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ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS:
POLITICS OF THE M IDDLE EAST

Volume 17

THE POLITICS OF ARAB

INTEGRATION
Page Intentionally Left Blank
 THE POLITICS OF ARAB
INTEGRATION

Edited by
GIACOMO LUCIANI AND GHASSAN SALAME

13 Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group

LO N D O N A N D NEW YORK
First published in 1988 by Croom Helm Ltd
This edition first published in 2016
by Routledge
2 Park Square, M ilton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, N Y 10017
Routledge is an imprint o f the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1988 Istituto Affari Internazionali
All rights reserved. N o part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, w ithout permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be tradem arks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation w ithout intent to
infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-83939-7 (Set)

ISBN: 978-1-315-68049-1 (Set) (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-92249-5 (Volume 17) (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-68511-3 (Volume 17) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome
correspondence from those they have been unable to trace.
 Volume IV

The
Politics of
Arab
Integration
Edited by
Giacomo Luciani
and Ghassan Salame

CROOM HELM
London • New York • Sydney
© 1988 Istituto Affari Intemazionali
Croom Helm Ltd, Provident House,
Burrell Row, Beckenham, Kent BR3 1AT
Croom Helm Australia, 44-50 Waterloo Road,
North Ryde, 2113, New South Wales
Published in the USA by
Croom Helm
in association with Methuen, Inc.
29 West 35th Street,
New York, NY 10001
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
The politics of Arab integration.
1. Arab countries — Politics and
government — 1945-
I. Luciani, Giacomo n. Salami, Ghassan
320.917'4927 JQ1850.A2
ISBN 0-7099-4148-X

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The Politics of Arab integration / edited by Giacomo Luciani and
Ghassan Salame.
p. cm. — (Nation, state, and integration in the Arab world :
v. 4)
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
ISBN 0-7099-4148-X
1. Panarabism. 2. Arab countries — Politics and government — 1945-
I. Luciani, Giacomo, 1948- . II. Salamah, Ghassan. III. Series.
DS39.N34 vol. 4
[DS63.6]
956 - dc 19 87-30368

Filmset by Mayhew Typesetting, Bristol, England

Printed and bound in Great Britain by Mackays of Chatham Ltd, Kent
 Contents

Foreword
Introduction — Giacomo Luciani and Ghassan Salome 1

Part One The Cultural Dimension

1. Speech Diversity and Language Unity: Arabic as an
Integrating Factor
Zakaria Abuhamdia 33
2. The Media and Arab Integration
Hamdi Kandil 54
3. The Role of Education in Domestic and Inter-Arab
Integration
Michael Suleiman 73
4. Attitudes to the Nation and the State in Arab Public
Opinion Polls
Tawfic Farah 94

Part Two The Economic and Social Dimension

5. Economic Interdependence and National Sovereignty
Samir Makdisi 111
6. Migration as a Factor Conditioning State Economic
Control and Financial Policy Options
Ibrahim Saad Eddine Abdallah 141
7. Immigrants in the Arab Gulf Countries: ‘Sojourners’ or
‘Setders’?
Georges Sabagh 159
8. Migration and Political Integration in the Arab World
Sharon Stanton Russell 183

Part Three The Political and Institutional Dimensions

9. The Impact of Palestine on Arab Politics
Walid Kazziha 213
10. Israeli Interference in Internal Arab Politics: The Case
of Lebanon
Avi Shlaim 232
CONTENTS

11. Integration in the Arab World: The Institutional

Framework·
Ghassan Salame 256

References 280

Index 307
Combined Index 315
 Foreword

The Arab State is a series of four collective volumes exploring the

origins, foundations, impact and stability of Arab states. This
volume is the fourth in the series; it is devoted to a discussion of the
politics of Arab integration. The question of integration is seen in
its two interrelated aspects, as referring on the one hand to domestic
affairs within each Arab state and on the other to relations between
the Arab states in connection with the broader conception of an Arab
nation. In previous volumes it has been argued that Arab states must
face the challenge of particularisms and universalisms at the same
time: this volume attempts to evaluate the importance of these
tensions and proposes an original analysis of the real content of Arab
nationalist conceptions.
The series is the result of a collective research effort organised
by the Istituto Affari Intemazionali over a period of three years,
under the general title of Nation, State and Integration in the Arab
World. This undertaking was made possible by a generous main
grant from the Ford Foundation, and an equally generous additional
grant from the International Development Research Centre (IDRC)
of Canada. The latter was specifically devoted to support the work
of Arab scholars writing on economic issues. Further financial
support was received from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
and from the Commission for Cultural Exchanges between Italy and
the United States.
The Istituto Affari Intemazionali worked in co-operation with the
Panteios School of Political Science in Athens, which was respons-
ible for the organisation of two international gatherings, allowing
authors of different chapters to come together and discuss their ideas
in depth. As a result, while these are collective volumes, we believe
that they have reached a degree of homogeneity which is not
normally found in these undertakings. The Panteios School also
supported one of the meetings with its own funds, decisively
contributing to the success of the project.
Help was also received from the Gustav E. von Grunebaum
Centre for Near Eastern Studies at the University of California Los
Angeles, which hosted me in February and March 1984 and again
in the fall of 1986.
The project was directed by an international steering committee
in which the following participated:
FOREWORD

Roberto Aliboni, Director, Istituto Affari Intemazionali

Hazem Beblawi, Chairman, Egyptian Export Development Bank
Ursula Braun, Consultant, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
Marwan Buheiry, Director, Centre for Lebanese Studies
Alexander Cudsi, Professor, Panteios School of Political Science
Adeed Dawisha, Professor, George Mason University
Omaymah Dahhan, Professor, University of Jordan
Georges Sabagh, Director, The Gustav E. von Grunebaum Center
for Near Eastern Studies, UCLA
Ghassan Salami, Professor, American University of Beirut
I. William Zartman, Director, Africa Program, SAIS, Johns
Hopkins University

The committee played a major role, and, as director of the project,

I am very substantially indebted to its members for their advice in
planning the research effort and selecting contributors. Some of the
members also served as editors for a volume, thus exercising closer
responsibility on the material included in it: this fourth volume was
edited by myself and Ghassan Salame.
I received substantial help and advice also from other friends. Ali
Hillal Dessouki was expected to be on the committee, but a variety
of circumstances prevented him from participating in its delibera-
tions. I did, nevertheless, greatly benefit from his generous advice
and detailed comments during numerous interviews in Cairo. My
debt to him is indeed very substantial. I also greatly benefitted from
the friendly advice that I received from Judy Barsalou of the Ford
Foundation in Cairo, Ann Lesch of American Field Staff in Cairo,
Andrew Watson of IDRC in Cairo, and Gary Sick of the Ford
Foundation in New York.
My personal thanks also to the staff of the LAI that contributed
with sympathy and dedication to the complex organisation of this
undertaking.

The shape of this project was deeply influenced by the advice of two
friends who unfortunately did not live to see its conclusion: to their
memory the steering committee decided to dedicate the four
volumes.
I had met Malcolm Kerr in Los Angeles when the project was still
in its planning stage, and he gave me valuable advice at that time.
I asked him to be a member of the committee, but he was then
expecting to be appointed President of the American University of
Beirut. He insisted, however, that he wanted to be associated with
 FOREWORD

the project, so much so that the first meeting of the steering commit-
tee was hosted by him at Marquand House in June 1983. He
participated in our deliberations then, and contributed to the basic
decisions which shaped the project. His assassination was a tragedy
for us personally and professionally, and has marked a disastrous
turning point in West Beirut’s struggle to remain one of the intellec-
tual centres of the world.
The same negative turn of events finally drove Marwan Buheiry
out of Beirut. Marwan was, personally and intellectually, a living
example of West Beirut’s intellectual curiosity and non-sectarian
spirit. He participated enthusiastically in the work of the steering
committee and in the meetings connected with this project, until
death struck unexpectedly, in exile.
It has been an honour and a very educational experience for me
to serve as the director of this project, and I wish to thank all
contributors for the very many things I learned. I hope that the
reader will find these volumes as instructive as preparing them was
for me. Any shortcoming, as usual, should be ascribed to my
responsibility only.

Giacomo Luciani
Director of Studies
Istituto Affari Intemazionali
Page Intentionally Left Blank
 Introduction

In the previous three volumes in this series the foundations and

stability of the Arab states were explored. The prevailing message
has been that Arab states as ‘sovereign’, internationally recognised
entities, contrary to the hopes of many, appear to be more resilient
than they have often been portrayed to be in the literature. The
analysis of the historical foundations, of the economic bases and of
the interplay between state and society lead to arf overall impression
of progressive consolidation of the state structures that formed at
various points in time during the first half of this century.
The most common image of the Arab states in the media and in
most of the literature is, on the contrary, one of weak states
precariously ruling over highly segmented societies. The emphasis
is laid on the multiple lines of division honeycombing Arab politics
along ethnic, religious and linguistic grounds. The ‘mosaic’
framework is easily accepted and often aggravated by those political
forces that have among their objectives that of showing the Arab
governments as ‘unreliable’ or ‘shaky’. Lebanon is viewed as the
forerunner of the inevitable disaggregation of all Arab states.
At the same time, the demise of pan-Arabism is recorded time
and again, as if some found pleasure in constantly writing its
obituary. Yet somehow the ideal and call of the Arab nation refuses
to die. The reality of Arab politics is there for everybody to see, and
it is a different reality from the politics of each individual Arab
country. While obituaries are being written, new, intense forms of
Arab interaction are emerging.
Thus, our inquiry into the Arab state could not possibly avoid a
discussion of the politics of integration. We will discuss integration
both at the domestic (state) level and at the regional (pan-Arab)
level; the first aspect has already been dealt with in several chapters
in the first three volumes in this series, and this last volume
concentrates on the regional dimension of integration.

Integration — from the Latin integer, which remains unchanged in

English — is the process whereby differences are gradually over-
come and homogeneity is created. It is convenient to differentiate
between integration and unification; the former refers to economic,
cultural or societal processes, the latter has a predominantly institu-
tional content. A country may be politically unified and still be

1
INTRODUCTION

socially or economically disintegrated; a nation or a group of nations

can be highly integrated while not politically unified. Integration is
a multidimensional process and need not happen in parallel at all
levels: economic integration is largely independent of linguistic or
cultural or religious or social integration.
At the same time, integration is more than the mere existence of
some common ground (similarities) or linkage (interaction) between
different actors. The latter may be sufficient to establish a relation-
ship of interdependence between the actors sharing common traits;
but interdependence may be a conflictual as well as a co-operative
relationship. It is only in the latter case, that of co-operative
interdependence, that we should speak of integration. Thus, several
countries have in common the fact that they possess nuclear
weapons, but in most cases this creates mere interdependence, not
integration. Even an intense trade relationship can sometimes lead
to conflictual interdependence, rather than integration — as in the
case of trade between oil-exporting and oil-importing countries. But
when the sharing of a common interest is accompanied by co-
operative behaviour (a regime) then it leads to integration, as in the
case of trade between countries which are members of the European
Community. Integration is thus the result of a component of volun-
tarism rather than simply of facts of geography, culture etc.
Also, integration is always relative to some specific interest, and
as we shift analysis from one interest or set of interests to another
the geometry of integration changes: countries that are integrated
with respect to trade may not be integrated in matters of defence or
language or religion. Thus, while members of the EC are integrated
in matters of trade, agriculture etc., in matters of defence some, but
not all, of them are integrated in NATO; the latter comprises also
countries that are not members of the Community. With respect to
international monetary affairs the relevant integrative scheme
(admittedly a weak one) is the Group of 7, in which Japan partici-
pates as well. If language is chosen as a variable, then Europe is
disintegrated, while France promotes schemes to achieve co-
operation among the French-speaking countries. In matters
concerned with the international forwarding of mail, a large number
of countries are integrated in the World Postal Union. In short: the
geometry of integration/interdependence between states varies with
the specific interest or set of interests under consideration. While
some interests may be perceived as more important than others,
there is little reason to argue that one integrative project relative to
one interest should not coexist with a different integrative project for

2
 INTRODUCTION

a different interest. Neither is there evidence to prove that integra-

tion relative to one interest will tend to encourage integration
relative to other interests, eventually leading to the emergence of one
pre-eminent integrative project spanning a broad range of interests
simultaneously: this may occur, but it is certainly not a necessary
outcome.
Supposedly, a nation is integrated, and it is the fact of integration
that distinguishes one nation from the other. This postulates that
there is one overriding character, or a set of common interests that
is shared by all individuals belonging to this nation, and not by
others. Integration should thus define the boundary of any nation.
This is particularly evident in the German tradition (Fichte), accord-
ing to which a nation is the result of an integrated people; the French
tradition (vouloir vivre en commuri) views the nation as the vehicle
for integration, rather than the result of it, but nevertheless in both
traditions a strong association is posited between nation and integra-
tion. However, because commonly the geometry of integration
varies with the character that is posited as definitional, and several
characters may be equally important in shaping political life, nations
seldom are defined in an empirically measurable way, as entities
which are integrated with respect to one or another well defined and
quantifiable character. Nations are myths that politicians manipulate
to achieve their political goals: while there must be something in
common that helps define a nation, very profound segmentation is
frequent. In historical experience, nations are more often than not
integrated ex post, by the conscious effort of the political structure
that was created in their name.
Ethnic and cultural factors, more rarely religious or economic
ones, are commonly invoked to define a nation. But in no case in
the real world are boundaries so neat as to identify clearly a set of
contiguous groups: overlaps and ambiguity prevail, and not only in
the newly independent states, but in old Europe as well. While there
may be some core group which is indeed strongly integrated with
respect to several characteristics, as we move towards the edges of
this group the coherence of the integrative pattern will gradually
fade away, and commonality will become dubious, or the pattern of
integration according to one characteristic will conflict with those
based on different characteristics. Very often a single core group
cannot even be clearly identified. Yet, nationalistic discourse
dominates contemporary international relations, and the very usage
of the adjective international, where inter-statal would certainly be
more accurate, is a manifestation of such domination.

3
INTRODUCTION

Shying away from the issue of definition, the discourse on

nationalism and the nation often personalises the latter. Nations, or
countries, are assumed to be living entities that one can readily
recognise; to have a soul, a conscience, a will, a personal history
of maturing and becoming more sensible. They are assumed to have
a character to which they may be true or unfaithful (as in the Ba‘th
slogan ‘One single Arab nation with an eternal mission’): hence the
debate on authenticity, which is so overwhelmingly important in the
Arab countries today.
This personalised approach is common both in the nationalist
literature (Bensaid in Salame, 1987: vol. I in this series) and in the
‘scholarly’ literature on Arab nationalism (such as in The Arab
Predicament). Within this line of thinking, we may include all those
who maintain that the distinction between East and West has signifi-
cant scientific value left to it (including most of the orientalists and
all kinds of salafi nationalists or religious writers in the Arab world),
and that humankind is not singular, but plural.
Contrary to this approach, the editors of this volume are inclined
to confess their unabashed illuministic belief that men are primarily
just that, and groupings of men are a matter of convenience and
adherence to observable facts, and, to a large extent, the result of
accidents of history and geography. Thus in discussing a highly
emotional topic such as the definition and future of the Arab nation,
this volume tries to adhere as much as possible to reality and
measurable facts and concentrates on the non-ideological aspect of
the problem, i.e. integration.

Any society, large or small, has divisive and integrating factors, and
integration is a political problem at any level of political action.
Politics of integration exist even within the family, although admit-
tedly the concrete meaning of integration vs. disintegrative
behaviour changes with the dimensions and nature of the group it
refers to.
Political life takes place at various levels: the common distinction
between local (municipal), national and international political affairs
— which is reflected in the layout of many a morning paper — is
as good as any other. In fact, we know that there are many more than
three levels: but for the sake of clarity let us stick to these three.
Integration is a problem at all levels, and there is normally a
trade-off between integration/disintegration at each of them.
Because integration is achieved not only by reducing differences
within, but also underlining differences with the rest of the universe,

4
 INTRODUCTION

the dictates of integration at any one level contrast with the same at
levels above or below. This is the essential reason why the issue of
integration should be simultaneously considered with reference to
the various levels. Integration within the existing Arab states is
logically and politically connected to integration between these same
states, and very frequently policies that are adopted with a view to
promoting integration at one level are opposed as jeopardising
integration at other levels. Thus, for example, to insist on a
‘Lebanese’ identity serves the purpose of integrating the various
confessions within Lebanon and isolating the country from the
environment, while insisting on the Arab and Islamic dimension of
the Sudan has disintegrative consequences on relations between the
north and south of the country. This is a common problem in any
subregional system, as well as globally and within each state (when
the dialectical relationship between central and local government is
considered).
Arab societies are divided: this point has been extensively dealt
with in the literature. In most cases the divisions that are described
and analysed with greatest accuracy are those that are the closest to
heart and mind of the orientalist tradition and of its local followers:
the communal and religious differences. Thus considerable attention
is paid to the differences between Sunnis and Shi‘is, Druzes and
‘Alawis, Maronites and Greek Orthodox, Copts and Protestants, and
so on; or to communal identities such as Kurds, Berbers, southern
Sudanese. The various identifications combine to form multiple
groupings, and the image projected is of a regional political system
of baffling complexity, that only devotees of an esoteric science can
understand. The insistence on complexity implies that the region is
a natural ground for foreign intervention.
This line of analysis is often elegant and may make fascinating
reading. Of course, no one would ever deny that these factors play
an important role in Arab politics, and yes: the Middle East is an
anthropologist’s paradise. However, that Arab societies are in any
significant and measurable sense more divided than societies in other
parts of the world is questionable. Religious or communal
differences exist in all countries, and are the rule rather than the
exception. Examples in the Third World are extremely abundant,
but one should not forget the tendency for ethnicity to push aside the
old melting pot, while segmentation persists in centuries old Euro-
pean states. A Scot is not the same thing as a Welshman, a Lutheran
Hamburger is not the same as a Catholic Miinchener, and a Sicilian
is not to be confused with a Milanese. It is hard to argue that

5
INTRODUCTION

European politics is in any meaningful sense less complex and

involute that Arab politics: American political scientists sometimes
lose the perception of this fact, because of the widespread lack of
interest in European affairs and the well-known American
impatience with anything complex. But they only have to consider
their own country: in the US citizens are on many occasions
requested to state whether they are white or black, Asian or latino,
while ethnic lobbies are increasingly influential in culture and
politics.
That existing societal divisions have a greater impact on Arab
politics than on politics in non-Arab countries is again questionable.
One need only recall that in Belgium parties are differentiated along
linguistic as well as ideological lines, that regionally defined parties
exist in West Germany and Italy, and communal irredentism fuels
intense terrorist activity in the United Kingdom (Northern Ireland),
Spain (the Basques) and France (Corsica). In the United States, the
influence of ethnically or religiously defined lobbies has gradually
overshadowed the more traditional, economically defined groupings
(labour vs. capital, industry vs. agriculture or finance, small
business vs. big business etc.). Indeed, while in Europe ideology
still plays an important role in politics, in the United States ethnic
and religious factors have, for all practical purposes, made ideology
irrelevant to political life. Finally, examples of the political impact
of societal segmentation in non-Arab developing countries are so
numerous that we do not need to elaborate. How can one seriously
argue that the Arab case is quantitatively or qualitatively different?
The need to integrate, i.e. to establish a common basis of
allegiance to the state and the political process is common to any
country. The way this need is addressed, however, is different. In
particular, integration through the acceptance of a constitutional pact
may be considered a superior and more stable solution to the
problem. Indeed, while disintegrative movements may surface in
any country, they may be expected to have less of a conflictual
character if the latter enjoys well-established democratic institutions.
Yet it is a fact that even the United Kingdom, the land of the Magna
Carta, still faces rebellion in Northern Ireland. Furthermore,
whenever the authoritarian nature of the regime creates conditions
that are more conducive to disintegration, the blame should logically
be laid on the character of the regime, not on some supposedly extra-
ordinary degree of segmentation.
Although the acceptance of a national myth is certainly more
widespread in certain countries than it is in others (les Frangais sont

6
 INTRODUCTION

chauvins!), no national myth is able to monopolise the hearts and

minds of the people. It is inevitable that individuals realise that they
sometimes have differences with their fellow countrymen, while at
the same time sharing interests with individuals or groups elsewhere
in the world. But if individuals have multiple identifications,and
they all do, the ranking of the latter and the attempt to find one that
may be said to be predominant is largely arbitrary. Such rankings
only acquire a meaning when identifications become mutually
exclusive and people are requested to choose. But this is a rare
occurrence, although it may help explain why so many Egyptian
intellectuals have been obsessed by the need to return to the Arab
fold following Camp David, while most intellectuals outside of
Egypt derive very little satisfaction from being in the same Arab
fold, and even wonder what the Arab fold is anyhow. In any case,
the vast majority of the people probably never felt this contradiction,
simply because they quite naturally identify as both Egyptian and
Arab, independently of what their government or the Arab League
may say in this respect in their official declarations.
Thus it is not surprising that citizens of the Arab countries
typically identify with subnational groups defined along ethnic,
religious, linguistic or cultural lines; while at the same time they also
identify with their country of birth as well as with an Arab dimen-
sion, or nation. If it is acceptable to be bruxellois-wallon-belge-
catholique-europeen-occidental, why should there be a problem in
being a Damascene-Greek Orthodox-Syrian-Arab? Such multiple
identifications would hardly be as controversial as they are if the
Arab states were ruled by legitimate, democratic governments. But
because this is commonly not the case, particularism and/or Arab
nationalism have at times become vehicles of opposition, threatening
governments in power.
It is entirely predictable that whenever political discourse per se
is suppressed, individuals will attribute political functions to
aggregations that would normally perform altogether different roles.
Social, cultural, communal and religious groups will be used as
covers or alternative avenues for political action. This surrogate role
may lead to the impression that segmentation thus defined plays a
fundamental role, but it is only after freedom of political discourse
is restored that one can pass judgement. Admittedly, this freedom
may never be restored, and the political role of non-political agents
may become entrenched; but surprising changes in the perceived
structure of the political system are common whenever countries
return to democracy. Thus, it was commonly believed in the last

7
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