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Choreographies of 21st Century Wars
Oxford Studies in Dance Theory
MARK FRANKO, Series Editor

French Moves: The Cultural Politics of le hip hop

Felicia McCarren
Watching Weimar Dance
Kate Elswit
Poetics of Dance: Body, Image, and Space in the Historical Avant-╉Gardes
Gabriele Brandstetter
Dance as Text: Ideologies of the Baroque Body, Revised Edition
Mark Franko
Choreographies of 21st Century Wars
Edited by Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf
Choreographies of 21st
Century Wars

E dited by Gay Morris

and

Jens R ichard G iersdorf

1
1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2016

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-╉in-╉Publication Data

Choreographies of 21st century wars /╉edited by Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf.
pages cm. —╉(Oxford studies in dance theory)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–╉0–╉19–╉020166–╉1 (cloth : acid–╉f ree paper) —╉ ISBN 978–╉0–╉19–╉020167–╉8 (pbk. : acid–╉f ree
paper)â•… 1.╇Dance—╉Political aspects.â•… 2.╇Choreography—╉Political aspects.â•… 3.╇Dance
criticism.â•… I.╇ Morris, Gay, 1940–╉╅ II.╇ Giersdorf, Jens Richard. III. Title: Choreographies
of twenty first century wars.
GV1588.45.C47 2016
792.8—╉dc23
2015014751

9╇8╇7╇6╇5╇4╇3╇2╇1
Printed by Courier Digital Solutions, USA
CONTENTS

Preface╇ vii

Introduction╇ 1
Gay Morris and Jens Richard Giersdorf
1. Access Denied and Sumud: Making a Dance of Asymmetric Warfare╇ 25
Nicholas Rowe
2. Questioning the Truth: Rachid Ouramdane’s Investigation of
Torture in Des Témoins Ordinaires/Ordinary Witnesses╇ 45
Alessandra Nicifero
3. “There’s a Soldier in All of Us”: Choreographing Virtual Recruitment╇ 63
Derek A. Burrill
4. African Refugees Asunder in South Africa: Performing the
Fallout of Violence in Every Year, Every Day, I Am Walking╇ 85
Sarah Davies Cordova
5. From Temple to Battlefield: Bharata Natyam in the
Sri Lankan Civil War╇ 111
Janet O’Shea
6. Choreographing Masculinity in Contemporary Israeli Culture╇ 133
Yehuda Sharim
7. Affective Temporalities: Dance, Media, and the War on Terror╇ 157
Harmony Bench
8. Specter of War, Spectacle of Peace: The Lowering of Flags
Ceremony at the Wagah and Hussainiwala Border Outposts╇ 181
Neelima Jeychandran
9. A Choreographer’s Statement╇ 203
Bill T. Jones
10. Dancing in the Spring: Dance, Hegemony, and Change╇ 207
Rosemary Martin
vi Contents

11. War and P.E.A.C.E.╇ 223

Maaike Bleeker and Janez Janša
12. The Body Is the Frontline╇ 241
Rosie Kay and Dee Reynolds
13. Geo-╉Choreography and Necropolitics: Faustin Linyekula’s
Studios Kabako, Democratic Republic of Congo╇ 269
Ariel Osterweis
14. Re: Moving Bodies in the USA/╉Mexico
Drug/Border/╉Terror/╉Cold Wars╇ 287
Ruth Hellier-╉Tinoco
15. After Cranach: War, Representation, and the Body in William Forsythe’s
Three Atmospheric Studies╇ 315
Gerald Siegmund
16. The Role of Choreography in Civil Society under Siege:
William Forsythe’s Three Atmospheric Studies╇ 333
Mark Franko

Contributors╇ 351
Index╇ 359
PREFACE

GAY
This book began to take shape in the latter days of the American invasion
of Iraq. At the time, the nightly news was dominated by what seemed end-
less images of advancing tanks, house-╉to-╉house searches, distraught civilians,
and, finally, photos of every American soldier who had died the previous week.
Altogether, it was a heartbreaking sight of pain and destruction.
As I watched the news broadcasts, I began to consider this war in light of
research I had done earlier on the Second World War and Cold War (A Game
for Dancers: Performing Modernism in the Postwar Years, 1945–╉1960, 2006). To
my mind, this conflict was very different. Instead of nearly equal forces vying
with each other on a worldwide stage, this war pitted the most powerful mili-
tary in the world against what could only seem a puny enemy. And since I had
previously argued that dance played a role in 20th-╉century wars, I wondered
what kind of relationship it might have to contemporary warfare. To come to
grips with this question, I at first thought of developing an anthology of com-
parative essays, half the book dealing with the 20th century, the other with
the 21st. I invited Jens to act as a coeditor, since he had also done extensive
research on the Cold War (The Body of the People: East German Dance since
1945, 2013) and had lived through it in East Germany, where he also served in
the military.

JENS
Shadows of war were omnipresent while I was growing up in East Germany
in the 1970s. There was our missing grandfather, who hadn’t returned home
from war to my mother and grandmother, and the unacknowledged fact that
all members of my father’s family were refugees, displaced from what is now
Poland. All around us, cities had integrated the traces of war—╉empty areas
viii Preface

where houses once stood, ruined buildings that hadn’t been rebuilt even
decades after the war, facades that still showed signs of the heavy artillery
fights of the last days of World War II. It was normal that my parents never
threw away food; my siblings and I knew they had nearly starved for years at
the end and after the war.
The school year always started with the annual celebrations of the liberation
by the Red Army, our comrades in arms. It was the Cold War—╉and we learned
to hide behind our desks in the event of a nuclear attack, probably the same
way a child in Pittsburgh was instructed to do. We built gas masks out of dis-
carded plastic shopping bags and trained to use them as protective gear, heads
covered in bags printed with miscellaneous logos, a ridiculous sight even to
ourselves.
Eventually, in 1982, like every man in East Germany, I was drafted into the
army, serving at the border between the two Germanies. The border was the
symbol of Cold War divisions, and it was at that point armed with over a mil-
lion land and splatter mines. Border guards were stationed there not only to
prevent fellow citizens from escaping to the West; we were also trained as the
first defense against the capitalist aggressors. I trained to kill a person with
the bayonet on my Kalashnikov, to dig trenches that protected me from tanks
driving over me during joint military exercises of the Warsaw Pact countries,
and to assemble and shoot antitank defense missiles. It was the time of the
Polish Solidarity movement (Solidarność), and we were dispatched repeatedly,
never knowing if we would participate in the suppression of the movement in
the way the Soviet army did during the Prague Spring.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall and German reunification in 1989, the
remnants of these different wars were slowly cleaned up and erased. When I
thought about war again, it was mostly about the Cold War for my work on the
politics of dance in East Germany. When Gay approached me with her idea of
a project on dance and war, I assumed it would deal mainly with the Cold War,
since she had worked on that era from the other side.

GAY AND JENS

We soon realized that the 21st century warranted study on its own, and so
focused solely on contemporary warfare. We also shifted our gaze from what
is traditionally called dance to choreography, which, in many forms, has been
closely associated with war, and which is theoretically complex and compel-
ling. Yet we also understood that we needed to rethink what choreography
does in relationship to war, and we had to find contributors that were doing
this kind of rethinking from very different areas and in relation to distinct
parts of omnipresent contemporary wars. This was uncharted territory in
Preface ix

many ways. What would choreographic evidence suggest about contemporary

war, if anything? That is what we had to wait to learn from our contributors.
We were greatly impressed by the diversity and power of the essays that came
back to us. And they did indeed point in quite a different direction from the
Cold War choreography we had analyzed earlier. That evidence comprises the
content of this book, and our analysis of it appears in the introduction.
We would like to thank our authors not only for their commitment to their
individual essays but also for their contributions to new thinking in dance
studies and politics. We would also like to thank our editor at Oxford, Norman
Hirschy, our series editor, Mark Franko, production editor, Stacey Victor, and
our copyeditor, Ben Sadock.
Introduction

GAY MOR R IS A N D J E NS R IC H A R D GI E R S DOR F

It is now widely accepted that 21st-╉century wars differ to varying degrees from
the major conflicts of the 20th century. No longer are wars dominated by the
“great powers,” the sovereign states that took the world into two devastating
wars in the first half of the 20th century and then into the forty-╉year Cold
War. The major conflicts today are more amorphous and shifting than in the
last century, the boundaries and enemies less clear, the difference between war
and peace less distinct. Although these conflicts are often marked by an asym-
metry of forces, the mightier do not necessarily prevail. These wars go by a
variety of names, including fourth generation wars (4GW) (Hammes 2006),
small wars (Daase 2005), low-╉intensity wars (Kinross 2004), postmodern wars
(Duffield 1998), privatized or informal wars (Keen 1995), degenerate wars
(Shaw 1999), new wars (Kaldor 2006; Münkler 2003, 2005), and asymmetrical
wars (Münkler 2003, 2005). They may include state and nonstate combatants
in conflicts that include interstate wars, civil wars, insurgencies, counterinsur-
gencies, and revolutions.1
Choreographies of 21st Century Wars is the first book to examine the com-
plex relationship between choreography and war in this century. War and cho-
reography have long been connected through war rituals and dances, military
training and drills, parades, and formal processions. While the essays here
are concerned with such uses of choreography as components of war, as well
2 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

as war as a subject matter of dance, they are more broadly concerned with the
complex structural relationship between choreography, war, and politics. We
ask: What work does choreography do in a world dominated by war, a world in
which war appears to be less a tool of politics than a driving force?
Viewing war through the concept of choreography is significant because
it shifts the focus of study away from the abstractions of political and mili-
tary theory to corporeal agency. At the same time, rethinking choreography
through a comprehension of the complexity of contemporary wars requires a
reconceptualization of what choreography does and is, while building on past
definitions of choreography as an organizational and meaning-╉making system.
In light of the shifting character of 21st-╉century wars, we ask how choreog-
raphy relates not just to wars themselves but to the politics of today’s wars. If
the 20th century was marked by the power of the nation-╉state, where the state
held a monopoly of power to make war, and if dance, and by extension chore-
ography, was governed in the 20th century by its relationship to the state as a
source of identity (Manning 1993, 1996; Franko 2012; Morris 2006; Kant 2007;
Kowal 2010; Giersdorf 2013),2 what does choreography do in the face of war
when the state loses its grip on the monopoly of power, or when the state fails
altogether—╉that is, in what Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt call the new
“global state of war”?3 Further, will the old models of choreographic analysis,
created to account for the power of the sovereign state, still hold?
In order to explore these questions we will first lay out some of the major
issues surrounding 21st-╉century wars, then move on to an investigation of
choreography as an organizational and meaning-╉making system in an envi-
ronment of constant war, and finally discuss how the individual chapters relate
to both 21st-╉century wars and critical choreographic analysis. The sixteen
chapters included in Choreographies of 21st Century Wars are geographically
diverse, ranging across the Middle East and Africa, Europe and the Americas.
They deal with violent conflict through the means of field notes, case stud-
ies, participant observations, and photographs, as well as in essays reflecting
on war issues and their relationship to choreographic practices. Thus, the
approach is interdisciplinary; contributors come from the fields of dance and
theater, performance and media studies, anthropology, sociology, and history.
Such broad geographical perspectives and viewpoints from a variety of disci-
plines move readers across localities and place them in relationship to bodies
that are engaged in or responding to warfare.

WAR
Much English-╉language commentary on contemporary war was writ-
ten in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Here
Introduction 3

Islamic-​fundamentalist terrorism was sometimes transformed into a gen-

eral theory of 21st-​century war. So, for example, Philip Bobbitt in Terror and
Consent: The Wars for the Twenty-​First Century (2008) defines contempo-
rary war in terms of terrorism and primarily as Islamic jihad. Like Walter
Laqueur, Bobbitt places special emphasis on the dangers of terrorists obtain-
ing weapons of mass destruction (Bobbitt 2008; Laqueur 2002, 2006). We
sought a broader, more nuanced theory of contemporary war than Bobbitt
and Laqueur offer, one that could account for a range of conflicts, and in
which terrorism might become a part of the picture rather than its totality.
Political theorists such as Mary Kaldor and Herfried Münkler offer such a
view, as well as accounting for how contemporary wars differ from those of
the 20th century. Kaldor characterizes the evolution of what she calls the “old
wars” as being closely linked to the development of nation-​states beginning
in the 15th century, eventually evolving into the total wars of the 20th cen-
tury and the “imagined” Cold War, which were wars of alliances and blocs
(2006, 16–​17).4 Although these wars differed over time, they generally were
linked to the development of rationalized, centralized, hierarchically struc-
tured modern states with territorial interests. They conformed to Clausewitz’s
famous dictum of war being politics by other means. While such wars have
become an anachronism, according to Kaldor they still have a firm grip on
perceptions. She argues that violent conflict has changed, blurring the dis-
tinctions between war, organized crime, and large-​scale violations of human
rights (2006, 2). New wars, rather than being between nation-​states, are often
private and conducted for private gain, and they are frequently aimed at civil-
ians rather than soldiers.
Kaldor uses the general term “globalization” to help explain the worldwide
interconnectedness she finds in contemporary conflicts (2006, 3–​5, 95–​118).
These links are made possible by the development of cell phones and computers
that can instantly relay images and messages throughout the world, but they
also describe technological developments that allow for methods like drone
attacks. In the new wars there is a global presence in the form of mercenaries,
military advisors, private security businesses, diasporic volunteers, interna-
tional press, NGOs, and peacekeeping troops (2006, 5).5 Funding may come
from global sources as well, ranging from outside states to diasporic organiza-
tions and individuals. Kaldor speaks of a privatization of war in which weak
states cannot retain a monopoly of power, encouraging autonomous factions
to create and maintain conflicts (2006, 96–​102). Privatization is aided by the
ability to make war with inexpensive weapons and transport (the pickup truck
loaded with men carrying light arms). She argues that there has also been an
increasing privatization of violence as states lose their ability to enforce laws
and as regular armed forces disintegrate.
4 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

Münkler, like Kaldor, emphasizes the privatization of war, but he also

stresses the increasing asymmetry of conflicts (2003, 7–╉9; 2005, 25–╉30). These
wars contrast with those of the 20th century, which tended to be symmetri-
cal in the sense that power was more or less equal between adversaries. Now
the level of force is more unequal, whether it be the United States fighting
against Saddam Hussein’s forces in Iraq or Libyans fighting against the army
of Muammar el-╉Qaddafi.
Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt deepen the discussion of 21st-╉century
wars through the linked concept of imperialism and empire. The old impe-
rial model that dominated the modern period was based on sovereign nation-╉
states that extended over foreign territory. This has given way to Empire, a new
order of networked power consisting of states, corporations, and institutions
that must cooperate to insure world order. However, the network is rife with
hierarchies and divisions that cause continual war, diminishing the difference
between war and peace. War has “flooded the whole social field” (Hardt and
Negri 2004, 7), eroding the old idea of war being an exception, when constitu-
tional rights are temporarily suspended, between periods of peace. Drawing on
Foucault’s concept of biopolitics, Negri and Hardt assert that war now domi-
nates all social relations, becoming a means of social control. Wars are thus
rendered indeterminate in time and space. Since they are a means of social
control, they cannot be won, and thus war and policing merge. Biopower not
only involves the ability to destroy on a massive scale, for example, through
nuclear weapons, but can be individualized. In its extreme individualized
form biopower becomes torture (19).
Roberto Esposito similarly references Foucault for a concept of biopower
that stresses immunization and autoimmunity as hallmarks of past and pres-
ent social conditions (2013). Modern nations have long attempted to immu-
nize themselves from danger outside their borders through various defensive
means, including war. This was successful enough during the 20th century,
but with globalization and the breakdown of boundaries through commu-
nication and economics it becomes impossible for nations to isolate them-
selves. The border between outside and inside is now porous. Although the old
immunization processes no longer work, nation-╉states do not seek new solu-
tions. Instead, they increase attempts at immunization, particularly through
“security” measures such as sending armies and machinery, including drones,
to fight conflicts outside the nation’s boundaries and instilling anti-╉immigra-
tion laws and walls aimed at keeping out intruders. Eventually this results in
what Esposito refers to as “autoimmunity,” when the body turns on itself. As
we saw in the American suspension of habeas corpus and the Geneva conven-
tions for enemy combatants during the Iraq War, as well as the invasions of
privacy by the US National Security Agency revealed by the Snowden papers,
Introduction 5

increasing attempts at immunization become threats to democracy. Political

analyst Christopher Coker, agrees: “Governments today have had to go into
the deterrence business no longer against states, but against their own pop-
ulation. The Patriot Act, Guantanamo Bay, and the whole apparatus of the
Department of Homeland Security, is about holding the citizen at bay, as well
as some external enemy. The battlefield used to be outside a country, in the-
atres of operation beyond one’s shore. ‘Theatres of external operations’ they
used to be called. Today, they are to be found in the metropolitan concentra-
tions at home” (2010, 120). Coker goes on to speak about the breakdown of
the civic contract between citizen and state. As individuals are increasingly
expected to look after themselves, society divides between those few who have
the means to do so and the majority who do not. Now, he says, insecurity is an
existential state (2010, 121–╉122).
Another vital aspect of current war is its mediatization. General Rupert
Smith calls today’s conflicts “war among the people,” in which “the people in
the streets and houses and fields—╉all the people, anywhere—╉are the battle-
field” (2008, 6). As such we exist in “a global theater of war, with audience
participation.” By this he means that “the people of the audience have come
to influence the decisions of the political leaders who send in force as much
as—╉in some cases more than—╉the events on the ground” (2008, 291). Smith
is primarily concerned with the global impact of the professional press, but
in today’s wars, every faction, from combatants, to the audiences across the
globe, to the civilians directly affected by the conflicts, is using media to tell
stories that support their views. The choreographies described in this book (a
large number of which can be seen on YouTube) are no exception to the global
profusion, nor are the chapters themselves, in an age when books are rou-
tinely produced or reproduced in digital form, making them instantly avail-
able worldwide.

CHOREOGR APHY
An extensive body of literature and visual records exist demonstrating how
choreography has aided in the training for war, in encouraging fighters and
warning enemies, and in celebrating victory in battle.6 Anthropologists have
recorded war and warrior dances among the Ndende of Zambia and other sub-╉
Saharan African peoples (Evans-╉Pritchard 1937; Turner 1957, 1967; Ranger
1975; Hanna 1977; Spencer 1985). In a Western context, the pyrrhike, pos-
sibly originating in Crete and later adopted by the Athenians, formed an ele-
ment of training for war among Spartan youths (Borthwick 1970; Sachs 1937,
239–╉240), while in Rome processional triumphs marked conquests of new
territory (Brilliant 2000; Bergmann and Kondoleon 2000). Dances, pageants,
6 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

and processions celebrating military victories were part of Renaissance and

baroque court life, as well as of the French Revolution (McGowan 1984;
Chazin-​Bennahum 1981).
In the 20th century, dances that were once tribal transformed themselves in
urban environments: during the South African apartheid era, the traditional
toyi-​toyi war dance was performed in black funeral processions, unsettling
whites seeing it on the evening news (Seidman 2001, Twala and Koetaan 2006),
while the kongonya dance that served Zimbabwean independence fighters in
the bush became a weapon President Mugabe has continued to use to reinforce
his dictatorship (Gonye 2013). As for 20th-​century Western theatrical perfor-
mance, although surprisingly little research has been done on Futurist dance,
with its ecstatic embrace of war,7 there are numerous studies of Ausdruckstanz
and its relationship first to the antiwar Dada artists during World War I and
then to the Nazi regime (Richter 1965; Manning 1993; Karina and Kant 2003).
The turn to antifascist and patriotic subject matter in allied countries leading
up to and during World War II also has been studied (Warren 1998; N. M.
Jackson 2000; Foulkes 2002; Franko 1995, 2012). Choreography in relationship
to the Cold War years has begun to be examined (Prevots 1998; Morris 2006;
Kowal 2010; Ezrahi; 2012; Giersdorf 2013). Sally Banes discussed anti–​Vietnam
War choreography by Steve Paxton (Collaboration with Wintersoldier) and
Yvonne Rainer (WAR) (Banes 1977, 15, 63–​64), while artist Chris Burden has
commented on his own antiwar performances, the most famous of which was
Shoot (1971), in which he had himself shot with a .22 rifle.
Choreographies of 21st Century Wars adds to this literature through a focus
on contemporary war. At the same time, we move beyond what is tradition-
ally defined as dance to take a broader view of choreography. Since the 1960s,
Western artists, often working across media and boundaries of different per-
formance disciplines, have explored and expanded the definitions of dance
and choreography.8 More recently, performance studies scholars, in conver-
sation with cultural studies, have called for the questioning of disciplinary
boundaries to analyze performances across all disciplines and outside theatri-
cal institutions (Schechner 1985). Dance studies has expanded dance by high-
lighting choreography as a structuring system for any kind of movement with
inherent political potentiality and by rethinking it as a methodological tool
(Foster 1986, 1995; Franko 1993, 1995; Martin 1998).
While incorporating these broader concepts that move choreography
beyond the often narrowly confined definitions of dance, we try to avoid uni-
versalizing these strategies by centering attention on localized and cultur-
ally specific uses of choreography within the context of warfare and politics.
Thus, choreography can include soldiers participating in a mock battle on the
Indian/​Pakistani border, as a reminder of state rivalries; arranging hostage
Introduction 7

videos in the Israeli-​occupied Palestinian Territories to demonstrate to audi-

ences through comportment and movement the vulnerability of prisoners and
the might of captors; or videogames that develop embodied skills in players
in the United States that prepare them for real war under the guise of virtual
entertainment (while also promoting a romanticized idea of a painless war).
As these examples illustrate, for our conceptualization of the relationship
between contemporary war and choreographed movement we recognize cho-
reography as an organizational, decision-​making, and analytical system that
is always social and political. This incorporates established definitions of cho-
reography as purposeful stagings of structured, embodied movements that
aim to communicate an idea or create meaning for an actual, conceptual, or
purposefully absent audience for aesthetic and social reasons. Important for
this definition is the acknowledgement of training, technique, rehearsal, per-
formance, and reception as intrinsic parts of choreography, not only to reveal
labor and agency but also to examine discipline and resistance to it (Foster
1986). For this reason, choreography is situated outside any specific technique
and thus is not necessarily tied to dance. In other words, we see choreography
as an operational concept in addition to a spatial and temporal one.
Equally important is the understanding of choreography as a knowledge sys-
tem. With such an understanding, both term and practice become an explicit
methodology and a theorization in dance studies (Foster 2010, 5). Here, chore-
ography allows scholars to structure both historical and social traces of dance
and the scholars’ contemporary position to this material in relation to each
other. Such a comprehension of choreography attempts to emancipate both
dance and choreography from a Cartesian grip that establishes a clear binary
between, and hierarchy for, disembodied thinking and embodied practice.
Without erasing the distinctions between the written, the theorized, and the
choreographed, the understanding of choreography as a knowledge system
establishes both dance and choreography as thought and theory, and thus
broadens the permanent realm of writing and other textual and artistic prod-
ucts toward it. Choreography as a knowledge system no longer focuses exclu-
sively on performance and thereby addresses the issues of ephemerality and
disappearance, which have haunted dance and choreography in both theory
and practice (Schneider 2011).
Choreography as a knowledge system does not eliminate the problem of
its practice and theory as universalizing instruments, which do not always
acknowledge their ties to a specific cultural materiality. We are aware of this
problem and the seeming neutrality of choreography. There is no such sys-
tematic neutrality, as Michel Foucault demonstrated, and it is important to
recognize the possibility that such a concept of choreography can enable, or
at least be complicit with, colonial, postcolonial, and economically globalizing
8 G ay M orris and J ens R ichard G iersdorf

projects, as much as it can resist such projects (Foster 2010; Giersdorf 2009;
Savigliano 2009).
All these reconceptualizations of choreography need to be applied to the
use of choreography in relation to contemporary warfare. The rethinking of
permanence, continuity, and social ordering and organization, as well as the
political potential of choreography, is thus at the center of the investigations
performed by the essays in this anthology, and we want to reassess the rela-
tionship among these issues in the following considerations.
Dance scholarship historically has recognized choreography as an organiz-
ing principle related to social order. The Renaissance has been established as
the period where dance and warfare literally crossed paths in the training and
performance of both pursuits. Gerald Siegmund and Stefan Hölscher empha-
size the ordering capacity of dance and warfare, stating that “warfare, dance’s
notorious partner in the eternal duet of order and chaos, was to defend and
to safeguard the order of the state towards its external enemies, dancing was
designed to establish and keep an inner order by forging alliances and safe-
guarding the order by its playful work towards reproduction” (2013, 9). Rudolf
zur Lippe highlights the complex reordering and controlling of society, self,
and embodiment through dance and choreography in his socioeconomic anal-
ysis of early Italian merchantry and absolutism in French noble society (1981).
Similarly, Mark Franko sees choreography and dance technique at that time
as constitutive practices that affected political and social structures directly
(1993). All these scholars share an understanding of the extension of the pro-
ductive potential of choreography into social and contemporary practices.
Choreography is a Western concept whose name combines the Greek words
for dance and writing. Raoul Auger Feuillet created the term for his scoring of
dances around 1700. His dance notation depicted the structure and layout of
dance in relation to social standards and techniques of upper-​class conduct,
but the term later came to connote the original creation of dances. It is impor-
tant to stress that the terminology and practice of choreography functioned
as a textual organization that works primarily to reinforce a particular kind
of order in society. Bodies were literally trained and arranged in space and
in relation to each other to move in a harmonious way to reflect and instill
order, manifested through notation of geometrical horizontal patterns and an
expected emphasis on vertical posture. The choreographer ostensibly created
such choreographies through artistic musing and divine inspiration. With
the institutionalization of choreography and specifically dance as a theatri-
cal practice, the arrangements of steps and gestures in a staged space and to a
musical or seemingly natural rhythm served primarily as a mirroring device
for an emerging bourgeois society. The material for these choreographies was
drawn from an established academic vocabulary and technique, which the
Introduction 9

choreographer manipulated into varied arrangements. With the development

and eventual dominance of ballet as an institution, choreographers became
concerned with narrative and expressivity, which, it was assumed, permitted a
direct and universal communication with an audience present in the theater.
To accomplish all of this for spectators, the executing dancer had to be com-
petently trained and able to follow choreographic instructions in the rehearsal
process (Foster 1998).
With dance conceived as a mastery of technique in the middle of the 19th
century, Western choreography in ballet, and later in modern dance, engaged
with movement derived from nature and the vernacular, something folk forms
had always done (Garafola 1989; Daly 2002). In concert dance, choreography
expanded its capacity to influence society by incorporating female choreogra-
phers and by engaging with the newly defined psychological sphere (Tomko
1999; Daly 2002). The conscious, if unacknowledged, incorporation of non-​
Western or indigenous dance techniques and structures as primitive or exotic
Other was still considered a product of the choreographer’s genius rather
than of skillful borrowing. It was not until the middle of the 20th century
that practitioners and historians began to acknowledge the incorporation of
non-​Western and indigenous forms and structures into the movement pool
and process of choreography. This acknowledgment of multiple influences, as
well as a focus on improvisation and process, allowed for a departure from
the idea that it was the individual choreographer’s genius that propelled dance
forward (Savigliano 2009; O’Shea 2007; Novack 1990). With this shift, chore-
ography of the so-​called postmodern era became a varied decision-​making
process concerning all aspects of performances and social structures rather
than a safeguarding and structuring of steps or gestures for a performance.
However, even though the process could involve group or individual decisions,
reconstruction or revisiting of traditional material, or rearrangement of exist-
ing structures, it still acknowledged choreography as an organizational prin-
ciple, though often a critical and resistive one.9
It is also significant how in its changing incarnations choreography has
always been a social endeavor—​a lbeit with shifting objectives—​at the inter-
section of the aesthetic and the political, and did not emerge only with the
rise of the bourgeois public sphere as has been argued (Hewitt 2005, 17). To
understand that necessary social element means to acknowledge choreogra-
phy as text and metaphor, yet most importantly as embodied, and thus the
need to analyze it first and foremost from that perspective. All the authors in
this anthology share this conviction, even though they come from diverse dis-
ciplinary backgrounds and engage in a variety of methodologies. A significant
aspect of this understanding of choreography as above all embodied is a criti-
cal stance toward the above-​mentioned preoccupation with an ephemerality
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