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Indianizing Film
 New Directions in International Studies
Patrice Petro, Series Editor
The New Directions in International Studies series focuses on transculturalism,
technology, media, and representation, and features the innovative work of schol-
ars who explore various components and consequences of globalization, such
as the increasing flow of peoples, ideas, images, information, and capital across
borders. Under the direction of Patrice Petro, the series is sponsored by the Cen-
ter for International Education at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee. The
center seeks to foster interdisciplinary and collaborative research that probes
the political, economic, artistic, and social processes and practices of our time.

mark philip bradley and patrice petro, eds.

Truth Claims: Representation and Human Rights

elizabeth swanson goldberg

Beyond Terror: Gender, Narrative, Human Rights

linda krause and patrice petro, eds.

Global Cities: Cinema, Architecture, and Urbanism in a Digital Age

andrew martin and patrice petro, eds.

Rethinking Global Security: Media, Popular Culture, and the “War on Terror”

tasha g. oren and patrice petro, eds.

Global Currents: Media and Technology Now

peter paik and marcus bullock, eds.

Aftermaths: Exile, Migration, and Diaspora Reconsidered

melissa a. fitch
Side Dishes: Latin/o American Women, Sex, and Cultural Production

freya schiwy
Indianizing Film: Decolonization, the Andes, and the Question of Technology
 Filmy
Indianizing

Decolonization,
the Andes, and the
Question of Technology

freya schiwy

Rutgers University Press

New Brunswick, New Jersey, and London
 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Schiwy, Freya.
Indianizing film : decolonization, the Andes, and the question of technology / Freya
Schiwy.
p. cm. -- (New directions in international studies)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8135-4539-4 (hardcover : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-8135-4540-0 (pbk. : alk.
paper)
1. Indians of South America--Bolivia--Government relations. 2. Video recording in
ethnology--Bolivia. 3. Mass media--Political aspects--Bolivia. 4. Indians in mass media.
5. Indian activists--Bolivia. I. Title.
F3320.1.G6S35 2009
302.23'4308998084--dc22 2008036420

A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library.

Copyright © 2009 by Freya Schiwy

All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without
written permission from the publisher. Please contact Rutgers University Press, 100 Joyce
Kilmer Avenue, Piscataway, NJ 08854-8099. The only exception to this prohibition is “fair
use” as defined by U.S. copyright law.

Visit our Web site: http://rutgerspress.rutgers.edu

Manufactured in the United States of America

 contents

Acknowledgments — vii

Introduction — The Question of Technology — 1

1 Indigenous Media and the Politics of

Knowledge — 33

2 Casting New Protagonists — 63

3 Cinematic Time and Visual Economy — 85

4 Gender, Complementarity, and the Anticolonial

Gaze — 109

5 Nature, Indians, and Epistemic Privilege — 139

6 Specters and Braided Stories — 163

7 Indigenous Media and the Market — 185

Afterword — 212

Notes — 223
Bibliography — 249
Filmography — 267
Index — 273
 acknowledgments

The media activists, mentors, friends, and colleagues who have supported me
in the years of research, writing, and rewriting are too many to mention, and
I appreciate all of their help. I would like to thank first the media activists in
La Paz, especially Iván Sanjinés, Reynaldo Yujra, Nila Ruíz, Franklin Gutiér-
rez, and Marcelina Cárdenas for their generosity, sharing their thoughts, and
making many of the materials I talk about here accessible to me. Without
them this book would not have been possible.
Alessandro Fornazzari initially encouraged me to focus on indigenous
media and read multiple versions of the dissertation and then the manu-
script. His detailed critical comments and emotional support have been
tremendously helpful. Thank you to Walter Mignolo for all his support and
enthusiasm. Our conversations helped me to initially clarify the scope of this
project. Jacqueline Loss read and commented on early drafts of the introduc-
tion. David Wood did the same for chapter 1. Long-distance from Bolivia,
Keith John Richards carefully read several chapter drafts. His provocative
questions proved instrumental in clarifying and rewriting entire sections.
Michelle Raheja, Vorris Nunley, Jodi Kim, Mariam Lam Beevi, Susan Antebi,
and Juliette Levy offered detailed comments on drafts of the introduction.
Discussing my work with them was crucial in helping me to sharpen and
focus my argument.
The National Museum of the American Indian granted me access to their
video collection. Thanks to Carol Kalafatic for conversations and her assis-
tance there. CEFREC’s staff opened their video archive, even though I am not
a filmmaker and have no technical knowledge to offer in return. When Iván
Sanjinés, Jesús Tapia, and Marcelina Cárdenas were touring the United States
as part of the Eye of the Condor/Ojo del Condor video tour, I invited them to
screen and discuss their videos at Duke University. Sanjinés and Tapia’s visit
took place in Spring 2002 (Cárdenas was not able to attend) and spoke to
viii Acknowledgments

the challenges of creating a dialogue between indigenous activists and U.S.

academics. During my stays in Bolivia and at festivals in Guatemala, New
York, and Rhode Island, I had long conversations with indigenous video mak-
ers, especially Reynaldo Yujra, Faustino Peña, Marcelino Pinto, Julia Mosúa,
and Alfredo Copa, and with members of CLACPI, particularly Iván Sanjinés,
Alexandra Halkin, and Marta Rodríguez. Members of CEFREC-CAIB and I
collaborated on an academic panel during the Second International Confer-
ence of the Bolivian Studies Association (La Paz, 2003). In 2000 I interviewed
employees of the CRIC consulate in Bogotá, Colombia. They graciously agreed
to sell me copies of their videos and provided me with additional material
about their bilingual education program, in which the videos play a vital role.
(Because of a surge in paramilitary violence and kidnappings, I was not able
to visit the Cauca at that time). Catherine Walsh organized an outstanding
workshop and conference in Quito, Ecuador, in 2001, where scholars from
various disciplines and countries, activists from the Afro-Ecuadorian coastal
regions, as well members of CONAIE’s communication department partici-
pated. As part of our exchange we visited CONAIE’s offices, where the media
activists Mario Bustos and Lucila Lema let me interview them and observe
the editing process. Unfortunately, this book can only reciprocate in a lim-
ited fashion the time and patience of indigenous media activists and their
collaborators from whom I have learned tremendously.
Between 1999 and 2006, I traveled repeatedly to Bolivia, Ecuador, Colom-
bia, and Peru. During my visits other friends and colleagues provided
support. I viewed films and videos in the National Cinema archive where
Elizabeth Carrasco gave valuable assistance. Thanks to Delfina Yujra for com-
panionship and to Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui for company, food, and several of
her unpublished and out-of-print writings. Rosario Rodriguez and her family
in La Paz offered housing and Guillermo Mariaca Iturri care when I was ill.
Thanks also to the late Beatriz Palacios and to Derliz Barrero at the Centro
Gregoria Apaza, Franco Gamboa, Blithz Losada, and Kathy Seibold for coffee
and conversation in La Paz and for literature recommendations. In Colombia,
members of the Instituto Pensar at the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana made
my stay in Bogotá a truly enjoyable experience. Thanks to Santiago Castro-
Gómez and María Luisa Eschenhagen, to Carmelita Millán de Benavides, Pilar
Melgarejo, Erica, Carolina, Sandra, Alfredo, Ana Lucía, and Silvia.
Research travel was made financially possible though the Duke-UNC Pro-
gram in Latin American Studies Tinker Mellon Travel Grants, an Ernestine
 Acknowledgments ix

Friedl Research Award; a Duke University Graduate School International

Research Award; and a Duke-UNC Program in Latin American Studies Ford
Foundation Grant. Helpful were also two FLAS (Foreign Languages and Area
Studies) fellowships that I received to learn Quechua and to improve my
Spanish.
Many thanks to the anonymous readers of the manuscript for their
detailed comments, to Patrice Petro for her enthusiasm, and to the produc-
tion editors at Rutgers University Press for all their work. I especially appre-
ciate Leslie Mitchner’s unparalleled support and efficiency. Finally, thanks
once more to CEFREC for permission to include production and video stills
and for the cover image. The photo shows Teresa Muiba Moye of the Moxeño
Trinitario People, member of the Puerto San Lorenzo community, Territorio
Indígena Multiétnico (TIPNIS), Beni (Bolivia), and was taken during the pro-
duction of a television program about indigenous women’s rights and women
organizing themselves in Muiba Moye’s community in 2007.
Indianizing Film
 Introduction
The Question of Technology

The film and video training center CEFREC (Centro de Formación y Real-
ización Cinematográfica) in Bolivia recently published on its homepage an
image of the Quechua media activist Marcelina Cárdenas in traditional fes-
tive attire pointing a camcorder at the viewer (fig. 1).1
CEFREC’s homepage brings together culturally diverse indigenous video
makers from distinct geographical and climatic regions. A young boy from
the lowlands rises from the Andean hills and trains his camcorder on
Cárdenas, a middle-aged video maker from Potosí whose body dominates
the river land in the foreground. Her camera points beyond the frame, at
once interpellating us, the viewers, and invoking the widespread practice of
video making among indigenous peoples in the high- and lowlands of the
Andean countries. Indeed, since the video makers visually occupy spaces far
from their origins, the composition refers to indigenous media’s travels. No
longer limited by the expense of cumbersome 16mm or 35mm cameras, film
projectors, and production laboratories, analog and digital video enables the
exchange of indigenous gazes interculturally among various ethnicities.
Exotic images of South American Indians in body paint holding cam-
corders began to proliferate in magazines and on book covers in the United
States in the late eighties (fig. 2). The appeal of such images for Western
consumers still lies in the way they visualize a clash between the native
body and new communication technology. As Robert Stam put it, “widely
disseminated images of the Kayapo wielding video-cameras, appearing in
Time and the New York Times Magazine [and on the cover of Stam’s book itself]
derive their power to shock from the premise that ‘natives’ must be quaint
and allochronic, that ‘real’ Indians don’t carry camcorders” (Stam 326). In
other words, the photograph of the Kayapo cameraman joins two apparently
2 Indianizing Film

incongruous time-spaces: the time of indigenous peoples inhabiting what

the West has come to think of as the premodern, a timeless realm beyond
history, and the time of digital technology, proper to the speed and time-
space compression of postmodernity.
Like the images of Kayapo cameramen, CEFREC’s homepage joins indig-
enous bodies with the global technological present. Both images play on a
notion of temporal unevenness that is a construct of colonial discourse, reit-
erated in mainstream media. Audiovisual media have been deeply embed-
ded in capitalist and colonial relations. As Beverley Singer argues, “Indians
have been misrepresented in art, history, science, literature, popular films,
and by the press in news, on radio, and on television. The earliest stereotypes
associating Indians with being savage, naked and heathen were established

1. CEFREC’s homepage, http://videoindigena.bolnet.bo (CEFREC).

 Introduction 3

with the foundation of America” (1). Michelle Raheja explains that “hundreds
of actualities featuring Indians engaging in putatively quotidian practices
were shown in nickelodeons from 1894 through 1908. These actualities and
early documentary and ethnographic films simultaneously contributed to
the myth of the vanishing Indian and helped to create a form of American
spectatorship that coheres around the dichotomous relationship between
Indian and white figures” (Raheja, “Reading” 1170). Though Singer and
Raheja speak about North America, their words hold true for North and
South American perceptions of indigenous peoples alike, not withstanding
the ideological projects of racial assimilation or mestizaje dominant in Latin
America. What Fatimah Rony calls “ethnographic cinema” (8)—educational
and entertainment documentaries but also the polished, special effects–
loaded fiction films produced and distributed by the global media corpora-
tions housing the North American film industry—has been key in fashioning
colonial imaginaries across the hemispheres. These films represent travel

2. Kayapo video maker. http://www.amazon.de (Bernd Kulov).

4 Indianizing Film

and colonial others to Western selves. Ethnographic cinema offers viewers

representations of indigenous archetypes: romanticized Indians or barbaric
others who invariably inhabit modernity’s past. “The exotic is always already
known,” as Rony puts it (6).
The Kayapo image in figure 2 conjures these conventions for an ingenious
politics of the exotic. The Kayapo have successfully exploited the apparent
temporal clash in images of native video makers to raise awareness about
their struggle against the incursions of gold miners, ranchers, and state
development projects. As Alcida Ramos argues, “in a phenomenon similar
to what happened to the term Indian—which the Indians appropriated,
purged it of much of its derogatory undertones, and turned it into a political
tool—they have instrumentalized exoticism and turned it into a decoy to first
attract national attention and then put across their own message” (99). In the
late eighties the Kayapo’s media politics secured the support of environmen-
tal organizations and the rock star Sting and thereby prevented the building
of a hydroelectric dam on the Xingu River that would have flooded their
territories. In addition, Kayapo leaders drew on audiovisual technology to
coordinate the social protests among distant villages and different Kayapo,
Xavante, Ashaninka, and Waiãpi communities.2
CEFREC’s homepage may not command the same shock effect for West-
ern (and indigenous) viewers as the photographs of Kayapo video makers,
but it similarly resignifies colonial tropes that place especially indigenous
women at a remove from audiovisual technology. CEFREC-CAIB’s produc-
tion is not primarily directed at Western viewers. Instead, the media collec-
tive documents rituals, celebrations, and other aspects of local culture for
viewing in the communities. In that sense—like indigenous media made in
Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Mexico—CEFREC-CAIB changes not only who
makes films about Indians but also who watches them. Featuring Marcelina
Cárdenas on CEFREC-CAIB’s homepage alludes to a tension in these cultural
politics. Indigenous culture has become closely associated with the female
body, but while the majority of aboriginal filmmakers in Canada are women
(Nicholson 3), this is not the case in Latin America. Rather, particularly in
the Andean countries, men have adopted Western clothing, mediate contact
with Western agencies and authorities, or more readily migrate to urban cen-
ters. They are also more involved in indigenous media production. Confront-
ing the gendered contradictions of anticolonial struggle, where women stand
in as guardians of tradition but some also wield camcorders and demand
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