
from course of lawe, for usinge an outrage upon a Priest saying Masse to the Queen's
household at Halliruydhous." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 210.)
[939] In MS. G, "the brethren of the Toun."
[940] In MS. 1566, "hir placebo boyis."
[941] The Letter on which this accusation was founded, is printed at page 395.
[942] In MS. 1566, "folk."
[943] In MS. 1566, "dalectiane."
[944] In MS. G. "a preparatyve."
[945] In MS. G, 1566, "is in."
[946] This marginal note is omitted in MS G.
[947] In MS. G, "be subverted and altered."
[948] In M.S. 1566, "some mortell."
[949] In MS. G. "smyrklit."
[950] In MS. G, "ony upfall or apparand danger." In MS. 1566, "apfaw."
[951] In MS. G, "wer traytors."
[952] In MS. G, "and to his truth planted within the same."
[953] These words omitted in MS 1566.
[954] In MS. 1566, "Balam."
[955] This note is taken into the text in MS. G. In MS. L 4, the paragraph reads:
—"The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk convened at Edinburgh in the New Tolbuith,
the 25th of December." And this marginal note is added:—"Quick speeches betwix
some Courteours, Barrons, and Ministers."
[956] Christopher Goodman was a native of Chester, born about the year 1520, and
educated at Oxford. During the persecutions in England, after Queen Mary's accession
to the throne, he went first to Frankfort, then to Strasburg, and in September 1555, he
was chosen Knox's colleague at Geneva. In 1558, he published his celebrated treatise,
"How Superior Powers ought to be obeyed," which rendered him so obnoxious to
Queen Elizabeth, on account of his statements on "The Regiment of Women." Finding
no encouragement, on returning to England, he accompanied Knox's wife and family
to Scotland, in September 1559, and became minister of Ayr. He was soon afterwards
translated to St. Andrews, as a place of greater importance. He returned to England
towards the close of 1565. (Booke of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 72.) He died at an advanced
age, at Chester, in 1601. See notices collected by Dr. M'Crie, Life of Knox, vol. ii. pp.
331-333, 459.
[957] In MS. 1566, "resonne."
[958] In MS. G, "Bellenden," the same name during the 16th century being written
Ballenden, Bellenden, Ballantyne, Bannatyne. Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul,
Justice-Clerk, is repeatedly mentioned by Knox: see notes in vol. i. pp. 358, 418.
[959] In MS. G, "Churche" is now generally used for "Kirk."
[960] MS. G, "Hypothecary;" in MS. L 4, "Apothecar." No notice of their trial and
execution is elsewhere given; and the Record of the Criminal Court at this period,
which might have furnished the same, is not preserved.
[961] John Sempill was the son of Robert third Lord Sempill, by a second marriage
with Elizabeth Carlyle. (Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 494.) Mary Levingstone was one
of the Queen's Maries who accompanied her to France, and was the youngest daughter
of Alexander fifth Lord Levingstone. It may have been to ensure their marriage that
the Queen, by a special grant under the Privy Seal, to "John Sempill, sone to hir
cousin Robert Lord Sempill, and Marie Levingstoun his spous, sister to William Lord
Livingstone," granted a charter of various lands, in consideration that "it had pleisit
God to move thair hartis to joyne togidder in the stait of matrimonye." It is dated 9th
March 1564-5. In the Parliament 19th April 1567, when it proposed to annul the
forfeiture of George Earl of Huntley, which would affect various grants that had been
made, the charter of infestment in the lands of Auchtermuchty, Stewarton, and others,
to Sempill, was anew ratified by the Queen. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 559.) The
same favour was continued by James the Sixth, on the penult November 1581, from
his general Revocation of grants, among other exceptions, "reservit and exceptit" the
infestment made by Queen Mary "to umquhile John Semple of Butress, and Marie
Livingston his spous, of the town and lands of Auchtermuchtie, and otheris," &c. (ib.
vol. iii. p. 245.) This shews that Semple was then deceased. He had acquired the lands
of Beltrees in Renfrewshire—a name distinguished in the literature of Scotland during
the 17th century.
[962] The ballads to which Knox specially alludes are not known to be preserved.
Various enactments and proclamations were made from time to time, prohibiting, in
1556, for instance, "the odeous ballates and rymes laitly sett furth be sume evill
inclinit personis of your toun." (Maitland's Hist. of Edinb., p. 14.)
[963] In MS. 1566, "Bischope of."
[964] In MS. G, "Achermoutie." It will be seen from the previous note 3, that the
lands of Auchtermuchty, in Fife, had been conferred on John Sempill and Mary
Levingstone, his wife, in 1565. The Lordship of Abercorn was probably bestowed
about the same time upon one of the courtiers. At a later period, at least, John
Levingstone, one of the Master Stabularis, had a grant in feu-farm of the lands, &c., of
Abercorn, 10th October 1587, of which he obtained a ratification by Parliament, 5th
June 1592. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. iii. p. 643.)
[965] In MS. 1566, "tyranitie."
[966] Or, in the year 1566.
[967] In MS. 1566, "regairdand" as one word.
[968] In MS. 1566, "to pronunce."
[969] See the proceedings of the General Assembly, (Book of the Universall Kirk, vol.
i. p. 48.)
[970] In MS. 1566, "gentillman."
[971] In MS. 1566, these words appear in this unintelligible form, "ze had the coule of
the waill, ye and the taill junit with all."
[972] In MS. 1566, "the collowre."
[973] In MS. 1566, "chyrrable."
[974] In MS. 1566, "mynnistrey."
[975] In MS. G, "Monsieur la Usurie." The person referred to was Jacques Lusgerie,
who had been the Queen's physician while she resided in France. He is mentioned by
her in a letter to Catharine de Medicis, 12th March 1565. In May 1571, the Queen
requests Beaton to send her a physician from France, with the advice, or
recommended by Lusgerie. (Labanoff, Lettres, &c., vol. i. p. 256; vol. vii. p. 305.)
[976] Before the Queen's second progress in the North, she had visited the West of
Scotland, and returned from Inverary through Ayrshire to Dumfries. This journey
lasted from the 29th June till the beginning of September 1563. After stopping a few
days in Edinburgh, she proceeded to Perthshire and Stirling. But the journey to which
Knox here alludes was in the following year. She rode from Edinburgh on the 22d of
July 1564. She was at Perth on the 31st, when she went into the district of Athole "to
the hunting." After crossing the mountains, and visiting some parts of Inverness-shire,
and the Chanonry of Ross, she returned along the east coast, by Aberdeen and
Dunottar, to Dundee and St. Andrews, reaching Holyrood on the 25th or 26th
September, after an absence of upwards of two months.
[977] George fourth Earl of Caithness, who died 9th September 1582.
[978] In MS. 1566, "flattering."
[979] That is, by Knox himself.
[980] In MS. G, "that boastis."
[981] In MS. 1566, "wounde."
[982] In MS. M. there is added this remark, "But this threatening was accomplished in
his owne person;" and the next paragraph is wholly omitted.
[983] At Edinburgh on the 25th June 1564.
[984] In MS. 1566, "aggreit."
[985] Here and a few lines above, in MS. 1566, of two marginal notes only some
unintelligible letters remain unmutilated by the binder: but the notes occur in MS. G,
as follows:— "Lethingtounes countenance at the threatnings of the preichars."
"Let the Warld judge quhidder this has cummyn to pas or not, and quhat has fallin out
sen that tyme."
[986] In MS. G, "began one Davie, ane Italiane." That is David Riccio: see article in
the Appendix to this volume.
[987] The words "in France," are omitted in MS. 1566; and "effaires," is written
"faires."
[988] The words enclosed within brackets, are supplied from MS. G. They occur in
MS. L 4, but neither in L 3, or in MS. 1566. In place of this, on the margin of that MS.
we find, as above, "THIS WES NEVIR DONE BE THIS AUTHOR ;" a remark, which was
probably added after Knox's death by his Secretary, or the person who transcribed this
portion of the MS.
[989] Walter Lundie or Lundin of Lundie, in Fife. The name of the "Laird of Lundie"
occurs very frequently in the Book of the Kirk.
[990] The words within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.
[991] According to Calderwood, on the 26th June 1564 "The Laird of Lundie, and the
Superintendent of Lowthian, war appointed to request the Lords of Secreit Counsell to
assist the Assemblie with thair presence and counsell." In like manner, at the next
General Assembly, on the 25th December, "William Wallace of Carnell, and Andrew
Ker of Fadownside, war sent to the Lords of Secreit Counsell, to requist thair Honours
to assist the Assemblie with thair presence and counsell."
[992] See note 2, page 352. In the proceedings of the General Assembly, 30th
December 1563, Mr. George Hay is styled "Minister of the Privie Counsell."
[993] In MS. G, "to separate."
[994] "Assemblie" is usually written "assemble;" but, as already remarked, the
orthography in this portion of the MS. is very peculiar, and requires correction.
[995] In MS. G, "acknawlege."
[996] John Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynrame.
[997] John Douglas.
[998] In MS. G, "concernit."
[999] In MS. G, this marginal note stands: "Lethingtonis harrange in the Assembly in
1584;" a mistake in the date only worthy of notice, as affording an indication of the
time when the MS itself was transcribed.
[1000] In MS. G, "quia mens."
[1001] In MS. G, "ingender."
[1002] Sinclair had been appointed President of the Court of Session in 1559: see
page 398, note 1.
[1003] In MS. 1566, "and praysit."
[1004] In MS. 1566, "lyke secreit."
[1005] That is, Paralipomena, a name given by the Alexandrian translators to the two
Books of Chronicles, as things omitted or supplementary to the other historical records
belonging to the Old Testament Canon. (Kitto's Biblical Cyclopedia.)
[1006] In MS. G, "iniquity."
[1007] In MS. 1566, "conversatioun."
[1008] Those words are omitted in MS. 1566.
[1009] In MS. G, "pronuncit."
[1010] In MS. G, "Helisias."
[1011] In MS. G, "tax the vices."
[1012] In MS. 1566, "quhairfoir."
[1013] In MS. 1566, "oppone" is usually written "appone."
[1014] In MS. G, "I remember yit our resouning quhen the Quene was in Carrick."
[1015] In MS. 1566, "because thai."
[1016] In MS. G, "micht resist."
[1017] The words inclosed within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.
[1018] In MS. 1565, "Godis worde."
[1019] In MS. 1566, "appone."
[1020] In MS. G, "that I speik in favours of my self."
[1021] In MS. G, "yourselves."
[1022] In MS. G, "inhabitants."
[1023] In MS. 1566, "that to heip upone."
[1024] In MS. G, "or be sum uther kynd of his plagues."
[1025] Mr. Robert Maitland was Dean of Aberdeen, having succeeded Mr. Robert
Erskine, about the year 1560. He was frequently a member of the General Assembly,
and became one of the Commissaries of Edinburgh. He died at Brechin in August
1579. In his confirmed Testament, (recorded 19th August 1580.) mention is made of
his brother-german, James Maitland, in Monlaittie: and in 1601, the name occurs
(probably his nephew) of Mr. Robert Maitland of Monlatie. (Eccl. Records of
Aberdeen, p. 177.)
[1026] In MS. 1566, "yea, the Buik of Baruce was nocht admitted, with his
conclusioun."
[1027] In MS. G, there is this marginal note, which, we may suppose, was added by
the transcriber: "QUHIDDER THIS HES CUM TO PAS OR NOT, LET THE WARLD JUDGE."
[1028] The conclusion of this sentence is corrected by MS. G. In MS. 1566, the words
are here awkwardly transposed; and various others in this Disputation have either
been omitted, or inaccurately transcribed.
[1029] In MS. G, "thair Kings."
[1030] See page 427, note 1.
[1031] In MS. 1566, "gottin."
[1032] In MS. 1566, "faltis."
[1033] In MS. 1566, "malankourelie;" in MS. L 3, "malancholik."
[1034] In MS. G, "it apperteneth not unto Uzzias."
[1035] In MSS. G, and L 3, "the leprosie was espyed."
[1036] In MS. G, "I am not."
[1037] Magdeburg, in the province of Saxony, is a town of ancient date, and of
importance from its situation. It was involved in disputes with Austria, on account of
the protection which it granted to Lutheranism. This drew upon it the ban of the
Empire, followed by a siege in 1550, which endured for twelve months; but a treaty
was concluded in 1551, without the Magdeburgers being betrayed into any mean
submission to the Emperor. (See Robertson's Charles V., Book x.)
[1038] That is, "Men of no note."
[1039] That is, "Servants of God however."
[1040] At page 286 of the former volume, a brief notice of Douglas is given, in order
to show that he must be distinguished from John Douglas, a Carmalite Friar, who,
forsaking his order, became in 1558, Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle. As stated in the
note referred to, Mr. John Douglas was elected Provost of St. Mary's College, St.
Andrews, in 1547. He was also elected for a long series of years Rector of the
University; and having embraced the Reformed opinions, he still continued his
residence at St. Andrews, retaining his situation as Provost of the College. In 1571,
when "an auld feeble man," by "compromise with the Earl of Morton, he was
nominated to the See of St. Andrews: Knox having refused to inaugurate him, the
ceremony was performed by Mr. John Wynrame. (M'Crie's Life of Knox.) According
to his Confirmed Testament, 29th January 1574-5, "Johne Archbishop of
Sanctandrois, &c. died in (blank) 1574;" and it shows that his nominal dignity had not
enriched him. The Summa of his Inventar amounted only to £280, 4s. 4d., and this
included "Item, his L[ordship's] liberall [library] of bukis, extending to ane hundreth
pundis."
[1041] In MS. G, "that have professit."
[1042] Mr. John Wynrame. See note in vol. i. p. 150. As Sub-prior of St. Andrews, he
sat as one of the Judges at the trials of Sir John Borthwick in 1540, of George Wishart
in 1546, and of Walter Myln in 1550. In 1549, at the Provincial Council held at
Edinburgh, he is styled "M. Johannes Wynrame Ecclesiæ Metrop. Primitialis S.
Andreæ, Canonicus Regularis, et Supprior, Theologiæ Doctor." He survived till the
year 1582, when he died at the advanced age of ninety.
[1043] In MSS. G, and L 4, "repressed."
[1044] Mr. John Craig was born in 1512, became a Dominican Friar, and narrowly
escaped from a sentence of the Inquisition at Rome, which had condemned him to the
flames as a heretic in 1559. He at length succeeded in reaching Scotland. He was
minister of the Canongate for a short time, before he was appointed Knox's colleague.
He was translated from Edinburgh to New Aberdeen before 1574; but was brought
back as King's Minister in July 1580. He survived till the year 1600, and died at the
advanced age of eighty-eight. (M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 53-57; Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 455.)
[1045] The Latin name of Bologna.
[1046] So also in MS. L 3; but in MS. A i, the date is "1550;" in MSS. L 4, and M,
"1553." MS. G, makes it "1562"—an obvious mistake, as Craig returned to Scotland
in 1560, and is not known to have left it at any subsequent period.
[1047] In MS. 1566, "haif brocht."
[1048] In MS. 1566, "who continewing."
[1049] In MSS. 1566, and L 3, "nocht concluded."
[1050] In MS. 1566, "ressonit."
[1051] Some notices respecting Mackgill, who was appointed Clerk Register in 1554,
are given at page 156. From the Treasurer's Accounts it appears his salary was only 20
merks, or £13, 6s. 8d.
[1052] William Maitland, usually styled Laird of Lethington, was the eldest son of Sir
Richard Maitland of Lethington, and was born probably between 1525 and 1530. He
is said to have studied at St. Andrews, but his name does not occur in the Registers as
having taken any degree. Chalmers has devoted much labour in tracing the career of
this very able man, whose policy in changing his views from time to time proved
equally unfortunate to himself and his country. (Life of Mary Queen of Scots, 2d edit.
vol. iii. page 530 to 615.) At an early period of life Maitland took an active share in
public affairs. Knox mentions him under the year 1555, (vol. i. p. 247;) and on more
than one occasion calls him "the author of all the mischief" that had occurred. He first
appears in the service of the Queen Regent; and in September 1555, the Treasurer paid
"to William Maitland, be the Quenis Grace precept, for his pension of this instant zeir,
£150." After the death of Bishop Panter, on the 4th December 1558, he was appointed
Secretary of State. In October 1559, he joined the Lords of the Congregation; in
August 1560, he acted as Speaker of Parliament; and in the following year he was
raised to the bench. After various embassies to France and England, and after having
an active share in all the intrigues and public affairs of the time, he died at Leith, as
alluded to at page 363, note I, 9th June 1573. He was twice married. On the 10th
November 1552, he had a charter of lands in Stirlingshire to himself and Janet
Menteith his spouse: she was the daughter of Menteith of Kerse. He married,
secondly, at Stirling, 6th January 1566-7, Mary Fleming, daughter of Malcolm third
Lord Fleming. After his death she addressed a pathetic letter to Lord Burleigh, dated
from Edinburgh, 21st June 1573, praying that her husband's body might "receive no
shame or ignominy." The English General, on the 18th, had also written, that he had
been pressed by the Earl of Athole and others, "that the body of Ledingtoun might be
buried, and not remain above the ground as it does."—In 1584, Parliament passed an
Act of "Pacification to Marie Flemyng, (relict of umquhill William Maitland younger
of Lethingtoun, Secretare to our Soverane Lord) and his bairnis." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol.
iii. p. 313.)
[1053] In MS. 1566, this short paragraph of three lines, is in a different hand and
colour of ink, and bears a close resemblance to Knox's own writing.
[1054] So in the MS.; but evidently intended for fremmit, strange, foreign: in MS. G,
"fremmed;" in MS. M, "freamed;" in MS. L 4, "frame;" in MS. A 1, "framed;" but MS.
L 3, has "formed."
[1055] In the later MSS. there are several variations at the end of this book. In MSS. A
1, and L 3, an extract from his Sermon in 1565, is added with this title, "These words
following are found written be John Knox, in the preface of a certain Treatise maid be
him upon the xxvj. cap. Isayas." In MSS. M, and L 1, we read as follows: "In this
Conference, (with Lethington,) ye may see a proofe of Mr. Knox his deep jugement
and promptness in citing the passages of Scripture, besides his great zeal, courage, and
sinceritie in the cause of God, without respect to flesh or blood." MS. L 4, adds, "Mr.
Knox endeth the 4 Buik of his Storie, with this Conference." In MS. M, "Heere endeth
the Fourth Booke of Mr. Knox his Historie of the Church of Scotland." On a separate
leaf in MS. L 4, are four paragraphs which occur in Book Fifth, and are copied nearly
verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol. ii. pp. 280, 284, 294, 295. The last paragraph
breaks off in the middle of a sentence, and in the margin is added, "The rest of this
section ye will find elsewhere, in the beginning of some writt scrollis."
[1056] The marginal notes in this Book are evidently added by the original editor,
David Buchanan.
[1057] On the 25th or 26th September 1564: see note 4, page 420.
[1058] Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox. He arrived at Edinburgh on the 23d
September. A letter, addressed by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth, on the 28th of that
month, mentions, that he had presented the letters of Elizabeth, at Holyrood-House, on
the previous day. (Tytler's Hist., vol. vi. p. 297; Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 233.)
[1059] The proceedings of this Parliament are not preserved, and the day of meeting
in variously stated. Some Acts passed on the 15th December are recorded. (Acta Parl.
Scot. vol. ii. p. 545.) In an abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, marked 3d
December 1564, (an evident error in the date for the 23d,) we read, "Lennox restored
by Parliament called only for that purpose. The Queen made an Oration in the
Parliament, shewing the reason of restoring Lennox; and the rather, because it was at
the request and suit of her sister of England." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259.) On the
15th, Lennox's restoration was proclaimed with great solemnity at the Cross of
Edinburgh.
[1060] In Buchanan's republication of Knox's History, at Edinburgh, 1644, this and
the next paragraph are transposed to the end of Book Fourth, with two additional
paragraphs, for the purpose evidently of bringing the History down to the close of the
year 1564. The first of these, as follows, occurs nearly verbatim in Calderwood's
History, vol. ii. p. 280: see also the Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 47.—
"ARTICLES AND PETITIONS.
"It was thought good by the Church Assembly immediately preceding [viz. in June
1564,] and conforme to the Acts made before the Queen's arrivall, and approven since,
that Christ's true Religion bee de novo, established, ratified, and approven throughout
the whole Realme; And that all Idolatry, especially the Masse, he abolished every
where, so that no other face of Religion be suffered to be erected within this Realme.
And for this effect, that the Ministrie be sufficiently provided with maintenance, and
sure appointment where they shall take up thair stipends. In like manner, to desire that
the transgressors of the said Laws bee punished, specially in Aberdeen, the Karse of
Gowry, Seyfield, and other places which shall be specified. These Articles were
appointed to bee presented to the Lords of the Secret Councel. The Earls of Murray,
Argyle, Glencairne, and the Secretary being present, and sent by the Queene to
observe what things were propounded in the Assembly, thought not good that the
Articles should be propounded after this manner, but drew out two heads; First, they
would declare the good mind and obedience of the Assembly; Next, they would
labour at her G[race's] hands for settling of Religion according to the order established
before her arrivall. They promised also to deal with her for set stipends. Lethington
returned a gracious answer to these Heads. It was appointed that a request should be
presented to the Queen for obtaining the gift of the Frier's Kirk of Kirkcudbright, to be
holden hereafter the Parish Kirk of Kirkcudbright."
The second paragraph is entitled,
"AN ANSWER TO PAUL METHVEN'S SUPPLICATION.
"The General Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of December,
the exhortation and invocation of the name of God being made by John Knox. John
Ærskin of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes, was chosen Moderator. In this
Assembly Paul Methven's supplication anent his receiving to repentance, &c., was
read and considered. The Brethren were content to receive him, providing he
presented himself personally before them, and shew evident signes of unfained
repentance, and willingness to obey such a forme of repentance as they should
enjoyne. As for deleting the processe out of their Books, they could no wayes
condescend, neither thought they such a Petition could proceed of the Holy Spirit,
seeing David, a notable servant of God, was not ashamed to leave in register his
offence, to God's glory and his own confusion. Anent his admission and re-entrie to
the Ministrie within this Realme, it was ansuered, That could not be granted till the
memorie of his former offence were more deeply buried, and some particular Kirks
within the Realme made request for him. And, further, That his entrie in the Ministrie
of England, hee being excommunicated and unreconciled to the Kirk, hath grievously
offended them." This paragraph is copied nearly verbatim from the Acts of Assembly,
27th December 1564. (Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 55.)
[1061] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1564.
[1062] The Queen left Edinburgh on the 19th January 1564-5. Randolph, who
followed soon after, transmitted to England an interesting account of his interviews
with her at St. Andrews. (Chalmers' Life of Queen Mary, vol. i. p. 123-127. Keith's
Hist., vol. ii. p. 261.) She afterwards visited Wemyss Castle. where she received
Darnley's first visit, on the 16th February, and returned to the Palace of Holyrood on
the 24th of that month.
[1063] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 20th March 1564-5, refers to the excesses
of both parties at this time; and in particular, that "one of the Queen's chappel, a
singing man, said, that he believed as well a tale of Robin Hood as any word is written
in the Old Testament or New." He further adds, the Queen's "own Mass, and the resort
into it; such blasphemies as there unpunished; her will to continue Papistry, and her
desire to have all men live as they list, so offendeth the godly men's consciences, and
so many besides that desire alteration, that it is continually feared that these matters
will shortly break out to some greater mischief."
[1064] Henry Lord Darnley, then in the twentieth year of his age, arrived in
Edinburgh, on the 13th February 1564-5. After visiting the Queen at Wemyss Castle,
in Fife, on the 16th, he proceeded to Dunkeld, where his father the Earl of Lennox was
residing; but he hastened back to Edinburgh to wait the Queen's arrival at Holyrood.—
In both edit. 1644, his name is always printed "Darley."
[1065] Within a month of Darnley's arrival in Scotland, Queen Mary had fixed her
affections on him, as her proposed husband, and to communicate this to Queen
Elizabeth, was the main object of Lethington's mission to the English Court. He had
arrived there on the 18th April, and had returned to Edinburgh on the 13th May 1565.
(Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii p. 551.)
[1066] An error in both edit. 1644 for Lady Margaret Douglas: see page 336, note 2.
[1067] So in both edit. 1644; but at page 476 the name is "Carvet."
[1068] Throckmorton, in his letter to the Queen of England, on the 20th May 1565,
mentions that he reached Edinburgh on the 13th, and Stirling on the morning of 15th
May; when, he says, "At my arrival at the Castle, the gates were shut against me,
whether it proceeded from fear, or of some other passion, I know not. I thus remaining
some time before the gate, there came unto me the Master of Arskine and the Justice-
Clerk, who desired me, in the Queen their Mistress's behalf, to retire unto my lodging
which was appointed in the town, saying, that after I had reposed myself, the Queen
did mind to give me audience." (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 279.)
[1069] According to a memorial transmitted by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to Queen
Elizabeth, this ceremony took place at Stirling on the 15th May; and he enumerates
the names and titles of the fourteen Knights. (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 289.)
[1070] In the Lond. edit. 1644, "Sir Ariskin;" in the Edinb. edit. "Sir Ærskin."
[1071] Mr. John Hay was Master of Requests, a Privy Counsellor, and Commendator
of Balmerinoch. He died on the 3d December 1573. (Register of Confirmed
Testaments.)
[1072] Queen Mary applied for a safe conduct to "Maister John Sinclair, Deane of
Restalrig, being from the partes of France, and willing to returne hameward," 18th
September 1561. (Labanoff, Recueil, vol. i. p. 227)
[1073] In both edit. 1644, Lesley is called "Parson of Vune," an error for Une, or
Oyne, in Aberdeenshire: see the Appendix to this volume.
[1074] Henry Lord Darnley: see page 495.
[1075] The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 25th June 1565.
[1076] The Articles here inserted were drawn up by John Erskine of Dun, John
Willock, Christopher Goodman, and John Row; and, on the following day, they
received the Assembly's approbation.
[1077] These five Commissioners were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, in Fife; William
Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire; William Durham of Grange, in
Forfarshire; George Hume of Spot, in Berwickshire, and James Barron, merchant-
burgess of Edinburgh.
[1078] The district of St. Leonard's is now included in the suburbs of Edinburgh. It is
on the south side of the city, immediately in front of Salisbury Crags.
[1079] The Queen's Answers to the Articles were presented by the Commissioners at
the next meeting of the General Assembly, on the 25th December 1565. They were
declared to be unsatisfactory to the Kirk, and Mr. John Row was directed "to put in
wryte, Answers to the Answers." These Answers are inserted in the Book of the
Universall Kirk, vol. i. p. 69; and also the Supplication, which the Assembly on the
26th December prepared "to be presented to the Queen and Counsell, by the Lord
Lindesay, and David Murray, brother to the Laird of Balvaird." (Book of the Univ.
Kirk, vol. i. p. 71.)
[1080] Dron, the name of a small parish in Perthshire, at the foot of the Ochil hills.
[1081] Callender, near Falkirk, the seat of William fifth Lord Livingstone of
Callender, in the shire of Stirling.
[1082] On the 10th July 1565, a messenger was sent "within Edinburgh, to Summond
Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and Andro Sklater, burgesses of
the said burgh, to compeir before the Justice and his deputis in the Tolbuith of
Edinburgh, on the 26th July," &c. (Treasurer's Accounts.) The office of Town-Clerk
being held by Guthrie, was disposed of at this time to David Chalmers of Ormond,
who, in January preceeding, had been appointed one of the Lords of Session. He was
an adherent of Bothwell, and was openly accused as having been accessary to the
murder of Darnley, but was never brought to trial.
[1083] Spens of Condie (see page 101,) had been appointed joint Advocate with
Henry Lauder, 21st October 1555. On the 8th February 1560, Robert Crichton of
Elliock was conjoined with Spens in place of Lauder. Crichton died in June 1581. He
was the father of James, "the Admirable Crichton." See Tytler's Life of Crichton, and
Senators of the College of Justice, p. 176.
[1084] On the 6th July 1565, £8, 10s. was paid "to Johne Paterson, Snawdon herald,
and John Brand, messinger, passand of Edinburgh with letters of the Quenis Grace, to
charge Archibald Erle of Argile and Johne Earle of Athole, to desist and ceiss fra ony
convocation of our Souerane Ladeis liegis; being in cumpany with William Maitland,
Secretar, and Sir Johne Bellenden, thair Hienes Justice Clerk."
[1085] James Stewart, Commendator of St. Colme: see page 88, note 7.
[1086] George Lord Gordon fifth Earl of Huntley: see page 360, note 1. His
restoration to his forfeited titles was proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh, on the 26th
August 1565 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 810)
[1087] In both edit. 1611, "The 18," an error for the 28th of July.
[1088] On Sunday, the 29th July 1565, "the said Henrie King, and Marie Quene of
Scottis, wes marijt in the Chapel
[1089] In both edit. 1611, the paragraph ends in this abrupt manner. The addition of
the word "received" might supply the "&c.," as it refers to a message from England,
which was sent by John Tamworth; but not being duly accredited, in order to avoid
acknowledging Darnley as King, he consequently "was not well received." See Keith's
History, vol. ii. p. 351.
[1090] "Upoun the xix day of August, the King cam to Sanctgelis Kirk to the
preitching, and Johne Knox preachit; quhairat he was crabbit, and causit discharge the
said Johne of his preitching." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) The Sermon was
afterwards published by Knox, in order, as he says, "to let such as Satan hes not
altogether blinded, see upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived."
[1091] On the 23d August 1565, the Queen commanded the "Baillies and Counsell of
Edinburgh to depois and displace (Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie) the present
Provest of oure said Burgh, and in his place that you elect, ressave, and admit our lovit
Symon Preston of that Ilk, as Provest thairof." See the Queen's Letter in Maitland's
Hist. of Edinb., p. 26.
[1092] The 31st of August.
[1093] In the Edinburgh edit. 1644, the name is changed to "Ærskin." Alexander
Erskine of Gogar, was the younger brother of John Lord Erskin, and was afterwards
knighted. His grandson was created Earl of Kellie in 1619.
[1094] In both edit. 1644, "Carmell."
[1095] It is an obvious mistake to say that "the raging storm from the west" was "in
the face" of the army marching from Hamilton to Edinburgh.
[1096] According to the Diurnal of Occorents, "the Lordis" departed from Edinburgh
"at 12 hours at evin or thairby," of the 1st September 1565, and rode first to Lanark,
and thence to Dumfries. (p. 82.)
[1097] In both editions 1644, misprinted "officers."
[1098] Balfour took his seat on the Bench, 12th November 1561, as "Parson of Flisk."
He was knighted in 1566, and is best known by his subsequent title, Sir James Balfour
of Pittendreich.
[1099] The persons here mentioned were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, Thomas Scot of
Hanyng, and Andrew Murray of Balvaird.
[1100] William Christison was minister of Dundee.
[1101] On the 13th and 14th September. The Queen returned to Edinburgh on the
19th, not by the way of St. Andrews, as here stated, but by Perth, Dunfermline, and
the Queensferry. (Chalmers's Life of Mary, vol. i. p. 219.)
[1102] In both edit. 1614, the following words, (which occur twenty-one lines lower
down,) viz., "is this, but to dissolve the whole policy, and in a manner to invert the
very order," are here inserted, inclosed within brackets, and printed in italic type,
rendering the whole passage unintelligible.
[1103] Of these Italians the one was David Riccio, the other was Seinzeour Francis de
Bisso, or Busso, whose name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts as receiving a
pension of £100 paid half-yearly from Whitsunday 1561. In the Register of Signatures
in the Office of the Comptroller, 28th May 1562, Queen Mary mentions that "the
Seigneour Francisque has done long service unto the Quene our Mother," and directs
that he receive "gude and thankfull payment of his wages of Master Household," since
the day of the Queen Regent's death, which was the 11th June 1560. Immediately after
whose death, he had received £120. (Treasurer's Accounts.) In the same Register, last
September 1563, we find that "Seigneour Francis de Busso, Knycht of the Order of
Sanct James of the Sword, one of our Maisters of Household," was appointed by the
Queen "Superintendant and Ourseare Generall of her Hienes biggingis, reparationis,
warkis, policies, &c.," with a salary of £300.—"John Francisco de Busso knycht,"
died in April 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
[1104] In place of 200 men which the town of Edinburgh were ordered to levy, as they
voted on the 24th August the sum of £1000 Scottish money, an exemption in the
Town's favour was passed on the 26th. (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 26.)
[1105] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, was Treasurer, and William
Murray of Tullibardine, Comptroller.
[1106] In the Treasurer's Accounts, 16th January 1564-5, the balance due on the
previous year's accounts was £32,696, 16s. 1d.; and in June 1566, this sum was
augmented to £42,937, 19s. 4d.
[1107] Bothwell arrived from France on the 17th September 1565. (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 83.)
[1108] In both editions 1644, misprinted, "Barons."
[1109] They were summoned on the 27th, and on the 29th September, "the six" were
taken to the Castle of Edinburgh. The agreement for the Superiority of Leith was
made on the 6th October. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84.)
[1110] This kind of compulsory assessment, terminating however in an advantageous
bargain for the Town of Edinburgh, is partly confirmed by the Council Records. The
Town's revenues being exhausted, the inhabitants contributed the sum of 10,000 marks
Scotish money. This sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names,
and the amount of their contributions, appear in the Records—the larger sums being
furnished by twenty-five persons, "men of law;" and the Town of Edinburgh received
a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 14th November 1565. In April following,
the Queen having repented of this bargain, wrote to the Magistrates of Edinburgh to
delay taking possession of the town of Leith; but this request it stated, "they
obstinately ganestude." This Superiority has been retained for nearly three centuries,
to the prejudice of the one, and with perhaps less advantage to the other than might
have been anticipated. (Council Register, vol. iii. fol. 136; Maitland's Hist. of
Edinburgh, p. 27; Campbell's Hist. of Leith, p. 92.)
[1111] Douglas was discharged from the office of Provost on the 24th, (see page 498,)
and Preston elected on the 25th August 1565. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) He was
knighted, and Sir Symon Preston of Craigmillar continued as Provost of Edinburgh for
four successive years, from 1565 to 1568.
[1112] This date is left blank in both edit. 1644.
[1113] Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, delivered up the Castles of Hamilton
and Draffen, on the 20th January 1565-6. On the 28th of that month he departed from
Edinburgh towards England, having obtained licence to pass to France and Flanders,
and to remain for five years, with the intention of accompanying the Duke of
Chattelherault. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 86.)
[1114] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1565. The first part of this
paragraph is reprinted from the former page. It will be observed that various other
repetitions occur in this Fifth Book.
[1115] On the 28th December, the Assembly, "with one voice, ordained Mr. Knox and
Mr. Craig, ministers at Edinburgh, to sett doun the Forme of a Publick Fast, with the
Exercises to be used in the same, and to cause Robert Lekprevik to print it." It was
accordingly set forth in 1566, as "The Ordour and Doctrine of the Generall Faste,"
&c., and was usually printed along with the Psalm Books, which contained the
Common Prayers; but it is not added to Buchanan's edition of Knox, as stated in the
above marginal note. It will be included in a subsequent volume of the present series.
[1116] Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller: see page 311, note 2.
[1117] The Ambassador from France to Scotland, Messire Jaques d'Augennes,
Seigneur de Rembouillet, is mentioned in Queen Mary's letters, in February 1566.
(Labanoff, vol. i. pp. 319, 327.) He arrived in Edinburgh, on Monday the 4th February
1565-6, having come through England with a train of thirty-six horse. (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 87.) The object of his mission was to invest Henry Lord Darnley with
the Order of St. Michael, commonly called the "Order of the Cockle;" the same
honour having previously been conferred, at Windsor, on the Duke of Norfolk and the
Earl of Leicester. On the 10th February, "at 12 hours befoir none, the Kingis Majestie,
(Darnley,) accumpanyit with his Nobillis in Halyrud-hous, ressavit the Ordour of
Knycht-heid of the Cockill fra the said Rambolat, Ambassatour foirsaid, with great
magnificence." Various banquets were given to the Ambassador both in the Palace and
Castle of Edinburgh; and he took his departures on the 14th of that month, returning
through England. (ib. p. 87.)
[1118] On the 1st March 1565-6. (See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. ii. p. 517.)
[1119] Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, was at this time raised to the Bench, and
made Bishop of Ross.
[1120] Mr. James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, was admitted Clerk Register, in room of
Makgill, 22d March 1565-6.
[1121] Mr. James Makgill, Sir John Bellenden, and Alexander Guthrie: See pages 156,
291.
[1122] Thomas Scott of Cambusmichaell, Sheriff-Depute of Perth, William Harlaw,
and John Mowbray, burgesses of Edinburgh, were tried and convicted 1st April 1560.
(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 480*.) Scott, on the following day, was hanged and
quartered; but the two others were reprieved when brought to the gallows. (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 98.) This remission of their sentence was granted upon Bothwell's
intercession.
[1123] John Cockburn of Ormiston, William Lauder of Halton, and John Sandilands
of Calder.
[1124] There are several inaccuracies in this paragraph in both editions 1644. As
elsewhere stated, Mr. Henry Sinclair, Rector of Glasgow, who became Bishop of
Ross, and President, died in Paris on the 1st January 1564-5. His brother, Mr. John
Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, became Bishop of Brechin, and President of the Court of
Session. He died in James Mosman's house, in Forrester's Wynd, Edinburgh, on the
9th April 1566. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 98.) Abraham Creighton, Provost of
Dunglass, and Official of Lothian, was appointed a Judge on the 17th February 1547-
8. His death took place before the l5th November 1565; and it is quite certain he never
was President of the Court of Session. (Haig and Brunton's Senators, &c., pp. 58, 63,
92.)
[1125] These words are added in the Edinburgh edit. 1614.
[1126] Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway: see page 259, note 10. He took his
seat as an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 26th November 1565.
[1127] George fifth Earl of Huntley was created Lord Chancellor, in place of the Earl
of Morton, who had fled, after Riccio's murder, in March 1566.
[1128] Gilbert fourth Earl of Cassillis married Margaret Lyon, only daughter of John
ninth Lord Glammis.
[1129] This was Henry Yair, sometime a priest, and afterwards a retainer of Lord
Ruthven. He was "delattit of treason" on the 1st April 1566, for accession to Riccio's
murder, and was sentenced to be hanged and quartered, and his goods forfeited.
(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 481.)
[1130] The Helvetian Confession was formed by the Pastors of Zürich, in the year
1566. It was approved of by the General Assembly, and the translation made by Mr.
Robert Pont was ordered to be printed; but no copy of this translation is known to be
preserved. The letter addressed to Beza, dated St. Andrews, 4th September 1566, and
signed by forty-one of the chief ministers in this country, has recently been printed by
the Parker Society, at pages 362-365 of the Second Series of Zürich Letters.
[1131] Bothwell was wounded on the 7th or 8th October, and the Queen did not visit
him at Hermitage Castle till the 16th of that month. (Chalmers's Life of Mary, vol. i. p.
296. See also Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. i. p. 379)
[1132] The baptism of the Prince took place in the Chapel-Royal of Stirling, upon
Sunday the 15th November 1566, at five in the evening, being performed by
Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews. The English Ambassador, the Earl of Bedford,
and most of the Scotish Nobility, remained without the door of the Chapel, to avoid
countenancing the ceremonies of the Romish Church, which were used on that
occasion. The Queen's sister, the Countess of Argyle, assisted at the ceremony; for
which, having "willingly submittit hirself to the discipline of the Kirk last December
1567," the said Lady was ordained by the General Assembly to make public
repentance in the Chapell Royall of Striveling, in time of preaching. (Book of the
Universal Kirk, vol. i. p. 117.)
[1133] The Lairds of Carden (Alexander Forrester) and Keir (James Stirling) were
appointed by the Assembly on the 26th December 1566, to act along with Bishop
Gordon and Spottiswood, the Superintendent in this matter. Row's name is not
mentioned in the Booke of the Kirk. (vol. i p. 83.)
[1134] This paragraph, along with the following Supplication of the Assembly, and
Knox's Letter to the Professors, ending on page 514, are supplied from the Edinburgh
edition of the History, 1644, 4to, not being contained in the London edition of that
year, folio.
[1135] The words inclosed within brackets are added in the Edinburgh edit. 1644.
[1136] The above paragraph is not contained in the London edition 1614, but was
added to the Edinburgh republication in that year.
[1137] Kirk of Field: see this volume, page 131, note 1.
[1138] These words, "Soon after, he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed," are
omitted in the 4to edit. 1644, and the two following paragraphs, enclosed within
brackets, are interpolated. Both of these paragraphs are given verbatim in
Calderwood's History, vol. ii. pp. 346, 347.
[1139] This paragraph is an evident interpolation, like some of these by David
Buchanan in the former Books. George Buchanan's History was first published in the
year 1582; and the reference to the more recent work, may have been to "The Historie
of the Life and Death of Mary Stuart, Queene of Scotland." London 1636, 12mo, and
dedicated to Charles the First, by "W. Vdall;" as some remarks on George Buchanan's
writings occur at page 55.
[1140] See this page, note 1.
[1141] The names and designations of the assize on Bothwell's trial, before the Court
of Justicary at Edinburgh, 12th April 1567, are given by Keith, with the proceedings,
extracted from the Books of Adjournal. (Hist. vol. ii. pp. 541-548.)
[1142] In the folio edit. 1644, "Cambusidentham;" in the 4to edit., "Cambuskinneth."
The person referred to was James Somerville of Cambusnethen in Lanarkshire.
[1143] "So by this, &c." This sentence is so printed in both edit. 1644, probably owing
to some word in the M.S. being illegible. We might substitute, for instance, "So by
this procedure, the murther of the King was pardoned."
[1144] It is impossible to vindicate the Queen's conduct in "this infamous marriage,"
even when acquitted of being in any way accessory to Darnley's murder. That event
occurred on the 9th February 1566-7. Bothwell, who was denounced as his murderer,
submitted to a mock trial on the 12th April; and on the 19th, he obtained from the
Queen in Parliament a ratification of several lands, &c., as Keeper of the Castle of
Dunbar. On the 24th of the same month, the Queen was way-laid, and forcibly carried
off to Dunbar, where she was coerced to agree to an alliance with a man who was then
married. To accomplish this, Bothwell brought the Queen to the Castle of Edinburgh
on the 29th April. He obtained a sentence of divorce from his first wife on the 7th
May; his marriage with the Queen was proclaimed on the 12th of that month; and
having created him Duke of Orkney, on the 15th their marriage was celebrated. Thus
within the period of three months all these events happened. One month later, the
Queen surrendered on Carberry-hill, and Bothwell made his escape: they never met
after that day.
[1145] Adam Bothwell became successor to Bishop Reid, in the See of Orkney, and
was admitted to the temporalities of the Bishopric, 14th October 1559. He was one of
four Prelates who joined the Reformers. In 1564 he was appointed an Extraordinary
Lord of Session; and an Ordinary Lord, 13th November 1565. He celebrated the
marriage of Queen Mary and Bothwell, but afterwards took an active part in opposing
him. He also officiated at the baptism of James the Sixth. His conduct was viewed
with suspicion by the Kirk, and various articles were alleged against him in the
General Assembly, 25th December 1567; but having submitted, and made a public
confession of his offence, he was restored to his ministry. He exchanged the
temporalities of his Bishopric with Lord Robert Stewart for the Abbey of Holyrood-
House, which was ratified by a charter under the Great Seal, 25th September 1569. He
died on the 23d August 1593, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, according to an
inscription which still exists in the Abbey Church of Holyrood, with some Latin
verses, by M. H. R., (Mr. Hercules Rollock.)
[1146] The Bishop here referred to, was William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane. His
instructions concerning the Queen's motives to take her husband, the Duke of Orkney,
to be declared to the King of France, the Cardinal of Lorraine and others, in May
1567, are printed by Keith. (History, vol. ii. p. 592.) But Calderwood asserts they "are
forged, and full of lies."
[1147] Carberry-hill, in the parish of Inveresk, about two miles to the south-east of
Musselburgh, and seven miles from Edinburgh.
[1148] "James Murray, son of umquhill William Murray of Tullibardine," is
mentioned in a letter of Queen Mary, in Aug. 1564. (Recueil, &c., vol. i. p. 221.)
[1149] Queen Mary surrendered at Carberry-hill, on Sunday the 15th June: She was
brought that night to Edinburgh, and on the following day was sent prisoner to
Lochleven Castle.
[1150] See page 322, note 7.
[1151] In Buchanan's Detection, &c., 1572.
[1152] This sentence is inserted in the 4to edit. 1644, at the close of the preceding
paragraph.
[1153] The General Assembly met on the 25th June, and Mr. George Buchanan was
chosen Moderator. The Book of the Universall Kirk contains the letter signed by
Knox, Row, Craig, Erskine, Spottiswood, and Douglas, dated 26th June 1567; and
also the names of the several persons to whom copies of it were addressed. After
appointing a General Fast to be observed on Sunday the 13th and the 20th of July, the
Assembly adjourned to the 21st of that month.
[1154] In the Edinburgh editions 1644, "Ghram" and "Inderneth."
[1155] At the Assembly in July 1567, "Letters of Excusation," from the Earl of
Argyle, the Commendator of Aberbrothok, (Lord John Hamilton,) and Thomas
Menzies, provost of Aberdeen, were read; and copies of them are contained in the
Book of the Universall Kirk, (vol. i. pages 101-103.)
[1156] These Articles are here given only in a condensed or abridged form. See Book
of the Universall Kirk, vol. i., pages 106-110.
[1157] The names of the Subscribers to these Articles, amounting in all to 79 persons,
are inserted in the Book of the Universall Kirk, (vol. i. p. 110.)
[1158] The three Instruments signed at Lochlevin, by Queen Mary, on the 24th July
1567, were published with other documents connected with them in Anderson's
Collections, vol. ii. Edinb. 1727, 4to: see also Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 706, &c.
[1159] See page 361, note 2.
[1160] At the time of Queen Mary's renunciation of the Crown, the Earl of Murray
was in France. After his return to Edinburgh, the 11th August, he had an interview
with the Queen at Lochleven. He was solemnly inaugurated as Regent in the Council
Chamber of the Tolbooth, or Parliament House, and publicly proclaimed at the Cross
of Edinburgh, 22d August 1567.
 Transcriber's note:

1. There are several asterisks in the text, for

example: "bene some quhat hard,* yet".
These refer to sidenotes on those pages.
2. There are multiple instances of different
spellings for the same word (example:
Huntley and Huntlye), as well as
inconsistent hyphenation and punctuation.
Those have been retained. Obvious typos
have been corrected.
3. Quote (") marks have been retained as in
the original.
4. Page 78: The transcriber inserted the
missing anchor for footnote 180: "That is,
the year 1558-9."
5. Page 114: "perfythe" is unclear.
6. Page 242: Cor. 14:29 The transcriber has
added 1 to make it read 1 Cor. as the
context would indicate.