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Fashioning Japanese Subcultures
This page intentionally left blank
Fashioning Japanese Subcultures

Yuniya Kawamura

London • New York

 English edition
First published in 2012 by
Berg
Editorial offices:
50 Bedford Square, London WC1B 3DP, UK
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA

© Yuniya Kawamura 2012

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form
or by any means without the written permission of Berg.

Berg is an imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kawamura, Yuniya, 1963–

Fashioning Japanese subcultures / Yuniya Kawamura.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84788-948-5 (hardback)—ISBN 978-1-84788-947-8—
ISBN 978-0-85785-216-8 1. Fashion—Japan. 2. Fashion design—Japan.
3. Subculture—Japan. 4. Japan—Social life and customs. I. Title.
GT1560.K35 2012
391.00952—dc23 2012004413

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

PDF ISBN 978 0 85785 215 1

ISBN 978 1 84788 948 5 (Cloth)
978 1 84788 947 8 (Paper)
e-ISBN 978 0 85785 215 1 (institution)
978 0 85785 216 8 (individual)

www.bergpublishers.com
To My Family
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents

List of Plates and Tables ix

Acknowledgments xiii

I: INTRODUCTION

1 Understanding Subcultural Studies: Dick Hebdige Revisited 7

2 Placing Tokyo on the Fashion Map: From Catwalk to Street Style 21

3 Japanese Youth in a Changing Society 33

II: GEOGRAPHICALLY AND STYLISTICALLY DEFINED

JAPANESE SUBCULTURES

4 Shibuya: The Youth in Outspoken Rebellion 51

5 Harajuku: The Youth in Silent Rebellion 65

6 Akihabara and Ikebukuro: Playing with Costume as Entertainment 76

7 Shinjuku: Girls of the Nightlife Using Beauty and Youth as Weapons 85

8 Kouenji and Other Fashion Districts: From Secondhand

Clothes Lovers to Fast Fashion Followers 93

9 Individual and Institutional Networks within a Subcultural

System: Efforts to Validate and Valorize New Tastes in Fashion 99

III: THE POWER OF THE YOUTH: TRICKLE-UP/

BUBBLE-UP THEORY REVISITED

10 The Deprofessionalization of Fashion 119

11 The Globalization of Japanese Subcultures

and Fashion: Future Possibilities and Limitations 126

– vii –
viii CONTENTS

Conclusion: The Future of Japanese Subcultures 136

Appendix 139

Notes 149

References and Further Reading 155

Index 173
 List of Plates and Tables

PLATES

Plate 1: Shibuya 109 department store.

Plate 2: A group of Gyaru in Shibuya.

Plate 3: A group of Gyaru-o in Shibuya.

Plate 4: A flyer for Yusuke Arai’s retirement party.

Plate 5: A Gyaru at her retirement party in Shibuya.

Plate 6: Manami Abe in Classical Lolita.

Plate 7: Sara in Punk Lolita.

Plate 8: Momo Matsuura in Classical Lolita (left) and Sphere

in Ouji (right).

Plate 9: Zuki (left) and Haru (right) in Twin Lolita.

Plate 10: Haru in Sweet/Pink Lolita.

Plate 11: Cosplayers on Jingu Bridge in Harajuku.

Plate 12: Cosplayers on Jingu Bridge in Harajuku.

Plate 13: A maid café waitress handing out flyers in Akihabara.

Plate 14: A waitress in a high school uniform at Cosplay Café.

Plate 15: Rice and curry served at a cosplay restaurant in Akihabara.

Plate 16: Cosplayers at Comic Market.

Plate 17: A cosplayer at Comic Market.

Plate 18: Ayumi Saito in a Ninja character in Nintama Rantaro.

– ix –
x LIST OF PLATES AND TABLES

Plate 19: Otaku Lolita in Akihabara.

Plate 20: Black Lolita ensemble (left), Princess Decoration

ensemble (center), and Mori Girl ensemble (right).

Plate 21: A girl posing for photographers in Harajuku.

Plate 22: A boy posing for photographers in Harajuku.

Plate 23: A Lolita and a cosplayer posing for

photographers in Harajuku.

Plate 24: A boy dressed in Ouji (Prince) lining up for a magazine

photo shoot in Shinjuku.

Plate 25: Silvia Nodari, an Italian Lolita.

Plate 26: American Lolita at FIT’s Lolita Tea Party in 2010.

Plate 27: American cosplayer at NY Comic Con and Anime Festival

in 2010.

Plate 28: American cosplayers at NY Comic Con and Anime Festival

in 2010.

Plate 29: American cosplayer at NY Anime Festival in 2007.

Plate 30: American cosplayers at NY Anime Festival in 2007.

TABLES

3.1: Japan’s Prime Ministers and Terms of Office since 1989 139

3.2: Full-time and Part-time Employment in the Nonagricultural

Sector in Japan (1990–2011) 139

3.3: Suicide Rate in Japan (2000–2010) 140

3.4: Men’s and Women’s Average Age at First Marriage

in Japan (1950–2008) 140

3.5: Fertility Rate in Japan (1975–2010) 141

3.6: Divorce Rate in Japan (1987–2010) 141

3.7: Average Annual Income in Japanese Single-parent

Households by Employment Status (2003) 142
 LIST OF PLATES AND TABLES xi

6.1: Cosplay Events and Anime Conventions in Europe

and the United States (June–November 2011) 142

7.1: Most Desired Occupations among Z-Generation

Girls in Japan in 2007 (N = 1,935) 144

7.2: Most Desired Occupations among Z-Generation

Girls in Japan in 2008 (N = 1,154) 145

7.3: Sample Monthly Incomes of Women Who Work Full-time

and Part-time as Bar Hostesses and Monthly
Incomes of Their Other Part-time Jobs (N = 28) 146

8.1: Mori Girl Community Sites on Mixi (as of June 2011) 147

9.1: Basic Differences between Subcultural Fashion

and High Fashion 109

11.1: Number of Participants (Labels) at Japan Fashion Week

in Tokyo (2005–2011) 132

11.2: Winners of the Shinmai Creators Project by School

Affiliation and Winners’ Country of Origin (2009–2011) 134
This page intentionally left blank
 Acknowledgments

My appreciation goes to the Fashion Institute of Technology (FIT) of the State

University of New York for granting me a sabbatical leave and relieving me of my
teaching duties during the spring 2010 semester to work on this project. I have
been working on this topic since 2004, and I needed the time to concentrate
on my fieldwork in Tokyo so that I could start writing a book. I am grateful to
Valerie Steele, director and chief curator of the Museum at FIT, for giving me
the opportunity to contribute an article, “Japanese Fashion Subcultures,” to
her exhibition catalog Japan Fashion Now! (Yale University Press, 2010) and to
give a presentation at the exhibition symposium in November 2010.
I am thankful to all my colleagues in the Social Sciences Department who are
supportive of my work: Yasemin Celik, Paul Clement, Luis Zaera, Ernest Poole,
Spencer Schein, Meg Miele, Joseph Maiorca, Roberta Paley, Praveen Chaudhry,
Emre Ozsoz, Dan Benkendorf, and Jung-Whan (Marc) de Jong. Students in my
Clothing and Society and Cultural Expressions of Non-Western Dress/Fashion
classes provided a valuable sounding board for the development of my ideas.
My gratitude also goes to Hiroshi Ishida, my former professor at the Gradu-
ate School of Arts and Sciences, Columbia University, who is now at the In-
stitute of Social Science, Tokyo University, for sponsoring my residence there
as a visiting fellow from January to August 2010. He also gave me the op-
portunity to speak at his Contemporary Japan Study Group in June 2010. The
feedback I received from the audience was constructive and encouraging.
While I was in Japan, Reiko Koga of Bunka Women’s University and Takashi
Machimura of Hitotsubashi University also invited me to present my research
in their graduate classes.
Discussions with my former classmates in graduate school, Takeshi Wada
of Tokyo University, and Tsutomu Nakano of the Graduate School of Business
at Aoyoama Gakuin University, have been very productive.
I have given a number of presentations on Japanese fashion and subcul-
tures at several academic conferences, such as at the European Sociological
Association conference in Milan; the First Global Conference: Urban Popcul-
tures in Prague, Czech Republic; and the Dressing Rooms: Current Perspec-
tives on Fashion and Textile conference, in Oslo, Norway. I am grateful to the
Center for Excellence in Teaching and Scott Stoddart, dean of liberal arts at
FIT, for funding many of my conference trips.

– xiii –
xiv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I thank all the organizations and museums that invited me to give a pre-
sentation on my book even before its completion: Asia Society in New York;
Parsons the New School for Design; the Museum of Arts and Design in New
York; the University of California, Los Angeles; Potsdam University in Ger-
many; the Textile Museum in Washington, D.C.; the Japanese-American As-
sociation of New York; the Japanese-Americans, Japanese in America in New
York; Copenhagen Business School in Denmark; and the Centre for Fashion
Studies in Sweden.
This is the fourth book that I am publishing with Berg, and it is always a
pleasure working with their efficient and professional editorial team. I am
grateful to Julia Hall, Anna Wright, Emily Medcalf, Noa Vazquez, Agnes Upshall,
and Ian Buck at Berg.
I am thankful for the gracious assistance provided by the library staff at the
Fashion Institute of Technology, Columbia University, and Bunka University.
My appreciation also goes to my friends in Tokyo—Yutaka Ishibashi, Takuo
Tsuchida, Hideki Shimizu, and Satoko Iye—whom I called and e-mailed when-
ever I needed a distraction from writing.
I am eternally indebted to all the members of the Japanese subcultures
who sat down with me and told me their candid stories and experiences.
This book would not have been possible without their contributions. I am es-
pecially thankful to Momo Matsuura, Zuki, Haru, Yusuke Arai, Sphere, Ayumi
Saito, Yutaka Toyama, Mayumi Abe, Sara, and Silvia Nodari for allowing me to
use their original pictures.
I dedicate this book to my family, Yoya, Yoko, and Maya Kawamura, who
have always been there for me whenever I needed them. I could not have com-
pleted this book without their love and encouragement. I am who I am today
because of them.
Yuniya Kawamura
New York and Tokyo
 I: INTRODUCTION

Japanese street fashion and youth subcultures have been topics of inter-
est for many journalists, editors, bloggers, museum curators, and photog-
raphers both in and outside Japan (Aoki 2001, 2006; Evers, Macias, and
Nonaka 2007; Godoy 2007, 2009; Keet 2007; Narumi 2010; Yoshinaga and
Ishikawa 2007), who provide fascinating accounts as well as photographs
that capture everyday clothes worn by ordinary but fashionable Japanese
boys and girls on the streets. Japanese youth dress is indeed visually ap-
pealing, but more than that, it is vital to the theoretical understanding of sub-
cultures to which many of the youth belong. My intention in writing this book
is to provide theoretical frameworks within which the Japanese subcultural
phenomenon can be analyzed. My study will make a contribution as a case
study to subcultural studies and theories in general. The scholarly literature
on Japanese fashion often focuses on major Japanese designers (English
2007, 2011; Fukai et al. 2010; Kawamura 2004; Koda 2008; Kondo 1997;
Mears 2010; Mitchell 2006), such as Issey Miyake, Rei Kawakubo, and Yohji
Yamamoto, or traces the cultural and social history of Japanese kimono or
textiles (Brandon et al. 2005; Dalby 2001; Imperatore and Maclardy 2001;
Munsterberg 1996; Slade 2010), and they do not pay much attention to Japan-
ese youth fashion.
Thus, the purpose of this book is to fill the void between academic and non-
academic perspectives since Japanese youth subcultures and their unique
stylistic expressions as a research topic deserve scholarly and intellectual
considerations just as punks, goths, mods, skinheads, and hippies in the
West are studied in scholarship on youth subcultures (Baron 1989; Brake
1980; Haenfler 2006, 2009; Hebdige 1979; Hodkinson 2002; Issitt 2009,
2011; Muggleton 2000). My focus is not on any street fashion, which is a
term used loosely to indicate any type of youth fashion. My attention is specif-
ically on the members of different subcultural communities in Tokyo and their
outward appearances. Like many other subcultures in the West, I argue that
the Japanese subcultural phenomenon is an ideological one. By popularizing
a subcultural style as a fashion trend, the legitimate taste in fashion is trans-
forming and expanding with the help of the related industries, and they to-
gether constitute an institution and establish an alternative fashion system
that goes against the mainstream system of fashion.

–1–
2 FASHIONING JAPANESE SUBCULTURES

Fashioning Japanese Subcultures is a study of Japanese youth subcultures

in Tokyo based on my empirical research between 2004 and 2010. I wanted
to explore what these Japanese subcultures are. Why do the youth in these
subcultures dress so differently from the mainstream? Is it just fashion for
them? Do they want attention? What is their lifestyle? To what extent are they
involved in the group? What does it meant to them to shop in these districts
and not buy items online? What elements do they share or not share with the
subcultures in the West? I was eager to identify and uncover any latent func-
tions that these subcultures may have. My task, as a researcher, is to discern
the hidden messages inscribed in code on the surfaces of style, to trace them
as symbols that represent the very contradictions they struggle to resolve or
conceal.
In addition, this research is partly an analytical extension and applica-
tion of my previous work on high fashion within the French fashion system
(Kawamura 2004), which consists of various macro-structural factors as well
as micro-interactionist individual social networks in transforming clothing into
fashion and legitimating designers’ creativity. I compare and contrast youth
fashion subcultures with high-fashion communities and examine theoretically
their systemic similarities and differences in promoting and diffusing fashion.
I attempt to show how the youth fashion subcultures are created/produced,
disseminated, maintained, reproduced, and perpetuated with the help of fash-
ion institutions.
To answer my research questions, this study crosses disciplinary bound-
aries. I draw on different theoretical perspectives, such as diffusion theories,
micro- and macro-level sociological theories, subcultural theories, and media/
textual studies. Furthermore, I point out that empirical research on subcul-
tures in general often neglects the girls’ and women’s perspectives and ig-
nores a non-Western or a multicultural focus. It is necessary to pose to what
extent the components found in U.S. and British subcultures can be found in
other, non-Western cultures, such as Japan.
My interests in Japanese youth fashion began in 2003, when I was vis-
iting Sydney with an old friend from college. As we were strolling down the
streets of Sydney talking about our days in college, we happened to pass by
the Powerhouse Museum, which was holding a photography exhibition called
FRUiTS. I first thought it was an exhibition about Australian produce and did
not think much of it since at the time I did not know anything about the maga-
zine FRUiTS. A huge poster of a Japanese boy and girl wearing flashy clothes
hung in front of the museum building. Initially, it did not appear to be all that
interesting. My friend insisted on going inside, so I reluctantly followed her.
Inside were about a hundred life-size photographs of boys and girls dressed
in very creative and fashionable outfits taken in Harajuku, one of the major
youth fashion districts in Tokyo. I was fascinated by these images. They were
 INTRODUCTION 3

new, fresh, and different. This was the first time I had become aware of what
the Japanese youth wore on the streets of Tokyo. The timing was also appro-
priate since I had just finished writing my book on Japanese designers in Paris,
and I was searching for a new topic to delve into. I immediately knew what my
next research topic was going to be. FRUiTS, a monthly magazine published
by photographer Shoichi Aoki, contains only pictures taken in Harajuku and
has no text.1 Aoki explained to me why he started this project: “I started tak-
ing pictures of young people in Harajuku to keep a record of what is happen-
ing on the streets of Harajuku.” My work on Japanese youth and subcultures
evolved and developed from that experience in Sydney. It took me another few
years before I decided to focus on different subcultures in different districts.
I later came across two books written in Japanese by members of a Japan-
ese subculture: The Anthropology of Gyaru and Gyaru-o2 (2009) by Yusuke
Arai, who was a leader of the Gyaru-o gang in Shibuya, and The World, Myself
and Lolita Fashion3 (2007) by Momo Matsuura, a Lolita herself. The stories
these authors tell in their books are partially autobiographical since the au-
thors either are or were insiders to the group. Nonetheless, the authors make
an attempt to write about their own world as objectively as possible.4 I have
met both of them at different occasions and interviewed them extensively
about the group to which they belong. They gave me their contacts and be-
came an important source of information to begin my fieldwork in Tokyo.
Angela McRobbie (1991: xv) explains her interest in subcultures as
follows:

There are two reasons why I have been interested in subcultures: first, because
they have always appeared to me . . . as popular aesthetic movements, or “con-
stellations” . . . and second, because in a small way they have seemed to possess
the capacity to change the direction of young people’s lives, or at least to sharpen
their focus by confirming some felt, but as yet unexpressed intent or desire.
Subcultures are aesthetic movements whose raw materials are by definition,
“popular” in that they are drawn from the world of the popular mass media. It
is not necessary to have an education in the avant-garde or to know the history
of surrealism to enjoy the Sex Pistols or to recognise the influence of Vivienne
Westwood’s fashion. This kind of knowledge (of pop music or fashion images) is
relatively easy to come by and very different from the knowledge of the high arts
or the literary canon found in the academy.

I share many of McRobbie’s views. Indeed, subcultures are “aesthetic

movements.” Nonetheless, while I personally find the different styles emer-
ging out of Japanese subcultures extremely original and creative, I have come
to discover that others take them as an offense to a good taste in fashion
since subcultures are not considered part of high culture.5 The devaluation of
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23

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ipsam Per

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curriculum veteri
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erectum

geschenkt Phyleo

chuckled cum Posidio

signa

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reliqua very gereicht

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mir very

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